Importance. Over the past three decades of independence, fundamental transformations in the political and economic systems have led to profound changes in the social environments of the Central Asian countries. Think tanks, as integral components of modern public administration systems, play a significant role in the political processes of the five Central Asian states, which operate under incomplete democratic systems. Concurrently, given the region's strategic role as a key hub connecting Asia and Europe and a vital bridge for Sino-Russian cooperation, analyzing the current status and developmental disparities among these think tanks holds substantial practical value. Materials and Methods. Based on think tank rankings published by the University of Pennsylvania's research group and supplementary data from five Central Asian countries, 51 influential think tanks were selected for a comprehensive study. Through statistical analysis, text analysis, case studies, historical research, and comparative analysis, this research systematically examines: the current status and characteristics of Central Asian think tanks; their management and operational odels; the approaches and effectiveness of their participation in policy-making processes; the reasons for disparities in their engagement with political processes. Results and Discussion. Central Asian think tanks can be roughly divided into three main categories: government, academic, and independent. Their funding sources are diverse, and their research covers a wide range of areas. However, the level of development and influence on government decision-making vary from country to country, depending on political institutions and socioeconomic conditions. Additionally, their organizational and operational models are characterized by relative closeness, meaning information on financing and project management mechanisms is rarely available from open sources. The role of these think tanks in national politics can be divided into two areas: direct influence on policy formation and indirect influence through shaping public opinion. Conclusion. Among the various types of Central Asian think tanks, government-affiliated institutions exert the strongest influence on decision-making, followed by academic entities, while independent ones have the least impact. Nationally, Kazakhstan‟s think tanks hold the greatest influence, with Uzbekistan ranking second, Kyrgyzstan third, and Tajikistan and Turkmenistan demonstrating the lowest policy impact. This hierarchy correlates with each country‟s political openness, institutional maturity, and think tanks‟ integration into governance processes.
N. Ibadildin, Aigul Aitbayeva, Symbat Issabayeva
et al.
Amid rising technological and institutional complexity, public administration increasingly confronts the limitations of traditional bureaucratic mechanisms for project delivery. Lengthy approval cycles, fragmented accountability, and weak interagency coordination reduce the state’s capacity to respond promptly to socio-economic challenges and implement innovative solutions. In this context, accelerated models of managing government initiatives-focused on achieving measurable outcomes within compressed timeframes-are of growing scholarly and practical interest. This study substantiates the feasibility and conditions for adapting the government acceleration model “100 Days Challenge,” implemented in the United Arab Emirates, to the public administration system of the Republic of Kazakhstan. The methodological basis comprises qualitative case analysis, comparative examination of international government accelerator practices, and analysis of the pilot application of the 100-day methodology in Kazakhstan in 2024. The article demonstrates that acceleration mechanisms can substantially shorten the implementation time of cross-agency projects, increase controllability and transparency, and create conditions for institutional learning in the public sector. It is argued that direct transplantation of the UAE model into Kazakhstan is not feasible due to differences in project management maturity and institutional environment. As a scientific contribution, the paper proposes an adaptation framework-Kazakh 100-Day Challenge (K-100)-that combines a centralized political mandate, temporary autonomous acceleration structures, and formalized transparency and documentation protocols. The findings expand understanding of governance innovation transfer mechanisms in transitional administrative systems and may inform the design of national tools for accelerating public reforms. Keywords: project management; public administration; acceleration; innovation; rapid innovation model; government accelerators; digital maturity
The definition and function of Islamic education are still a hot debate in Central Asian Muslim societies. Islam is a significant characteristic of these societies, and the governments approach the idea more utterly. The entire region is earmarked by a distinctive aspect of Islamic civilization that shaped the political and socio-economic structure of this region. This distinction corresponds to a spectacular culture with much broader intellectual traditions rooted in Inner Asia than those of Iran and the Middle East. The study of Islam in Central Asia not only represents various socio-political issues but also discusses contemporary intellectual revival (Tajdid) in the Islamic education system. The Soviet imposition of the teaching of scientific atheism in public schools meant that there were virtually no educators who were familiar with secular, social scientific curricula and teaching methodologies on the study of religion. The lack of pedagogical tools for teaching social scientific approaches to religion led to the widespread view that religion can or should be understood only in doctrinal terms. Not surprisingly, critical and comparative approaches to the study of religion, still in a nascent stage of development, have not found much of a following. The extreme Salafist elucidations of Islam, as well as leaden approaches of traditional viewpoints, are also a challenge to Islamic education in Central Asia since 2005. In 2010, Central Asian scholars of Islam became aware of the potential dangers of an overly narrow religious education and regularly express these concerns due to the isolation of much of the region from prestigious centres of Islamic learning, including Jamiaal-Azhar of Egypt, Arab Institutions and reputed Indo-Pak religious seminaries. In the given context, this article assesses the contemporary discourse of Islamic education in Central Asian Muslim societies, as well as its socio-political implications and significant challenges for designing a balanced pedagogical framework in Islamic education.
