In the last decade of the 18th century, the Danish state experienced a period of prosperity, which was characterized by a German-Danish cultural transfer in all intellectual fields. The first clouds were cast by the rise of an artistic self-confidence. Asmus Jacob Carstens from Schleswig and Ernst Meyer from Altona, who felt disadvantaged in the awarding of medals and protested vehemently, were expelled from the art academy in Copenhagen in 1781 and 1821. Nevertheless, the Copenhagen Art Academy had a strong attraction for numerous artists from northern Germany. In this respect, Caspar David Friedrich, Philipp Otto Runge and Georg Friedrich Kersting are primarily worthy of mention. The Danish sculptor Bertel Thorvaldsen was a strong link between the Germans and Scandinavians living in Rome throughout his life. The first cracks in the good bilateral relationship came with the strengthening of the national liberal movements. In 1842, the influential teacher at the Copenhagen Art Academy, N.L. Høyen, drew up a program aimed at repressing influences from abroad, especially from Germany. Not all artists heeded Høyens call for a return to national themes of history, folk life, and nature, so that two groups confronted each other in Denmark: the nationalists and the Europeans. With the German-Danish War of 1848/51 there was a rift, and with the war of 1864 the final break. Only after twenty years did the academies of Copenhagen and Berlin resume contact. From 1883 onwards, there were reciprocal visits, which led to Danish artists once again taking part in representative exhibitions in Berlin or Munich. Conversely, however, German artists were denied participation in exhibitions in Copenhagen, an exception being the International Art Exhibition on the inauguration of the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek in Copenhagen in 1897. A spirit freed from all academic constraints also emanated from the artist colonies in Europe. In particular, the works of the Skagen painters were enthusiastically celebrated at exhibitions in Munich and Berlin, which led to some German painters traveling to the Danish artists' colony, where they were received without prejudice. However, at no time was there a balance in the official acceptance and appreciation of the art of the respective neighbouring country. While painters such as Michael Ancher and Peder Severin Krøyer sold works to renowned collectors and museums in Germany, no Danish Museum acquired the work of a German artist during the period under study. The Berlin painter Walter Leistikow, who was married to a Danish woman, worked hard to stimulate a German-Danish art transfer and succeeded in getting the leading Danish gallery owner Valdemar Kleis to offer German painters the opportunity to exhibit in Copenhagen for the first time in 1894, most of whom belonged to the group Die XI, a precursor of the Berlin Secession. The appreciation of the Skagen painters was replaced at the turn of the century by admiration works by F.J. Willumsen and Vilhelm Hammershøj. Hammershøj filled a room of his own at the Great Berlin Art Exhibition in 1900 with 14 works, and the Schulte Gallery in Berli While German admiration for Danish art peaked between 1890 and 1900, people in Denmark continued to look past the German art scene. This was also experienced by the artists' group Die Brücke, which sought foreign members soon after its founding. When Kleis presented works by the Brücke artists in Copenhagen in 1908, they too received only negative reviews. In March 1910, the time seemed ripe for a change of mood. The Berlin gallery owner Herwarth Walden strove to make his Sturm-Galerie a rallying point for the European modernist art movements. In July 1912, he rented the exhibition building of the secessionist group Den Frie in Copenhagen and held an exhibition of Italian Futurists there. When Walden was celebrated by the Danish press as a cosmopolitan who had brought modernism to Copenhagen, he showed works by the French Henri le Fauconier and Raoul Dufy, as well as the painters Marianne von Werefkin and Gabriele Münter, but the tenor of the press was again dominated by anti-German resentment. After the outbreak of World War I, Walden allowed himself to be abused by the German propaganda department of the German Secret and Intelligence Service, which strove to correct the image of Germans abroad as cultural barbarians. Walden showed works by Kandinsky, Klee, Kokoschka, Marc, and again Gabriele Münter at the Copenhagen artists’ cabaret Edderkoppen in the fall of 1917. He also planned an exhibition of Danish avant-garde in his Sturm Gallery in Berlin, but the artists had become suspicious in the face of German propaganda, which was celebrating a last military success. The exhibition was canceled. This did not prevent Walden from organizing an exhibition at Kleis’ art shop in Copenhagen shortly before the end of the war, under the guise of internationalism. This was Walden's largest and most ambitious project in Scandinavia. Of the 133 works exhibited, almost half came from Germany. The attempt to convince the Danes of the excellence of German art failed miserably, because the basic conviction was still: Everything that comes from Germany is bad. The opening took place on November 28 and ended on December 16, 1918, by which time the war was already over.