This study provides a comprehensive empirical analysis of the dynamic relationship between fiscal policy and public debt sustainability in Pakistan from 1990 to 2023. It investigates the long- and short-run impacts of government expenditure, taxation, and fiscal deficits on the nation's escalating debt burden. Employing a quantitative research design and advanced econometric techniques, including the Auto-Regressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) model, the research utilizes robust time-series data from the State Bank of Pakistan, World Bank, and IMF. The findings reveal that persistent fiscal deficits are the primary driver of public debt accumulation, exhibiting a strong positive correlation. Furthermore, while tax revenue enhancements demonstrate a limited stabilizing effect in the short run, their role in ensuring long-term debt sustainability is critical. The analysis identifies a structural imbalance, with recurrent government expenditure, particularly on debt-servicing and non-developmental sectors, crowding out productive investment and exacerbating fiscal fragility. The study concludes that Pakistan's fiscal policy has historically prioritized short-term political and economic objectives, inadvertently fuelling a debt-deficit spiral and compromising long-term macroeconomic stability. Consequently, the research strongly advocates for deep-rooted structural reforms, including a significant broadening of the tax base, strategic rationalization of public spending towards development projects, and the institutionalization of fiscal discipline through enhanced governance and transparency. These measures are imperative to break the cycle of indebtedness and secure a trajectory of sustainable and inclusive economic growth. References Ahmad, M. H., & Abbas, Q. (2022). 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Introduction. The problems of the development of the political systems of the Central Asian countries have now become particularly relevant in the context of global political tension. Due to its geographical location, the region is becoming an arena of competition for influence between major powers, economic blocs and multinational corporations. The purpose of the study is to determine the vector of changes in the party and political systems of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan and its impact on the transformation of the party and political system. Materials and Methods. The empirical basis of the article is the analysis of the results of the presidential and parliamentary elections in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan in 2019‒2022, as well as the political reform programs announced by the leaders of these countries who came to power as a result of these elections. The authors’ research strategy is based on neo-institutional analysis, which allows us to identify not only the formal parameters of the political system, but also the informal interactions of political actors. Results. Three stages of the formation of political systems in the post-Soviet period have been identified and described. The common features of their institutionalization and functioning are revealed: the ongoing process of party-building of political institutions, accompanied by changes in the constitutional system, a combination of liberalization and exclusion of the opposition from the political process, and in some cases a ban on the activities of opposition parties. The specific feature of the evolution of party systems in the republics lies in the fragmentary adaptation of Western institutions. Discussion and Conclusion. It is revealed that the neo-patrimonial nature of political regimes has affected the functioning of party systems. At all stages of their evolution, an important role in the direction of their development was played by the executive branch, which was characterized by a high degree of personalization. A distinctive example was Kyrgyzstan, where parties sought and had the opportunity to influence the activities of political institutions, which was especially evident during the presidency of A. Atambayev. After the change of leaders in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, the powers of the parties and their impact on the formation of parliaments and governments began to gradually increase, which also affected the party landscape in Central Asian countries. The article is of interest to researchers in the field of party building in the post-Soviet space, the political systems of Central Asian countries, as well as political and public figures interested in this topic.
This study examines the evolving dynamics of social and political relations in Turkey amid its ongoing democratic transformation, focusing on how diverse social forces interact with the state and shape the trajectory of democratization. Positioned between Europe and Asia, Turkey provides a complex setting where formal democratic institutions coexist with increasing authoritarian tendencies. Employing a qualitative, descriptive-analytical approach, the research analyzes developments from the early 2000s to the post-2016 period, drawing on policy documents, political speeches, academic literature, and civil society reports. It explores how state authority engages not only with organized civil society but also with broader social actors—such as media networks, religious communities, gender-based movements, and digital activism—that influence political participation and public discourse. The findings indicate that while constitutional and institutional reforms have expanded the procedural framework of democracy, substantive aspects—particularly freedom of expression, media independence, and pluralism—remain constrained by centralizing state power. Nevertheless, new forms of civic engagement, including online mobilization and gender equality campaigns, demonstrate society’s adaptive strategies and resilience. Democratization in Turkey thus emerges as a non-linear and contested process, shaped by the tension between state control and the plural aspirations of its citizens. By integrating social dimensions and empirical illustrations, this study offers a nuanced contribution to understanding how hybrid regimes negotiate power, participation, and identity in transitional democratic contexts,
This study examines how entrenched corruption undermines political institutions and democratic processes in South Asia, focusing on Pakistan. Corruption is identified as a global scourge that “undermines the institutions and values of democracy”. In South Asia, corruption scores remain below world averages (e.g. a 2013 survey found a regional CPI score of 30/100). Pakistan, in particular, has seen pervasive corruption; its CPI was only 29 in 2023, reflecting decades long trends. The problem statement highlights that systemic bribery and politicization have weakened accountability mechanisms, the rule of law, and public trust. The objectives are to analyze the impact of corruption on Pakistani institutions and democratic quality via qualitative case study methods. Key findings (supported by secondary data) indicate that corruption has deeply eroded institutional legitimacy, for example, 88% of citizens report that corruption is widespread, and many see anti‐corruption agencies as politicized tools. Such insights underscore the importance of institutional reform in Pakistan and broader South Asia. By integrating academic and policy sources, the study informs future anticorruption strategies, emphasizing the need for stronger oversight, transparency, and civic engagement in the region
This article explores the legal dimensions of anti-corruption and public administration reform in post-conflict states as essential pillars for rebuilding institutional integrity and sustaining peace. In the aftermath of violent conflict, corruption often thrives in the vacuum of weakened institutions, undermining efforts toward recovery, legitimacy, and development. Using a comparative legal analysis approach, this study examines the effectiveness of legal frameworks—including anti-corruption statutes, independent oversight bodies, public procurement regulations, and whistleblower protection laws—in promoting good governance and restoring public trust. Focusing on selected post-conflict countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and Southeast Asia, the article evaluates how legal reform initiatives are influenced by both international norms, such as the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC), and local political realities. It highlights the implementation gap between legal commitments and practice, identifying structural constraints such as limited judicial capacity, political interference, and under-resourced oversight institutions. The analysis finds that legal strategies must move beyond punitive enforcement to incorporate preventive and participatory mechanisms that empower civil society, enhance transparency, and institutionalize accountability. The article concludes that sustainable anti-corruption reform in post-conflict settings requires a context-sensitive, rights-based approach aligned with Sustainable Development Goal 16. Legal reforms must not only criminalize corruption but also establish resilient governance systems that uphold the rule of law and democratic accountability.
This study analyzes the historical evolution of development policies in the Turkic World, particularly in the Central Asian Turkic Republics, by integrating macroeconomic structures, institutional transformations, and economic history perspectives. Existing research has shown that post-1991 transition economies in the region experienced extensive privatization, market liberalization, and structural adjustments shaped by external actors, while macroeconomic outcomes remained highly dependent on political stability, institutional quality, and resource endowments. However, the literature also indicates that neoliberal reform packages alone have been insufficient for achieving sustainable development without the support of strong, inclusive, and accountable institutions.Building on these well-established insights, this study offers a multidimensional contribution by combining development economics, institutional economics, and economic history to produce an integrated analytical framework for the Turkic World. Through a comparative assessment of Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Azerbaijan, the study not only highlights the historical roots and uneven trajectories of the transition process but also evaluates contemporary macroeconomic indicators to reveal the extent to which institutional capacity shapes development outcomes. In doing so, the study demonstrates that long-term and sustainable development in the region depends not merely on policy reforms, but on the depth, enforceability, and social legitimacy of institutional structures.By presenting an interdisciplinary synthesis and a comparative regional perspective, this research adds conceptual clarity to the relationship between institutional transformation and macroeconomic performance and contributes to the broader discussion on how transition economies can design more resilient and inclusive development strategies. Keywords: Transition Economies, Institutional Development, Macroeconomic Reforms in the Turkic World. Cite this article as: Özçiftçi, H., & Aydemir, B. (2025). The historical evolution of development policies in the Turkic world: a theoretical assessment of macroeconomic institutions and structural transformations in the Central Asian Turkic republics. Journal of Business Administration and Social Studies, 9, 0035, doi:10.5152/JBASS.2025.25035.