M. Rendón-Anaya, Jonathan Wilson, S. Sveinsson
et al.
Abstract Understanding local adaptation has become a key research area given the ongoing climate challenge and the concomitant requirement to conserve genetic resources. Perennial plants, such as forest trees, are good models to study local adaptation given their wide geographic distribution, largely outcrossing mating systems, and demographic histories. We evaluated signatures of local adaptation in European aspen (Populus tremula) across Europe by means of whole-genome resequencing of a collection of 411 individual trees. We dissected admixture patterns between aspen lineages and observed a strong genomic mosaicism in Scandinavian trees, evidencing different colonization trajectories into the peninsula from Russia, Central and Western Europe. As a consequence of the secondary contacts between populations after the last glacial maximum, we detected an adaptive introgression event in a genome region of ∼500 kb in chromosome 10, harboring a large-effect locus that has previously been shown to contribute to adaptation to the short growing seasons characteristic of Northern Scandinavia. Demographic simulations and ancestry inference suggest an Eastern origin—probably Russian—of the adaptive Nordic allele which nowadays is present in a homozygous state at the north of Scandinavia. The strength of introgression and positive selection signatures in this region is a unique feature in the genome. Furthermore, we detected signals of balancing selection, shared across regional populations, that highlight the importance of standing variation as a primary source of alleles that facilitate local adaptation. Our results, therefore, emphasize the importance of migration–selection balance underlying the genetic architecture of key adaptive quantitative traits.
Høyesterett behandlet i 1847 for første gang overtredelse av bestemmelsen i Norske Lov om «Omgængelse, som er imod Naturen (…)» i en sak som gjaldt seksuell omgang mellom mennesker av samme kjønn. De tiltalte var bondekona Simonetha og to av hennes tjenestepiker fra Gjerøy på Helgeland. Hva var årsaken til at denne saken kom opp for domstolene? Hadde dette vakt «almindelig Forargelse», slik høyesterettsdommerne la til grunn for sin dom? Selv om det gikk rykter og var en kjent sak at Simonetha «tilfredsstilte sin vellyst» med kvinner, har det ikke vært mulig å finne spor etter sterke negative reaksjoner eller sanksjoner i miljøet rundt henne. Brudd på ulike sedelighetsnormer var ikke uvanlig, og alt tyder på at Simonetha hadde et stort handlingsrom. Ekteskapsinngåelse var av stor betydning for hennes økonomiske situasjon og sosiale status og ikke til hinder for at hun kunne ha seksuelle forhold til kvinner. Ut fra foreliggende kilder og mikroanalyse fremmes en hypotese om at en medvirkende årsak til at saken kom opp, er å finne hos en sogneprest som hadde behov for å sette en stopper for manglende lydighet, og som kunne benytte rettsapparatet til å sanksjonere dette.
The focus of this study is to summarize the data on the distribution and foraging preference of Bombus (Megabombus) consobrinus Dahlbom, 1832 in the European North of Russia. The range of B. consobrinus in this region mostly repeats the disjunctions of the range of Aconitum septentrionale that is also known in Scandinavia. In other regions of Northern Eurasia, the close relationship of B. consobrinus with Aconitum is not obvious. This bumblebee species may be regarded as oligolectic in Northern Europe and the European North of Russia. We assume the presence of a coadaptive relationship of this bumblebee species with A. septentrionale in this region that presumably have been caused by the complex history of B. consobrinus in the European North.
With Participatory Design (PD) increasingly applied across a range of cultural contexts, there is a growing need to better understand the relationship between PD and the many distinct traditional approaches to decision-making PD encounters and the democratic ideals underpinning them. Currently, the PD discourse is strongly tied to Scandinavian democratic history and ideals. Most prominently, contemporary PD literature has drawn links between design and the etymology of the word ‘Thing’ – a democratic gathering in ancient Northern European societies. While this concept provides a useful lens for planning and analysing PD projects conducted in Scandinavia, other conceptualizations of design might be more useful and appropriate for PD taking place elsewhere. By conducting an initial exploration of traditional approaches to democratic decision-making practiced in parts of the Asia-Pacific, this paper offers a small step towards appreciating the diversity of democratic ideals PD may meet, how PD may adapt to these, and what can be learned from them. The paper, specifically, explores the traditions of musyawarah-mufakat practiced in Indonesia, and to a more limited extend talanoa, berkaul and hui practiced in Fiji, Sumatra, and Aotearoa respectively.