The rapid advancement of artificial intelligence (AI) technologies has profoundly transformed virtually all areas of human activity, and public administration is no exception. The integration of AI into public management systems opens up unprecedented opportunities to increase efficiency, transparency, and responsiveness in the provision of public services. This article examines the potential, challenges, and prospects of using artificial intelligence in public administration, focusing on ethical, legal, and organizational aspects. It emphasizes that AI tools—from data analytics and machine learning to natural language processing and automated decision-making systems—can significantly contribute to improving the quality of political planning, resource allocation, and citizen participation. Through predictive modeling, intelligent data processing, and real-time monitoring, AI enables evidence-based decision-making and strengthens the adaptability of public institutions to a dynamic socioeconomic environment. At the same time, the implementation of AI in public administration presents several complex challenges. Key issues include algorithmic bias, data protection violations, a lack of transparency regarding automated decisions, and insufficient digital literacy among public sector employees. The article emphasizes that without a clear ethical framework and appropriate regulatory mechanisms, the use of AI could exacerbate social inequalities and undermine citizens’ trust in government institutions. Therefore, the development of clear governance standards for the use of AI in the public sector is essential to ensure accountability, fairness, and human oversight in all decision-making processes. The study also analyzes international experiences in AI governance, particularly in the European Union, the United States, and leading Asian countries, and identifies best practices that can be transferred to national contexts. It argues that the strategic implementation of AI should be based on the principles of open government, inclusivity, and human-centered digital transformation. The article also emphasizes the need for continuous training and development measures for public sector employees to ensure competent use of AI-based tools and the interpretation of algorithmic results. In conclusion, it is concluded that artificial intelligence represents both a challenge and an opportunity for modern public administration. It can optimize administrative processes and strengthen democratic governance, but at the same time requires new legal safeguards, ethical standards, and institutional competencies. The success of integrating AI into public administration depends crucially on the balance between technological innovation and the protection of human rights, transparency, and accountability. The future of AI in the public sector therefore lies not solely in technological progress, but in the development of responsible and sustainable political strategies that align innovation with the public interest and democratic values.
This study examines the phenomenon of political jurisprudence in Southeast Asia, emphasizing the persistent intersection between judicial institutions and political power. Using qualitative content analysis of regional reports, particularly the UNDP’s Judicial Integrity and Independence in Southeast Asia (2023–2024), the research identifies patterns of external pressure, limited transparency, and constrained judicial ethics across six ASEAN countries. Findings reveal that political influence remains prevalent in judicial appointments, decision-making, and resource allocation, reflecting structural dependence on the executive branch. Informal mechanisms such as patronage networks, selective sanctions, and budgetary control further weaken judicial autonomy and discourage resistance to political authority. These dynamics foster a culture of strategic conformity, where judicial decisions often align with dominant political interests rather than constitutional or human rights principles. Consequently, public trust in judicial integrity erodes, undermining both democratic accountability and access to justice. The study concludes that enhancing judicial independence in Southeast Asia requires not only institutional reform but also cultural transformation within the judiciary promoting ethical resilience, transparency, and professional integrity to resist political co-optation and strengthen the rule of law.
ABSTRACT Prevailing scholarship contends that individual-level non-democratic tendencies are strongly associated with their tendency to cast higher levels of political trust, both institutionally and culturally. However, a good deal of these works failed to account that this mass behaviour does not necessarily flow in a linear fashion. Instead, it could be significantly moderated by perceived government responsiveness. In this study, we probe how the strong association between authoritarian values and political trust is moderated by citizens' perception of their incumbent government as performing responsively. Drawing on public opinion data across 15 Asia-Pacific societies from the fifth wave of the Asian Barometer Survey (ABS), our paper reveals two findings. First, there is a strong positive association between authoritarian values and political trust, i.e. greater authoritarian values lead to higher political trust. Second, this relationship is conditional or moderated by government responsiveness. That is, political trust of highly authoritarian citizens tends to be higher only in less responsive conditions. In contrast, their political trust tends to be lower when in high responsive contexts. In other words, the positive effect of authoritarian values towards political trust will be substantially diminished in highly responsive environments. Ultimately, these findings not only bring about the enduring legacy of authoritarian values in the region but also provide nuanced insights on how responsive governance can attenuate authoritarian inclinations.
This article examines the level of trust that citizens place in state and political institutions established under a democratic constitution. Trust is a fundamental condition not only for the consolidation of democracy but also for the effective and stable functioning of public institutions. In contemporary societies, declining interpersonal and institutional trust has become a critical concern in social and political science, as trust constitutes one of the most important foundations of cooperation. Since cooperation is essential at all levels of social and political relations, it is necessary to closely examine both the degree of mutual trust and the factors that shape it. The study analyzes citizens’ trust in key state institutions and explores the social, political, and institutional determinants influencing this trust. Mutual respect, openness, and reciprocity are identified as core elements of trust relations: individuals who extend trust to institutions expect transparency, accountability, and fairness in return. Mutual understanding and responsiveness strengthen citizens’ willingness to rely on public authority and comply with its decisions. Based on comparative data from the Asia Barometer “Democracy, Governance, and Development” baseline survey, the article demonstrates that Mongolians’ trust in state and political institutions is relatively low compared to selected Asian democracies, including the Republic of Korea, Taiwan, and Thailand. Levels of trust in the president, parliament, judiciary, and government at various levels are consistently lower, while trust in political parties is the weakest of all. Such low institutional trust signals problems of political legitimacy and indicates a potential risk of persistent political instability. Methodologically, the study draws on descriptive and inferential statistical analysis of raw survey data and situates the findings within the broader academic literature on political trust and institutional confidence. By identifying the structural and perceptual factors underlying the erosion of trust, the article contributes to understanding the challenges facing democratic governance and the constitutional state in transitional societies. Ардчилсан Үндсэн хуулийн төрийн институт дэх иргэдийн итгэл, түүний социаль нөлөөлөл Шинэ Үндсэн хуулийн дагуу бүрэлдсэн төрийн болон улс төрийн институцэд иргэд, олон нийтийн итгэж буй байдлын талаар энэхүү өгүүлэлд авч үзсэн болно. Итгэлцэл нь ардчилал төдийгүй төрийн байгууллагуудын саадгүй, үр дүнтэй ажиллах чухал элемент юм. Иргэдийн бие биедээ болон Засгийн газартаа итгэх итгэл өнөөдөр буурч байгаа нь итгэлцлийг нийгэм, улс төрийн шинжлэх ухааны хувьд урьд өмнөхөөсөө илүү чухал асуудал болгож байна. Итгэлцэл бол хамтын ажиллагааны хамгийн чухал эх сурвалжуудын нэг юм. Иргэний болон олон нийтийн харилцааны бүхий л түвшинд хамтын ажиллагаа шаардлагатай байдаг тул социаль харилцааны оролцогч талуудын харилцан итгэлцлийн түвшин, түүнд нөлөөлж буй элементүүдийг гүн гүнзгий ажиглах хэрэгтэй. Энэхүү судалгаанд төрийн байгууллагуудад иргэд хэр зэрэг итгэл үнэмшилтэй байгаа талаар авч үзсэн. Төрийн байгууллагуудад итгэх итгэлийн зэрэгцээ төрийн байгууллагуудад итгэх итгэлийн түвшинд нөлөөлөх хэд хэдэн хүчин зүйл нь судалгааны өөр нэг чиглэлийг бүрдүүлж байна. Итгэлцлийн харилцаанд харилцан хүндэтгэлтэй, нээлттэй байх нь итгэлцлийн орчинг бүрдүүлэх гол хүчин зүйлийн нэг юм. Өөр хувь хүн эсвэл байгууллагад итгэдэг хувь хүмүүс нөгөө талаасаа өөртөө итгэхийг хүсдэг. Харилцан ойлголцох нь тэднийг нөгөө талдаа найдахыг дэмждэг. Азийн орнуудтай /БНСУ, Тайван, Тайланд/ харьцуулахад монголчуудын төрийн байгууллагууд, улс төрийн институтэд итгэх илтгэл харьцангуй доогуур байлаа. Ерөнхийлөгч, парламент, шүүх институт, Засгийн газарт итгэх итгэл аль ч түвшинд эдгээр орнуудтай харьцуулахад бага байна. Улс төрийн намуудад итгэх итгэл хамгийн бага байна. Төрийн институтэд итгэх итгэл бага байгаа нь засаглалын легитим хангагдахгүй, улс төрийн тогтворгүй байдал цаашид үргэлжлэх хөрс болж болох эрсдэл байгааг илтгэнэ. Судалгаанд төрийн байгууллагуудад итгэх итгэл, итгэлцлийн талаарх эрдэм шинжилгээний ажлыг тусгайлан авч үзсэн болно. Өнөөгийн төр засаг, улс төрийн институцийн талаарх үнэлгээ, итгэл алдарч буй суурь нөхцөл шалтгааныг шүүн тунгаав. Тус өгүүлэлд Азийн Барометрийн харьцуулсан үр дүн болох “Ардчилал, Засаглал, Хөгжил” суурь судалгааны мэдээлэлд тулгуурласан ба анхдагч мэдээлэл/raw data/-д үндэслэн тоон/descriptive/ болон дүгнэлт хийх/ inferential/ статистикийн шинжилгээг ашигласан болно. Түлхүүр үг: Ардчилал, институцэд итгэх итгэл, төрийн институци, эв нэгдэл.