In an era of culturally driven growth, urban identities are of central importance for the branding of cities. However, urban identities are under constant re-negotiation as cities’ populations become more diverse. In northern Scandinavia, some cities have developed on what were traditionally Indigenous lands but have failed to acknowledge the role these roots and histories have played in shaping the city’s identity. As the numbers of Indigenous people living in cities grow and they begin to assert their right to the city, the relationship between a city’s ‘majority population’ identity and its ‘Indigenous’ identity may become contested. Looking at the northern Scandinavian cities of Tromsø (Norway) and Umeå (Sweden), we study the conflicts that have arisen around the cities’ place identity. In Tromsø, the conflicts concerned joining the Sámi Administration Area. Whereas, in Umeå, the Sámi identity of the city was contested in relation to the inauguration of Umeå as European Capital of Culture 2014. Drawing on theories of place identity, social justice and the right to the city and analysing representations of place identity in the local media and public fora, we discuss the importance of change and reproduction of urban identities and power relations in the two cities. We conclude that contestation can open up space for change and challenge the city’s dominant power relations, encouraging a resurgent politics of recognition of Indigenous identities rather than a conciliatory form of settler-state recognition that (re)produces and maintains colonial relations.
Samandrag
Kongen oppheva i 1618 forbodet mot sagbruksdrift på kongens grunn.
Etter dette utvikla sagbruksdrifta i Midt-Norge (Trøndelag, Nordmøre
og Romsdal) seg i løpet av få år til å bli det området i Norge med
størst sagbordproduksjon. Fordi tidlegare studiar av sagbruksdrifta
i Trøndelag ikkje har analysert produksjonstala, er omfanget av
produksjonen ikkje tidlegare dokumentert. Trøndelag var ein utkant
i sagbruksnæringa og dermed sårbar for konjunktursvingingar. Analysar
av produksjonen avdekker desse konjunktursvingingane, som er viktige
for å forstå utviklinga.Tidlegare analysar har basert seg på stikkprøvar
omtrent kvart tiande år av talet på sager og kven som var sageigarar.
Denne artikkelen utnyttar derimot heile datamaterialet om sagbruksdrifta
i Trøndelag for perioden 1610–1663, slik ein finn det i lensrekneskapane.
Artikkelen viser at datagrunnlaget i tidlegare analysar var altfor
spinkelt til å dra generelle konklusjonar.Som eksempel kan nemnast
at analysar av produksjonen gir andre svar på kven som var dei viktigaste
sageigarane, enn ei opprekning av kor mange sager den enkelte sageigaren
hadde. Vidare at parten bondesager ikkje gjekk ned fordi bøndene
vart pressa ut av næringa, men som følgje av at bøndene stort sett
hadde små sager med dårleg økonomi, og dermed ikkje tolte sterkare
skattlegging og dårlege konjunkturar.
ABSTRACT: In Gerpla (1952), Halldór Laxness’s newly envisioned saga characters leave their native fjords
and encounter different cultures on their travels abroad. They find themselves where
the Greco-Roman cultural heritage meets the Northern legacy. Rewriting the saga heritage
in times of civilization’s monumental decline, Halldór does not withdraw to the medieval
and the remote but instead seeks the very roots of Western narrative and culture.
Thus Gerpla, recently translated as Wayward Heroes (2016), can be located not only as a modern Icelandic response to the literature
of the Old North, but also as a contribution to the European literature of exile;
from The Odyssey to Ulysses, from Divina Commedia to Don Quixote.1 x1. This article is shaped by my years of teaching Icelandic literature at the University
of Manitoba’s Department of Icelandic Language and Literature. While serving there
as the Chair of Icelandic (2003–2015), I enjoyed the good fortune to reflect on the
subject in the company of highly gifted students. One of them is the guest editor
of this special volume, and I would like to thank Dr. Dustin Geeraert for his immense
contribution to this article.
History of Northern Europe. Scandinavia, Language and Literature
Abstract
From the 1890s to World War I, the fire insurance mutuals had
insured larger values than their main competitor, the state-owned
Norges Brannkasse, in the countryside. In 1922 twenty-three local
fire insurance mutuals established a common reinsurance mutual,
Samtrygd, which also functioned as an umbrella organisation for
an increasing number of members. The main initiators behind Samtrygd
were not the fire insurance mutuals, which were predominantly locally
oriented, but the Farmer’s Union and a commercial bank, Bøndernes
Bank, which guaranteed Samtrygd’s start-up costs. Samtrygd solved
one of the structural weaknesses of the local fire insurance mutuals:
lack of a cost-efficient reinsurance, which was necessary to insure
ever more expensive buildings and chattel. From the late 1920s,
more than half of local fire insurance mutuals were members of Samtrygd.