Contemporary globalization processes, the growth of military-technical cooperation, and the proliferation of dual-use goods create unprecedented challenges for the system of state management of national security. State export control today is not only an instrument of regulatory policy, but also a key element in preventing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, terrorism, and illegal transfers of strategically important technologies. Research into the development of scientific knowledge about state export control allows us to reveal the evolution of scientific approaches, identify conceptual gaps, and propose new models for integrating control mechanisms into national security strategy. The author chose bibliometric analysis, which is an important method of modern research based on the quantitative study of bibliographic data. It allowed identifying trends in the development of scientific publications, assessing their quality, and identifying key changes in certain fields of knowledge. The use of a large data set and statistical methods ensured the objectivity of the results and created a basis for the formation of new scientific knowledge. The results of the bibliometric analysis showed that over the past two decades, scientific research on export control issues has intensified significantly, which is associated with the escalation of hybrid threats, international conflicts, and the growing role of security regulation mechanisms. The systematic increase in publications in Scopus and Web of Science indicates the formation of an interdisciplinary direction that combines economic, political, and legal approaches. Geographical analysis demonstrates the leadership of the United States, the high activity of the EU and East Asian countries, and the development of transatlantic and interregional cooperation. Export control is considered not only in terms of security and non-proliferation of technologies, but also through the prism of global supply chains, economic stability, and innovation.
This editorial makes the case that religion is a significant influence on public administration (PA) and religious factors should usefully be considered in researching PA, for purposes of both advancing knowledge and drawing practical implications. The starting point for our argument is the assumption that context does matter for PA, and religion is a neglected part of the context. Religion – broadly defined as a set of coherent answers to the core existential questions that confront any human group and pertain to the relationship of the human to the divine and their codification in creedal forms, and involving a ritual dimension and piety – is interwoven with societal, cultural, political and administrative elements, which constitutes the context that affects PA in a given jurisdiction. Including religious factors in PA studies would therefore contribute to the advancement of the field. The influence of religion has so far been overlooked in PA research. It is worth examining why religion has been overlooked in PA, at least the English-language literature, for a better understanding of the contribution that can derive from encompassing religious factors into theory and empirical research about PA. One reason lies in narrow interpretations of secularisation, which has at times been seen – in the West – as an irreversible trend in history. This consideration may have driven away the attention of PA scholars to religious factors. We would counter that these narrow interpretations do not consider that, first, processes of secularisation have occurred in a differential way around the world. Societies in the Asia Pacific region, for instance, may have secularised less than the West. In addition, secularisation may flow and ebb over time rather than linearly growing. Second – and more crucial, is that secularity is compatible with religion and religiously informed consciences still playing a role as social forces. Another reason for overlooking religion is that religious factors may fit problematically into certain epistemological approaches, like forms of neo-positivism, which have been ascendant in recent decades. We counter that this need not be the case, and that there is room in the field of PA – which is interdisciplinary and characterised by epistemological and methodological pluralism – for researching the influence of religion on key aspects of PA through a multitude of approaches and methods. Thus, the influence of religion on PA could and should be investigated more systematically, thereby adding to our capacity of generating knowledge to address PA-problems. In a recent contribution to this purpose (Ongaro & Tantardini, 2023 to our knowledge, the only book-length scholarly work devoted to this topic, although a number of journal articles and book chapters have been published that address different specific theoretical and empirical aspects of the relationship between religion and PA), we work out a theoretical framing of the relationship between religion and PA, and organise available ASIA PACIFIC JOURNAL OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION 2023, VOL. 45, NO. 1, 1–6 https://doi.org/10.1080/23276665.2022.2155858
Introduction. The relevance of the study is determined by the increasing role of North-East Asia as one of the world and political centers, as well as the growth of various challenges and threats in the region, affecting safe and stable development of the world community as a whole. The study of the problem of regional security in Northeast Asia and the participation of Mongolia in its ensuring is important for the formation of theoretical and practical conclusions and assessments regarding its international status. Since the 1980s Mongolia has been consistently pursuing the policy of creating a mechanism for dialogue in Northeastern Asia. The result of these efforts was the Ulaanbaatar Northeast Asia Security Dialogue initiative. Mongolia's active foreign policy and the will to fully participate in regional cooperation in Northeastern Asia and in as many international and multilateral organizations as possible is one of the hallmarks of the phenomenon of modern Mongolia. The purpose of the study is to review the “Ulaanbaatar Dialogue on Security in Northeast Asia” and analyze its role in creating conditions for the interaction of all stakeholders in the interests of maintaining peace in Northeastern Asia. Results. This study presents a brief history of the formation and development of the Ulaanbaatar Dialogue, identifies advantages over similar discussion platforms in the region, and shows the importance of this event in increasing the international status of Mongolia. It is concluded that in the nearest future Mongolia may become an analogue of Asian Switzerland, the main platform for negotiations between countries in Northeast Asia due to the fact that Ulaanbaatar pursues an open, multifaceted foreign policy, and the adherence of this country to the “third neighbor” doctrine makes Mongolia a neutral state that does not participate in military-political blocks.
History of Asia, Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)
ABSTRACT
Preservation of the environment with the concept of conservation is one part of the science of ecology. Land use in the riparian area or watershed area is one of the conservation areas needed to fulfill the environmental sustainability of water areas. The purpose of this study was to evaluate the conservation pond program carried out in the Cikapundung watershed, Kampoeng Tjibarani. By collecting data through observation, interviews, and studies of policy literature governing the management and development of project development in watersheds. Based on data collection and analysis of descriptive data that has been carried out, it was found that there were several factors for the failure of this program (1) non-functional land use, (2) unsustainable program and management (3) did not meet the standards and criteria for development policies on regional land River flow . With restoration using the ecopark concept, conservation ponds can be a new breakthrough for management and development of watershed land in accordance with land functional and standards and criteria for management and development of watershed land.
Keywords: watershed; preservation of the environment; ecopark
ABSTRAK
Pelestarian lingkungan dengan konsep konservasi termasuk salah satu bagian dari ilmu ekologi. Pemanfaatan lahan di kawasan sempadan sungai atau Daerah Aliran Sungai (DAS) termasuk salah satu konservasi yang dibutuhkan untuk memenuhi kelestarian lingkungan kawasan air. Tujuan penelitian ini untuk mengevaluasi program kolam konservasi yang dilakukan di kawasan sempadan sungai Cikapundung, Kampoeng Tjibarani. Dengan pengumpulan data melalui observasi, wawancara, dan studi literatur kebijakan yang mengatur pengelolaan dan pembangunan pembangunan proyek di DAS. Berdasarkan pengumpulan data dan analisis data deskriptif yang telah dilakukan, ditemukan bahwa ada beberapa faktor kegagalan program ini (1) pemanfaatan lahan yang tidak fungsional, (2) program dan pengelolaan yang tidak berkelanjutan, dan (3) tidak memenuhi standar dan kriteria kebijakan pembangunan di lahan DAS. Dengan pemugaran yang menggunakan konsep ecopark, kolam konservasi dapat menjadi terobosan baru untuk pengelolaan dan pengembangan lahan DAS sesuai dengan fungsional lahan dan standar serta kriteria pengelolaan dan pengembangan lahan DAS.
Kata kunci : daerah aliran sungai; pelestarian lingkungan; ecopark
Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)