Thus, with the assistance of Samtrygd the local fire insurance mutuals
were able to consolidate their market position in countryside in
the inter-war period despite the fact that fire insurance continued
to be the only form of non-life insurance they could offer. Their
core customers and members, the farmers, bought cars and lorries
in significant numbers which demanded other forms of non-life insurance.
Samtrygd’s initiators had planned that the fire insurance mutuals
should expand into more densely populated areas and possibly the
suburbs in the municipalities in the countryside. However, the fire
insurance mutuals, governed by the local farmer elite, decided to
stick to their last, and abstained from engaging in the growing
markets in such areas.
The paper raises the question of which problems must be dealt with when translating phraseologisms, ad-hoc words, rare expressions, and word play. Related to the search for the best solutions when selecting a suitable expression is the problem of 'loss'. The translator is often in a dilemma about whether or not some aspects of the meaning should be omitted. In this respect translation is viewed as problem solving.
Germanic languages. Scandinavian languages, History of Northern Europe. Scandinavia
This paper, 'On the Transcription of Dutch Proper Names in Bulgarian' aims at providing general rules and guidelines to be applied in a new model for the transcription of Dutch proper names in Bulgarian. The fundamental principles of translation, transliteration and transcription have been considered as the most common methods for rendering proper names from a source language into a target language with a different writing system. It is crucial that the rendering of proper names be based on the authentic articulation of the Dutch name, avoiding the imitation of its true pronunciation. The written form of the name should also be taken into account as a lasting means of communication which can affect spoken language. Such traditional versions often occurred in the past as a result of lexical translations of parts of the name or of the whole name, as well as of morphological and/or phonological adaptations. The paper shows that when rendering Dutch names into Bulgarian priority should be given to transcription over transliteration. However, the latter can be used when a sound has no equivalent in Bulgarian or when it is necessary for a name to be easily and accurately retranscribed.
Germanic languages. Scandinavian languages, History of Northern Europe. Scandinavia
Considering the increasingly turbulent coexistence of the German-speaking population and the Czech-speaking population of the Bohemian lands in the 19th century, it seems useful to explore when the notions "nationality" and "nation" started to spread in the public. When searching for the answer to this question, particularly daily as well as weekly newspapers are helpful because they were the dominant mass media in the 19th as well as at the beginning of the 20th century. Thus, on the one hand newspapers reflected the public discourse, on the other hand they were also shaping it to a large extent. This paper therefore analyses the public discourse on the 1890 census in one German-language newspaper and one Czech-language newspaper from Bohemia, in order to see, whether or to what extent the categories "nationality" and "nation" had already been present in public discourse. The comparative approach is essential in order to show the discourse from a more complex perspective. In the paper, the main attention is being paid to the analysis of argumentation.
Germanic languages. Scandinavian languages, History of Northern Europe. Scandinavia
Marvell’s experiences as traveling tutor, diplomat and political agent add a dimension of real international encounter in his poetry and prose that stands in addition to the literary citation or quotation of non-English books, and makes his verse distinctive among his contemporaries. This essay maps some of the literary landscape and the politics of literature in the places he visited in Europe, Russia and Scandinavia, and not least the monarchical absolutism experienced by some writers in these places. While some of this encounter and literary knowledge is reflected in his writing, other parts are not. The dominant pattern is that the north European encounter is in general not met by northern literary influence in Marvell’s writing: features of citation, quotation, allusion and echo are largely to southern European sources: mostly French and Italian, but also Spanish. Marvell’s interest in the longer history of lyric is set in the context of the Thirty Years War that seriously inhibited access to valuable ancient manuscripts. The question of the possible influence of some of Marvell’s writings, especially his poetry, in seventeenth-century Europe is discussed. It is to be hoped that the geography of poetry begun here will help illuminate the European dimensions of Marvell’s writings as more concrete details of his activities and his writings in Europe as well as in England are discovered.
Within British culture in recent years there has been a growing fascination with all things Scandinavian. This has ranged from Danish television series The Killing (Forbrydelsen) through to hit Nordic noir novels and Northern European cuisine. At such an auspicious time when Britons have been re- evaluating their relationship with Scandinavia, UK museums have been exploring that most notorious period of Northern European history; 2013 saw a collaborative exhibition on the Vikings between National Museums Scotland and the Historical Museum (Historiska Museet) in Stockholm, Sweden. Now, London’s cultural powerhouse the British Museum is tackling the subject in Vikings: Life and Legend, housed in the new custom built Sainsbury’s Exhibition Centre and representing the first major take on the ancient inhabitants of the Nordic region in over 30 years at that institution.