1 . Genealogy i s gray, meticulous, and patiently documentary . It operates on a field of entangled and confused parchments, on d ocuments that have been scratched over and recopied many times . O n this basis, it i s obvious that Paul Reel was wrong to follow the English tendency in describing the history of morality in terms of a linear development-in reducing its entire history and genesis to an exclusive concern for utility . He assumed that words had kept their meaning, that desires still pointed in a single direction, and that ideas retained their logic; and he ig nored the fact that the world of speech and desires has known invasions, struggles, plundering, disguises, ploys. From these elements, however, genealogy retrieves an indispensable re straint: it must record the singularity of events outside of any monotonous finality; it must seek them in the most unpromising places, in what we tend to feel is without history-in sentiments, love, conscience, instincts; it must be sensitive to their recur rence, not in order to trace the gradual curve of their evolution, but to isolate the different scenes where they engaged in dif ferent roles . Finally, genealogy must define even those in stances when they are absent, the moment when they remained unrealized (Plato, at Syracuse, did not become Mohammed) . Genealogy, consequently, requires patience and a knowl edge of details, and it depends on a vast accumulation of source
Knowledge of genome-wide genealogies for thousands of individuals would simplify most evolutionary analyses for humans and other species, but has remained computationally infeasible. We have developed a method, Relate, scaling to >10,000 sequences while simultaneously estimating branch lengths, mutational ages and variable historical population sizes, as well as allowing for data errors. Application to 1,000 Genomes Project haplotypes produces joint genealogical histories for 26 human populations. Highly diverged lineages are present in all groups, but most frequent in Africa. Outside Africa, these mainly reflect ancient introgression from groups related to Neanderthals and Denisovans, while African signals instead reflect unknown events unique to that continent. Our approach allows more powerful inferences of natural selection than has previously been possible. We identify multiple regions under strong positive selection, and multi-allelic traits including hair color, body mass index and blood pressure, showing strong evidence of directional selection, varying among human groups. Relate is a new method for evolutionary analysis of large genetic datasets that can estimate branch lengths, mutational ages and variable historical population sizes.
Emily L. Denton, A. Hanna, Razvan Amironesei
et al.
In response to growing concerns of bias, discrimination, and unfairness perpetuated by algorithmic systems, the datasets used to train and evaluate machine learning models have come under increased scrutiny. Many of these examinations have focused on the contents of machine learning datasets, finding glaring underrepresentation of minoritized groups. In contrast, relatively little work has been done to examine the norms, values, and assumptions embedded in these datasets. In this work, we conceptualize machine learning datasets as a type of informational infrastructure, and motivate a genealogy as method in examining the histories and modes of constitution at play in their creation. We present a critical history of ImageNet as an exemplar, utilizing critical discourse analysis of major texts around ImageNet’s creation and impact. We find that assumptions around ImageNet and other large computer vision datasets more generally rely on three themes: the aggregation and accumulation of more data, the computational construction of meaning, and making certain types of data labor invisible. By tracing the discourses that surround this influential benchmark, we contribute to the ongoing development of the standards and norms around data development in machine learning and artificial intelligence research.
The sequencing of modern and ancient genomes from around the world has revolutionised our understanding of human history and evolution1,2. However, the general problem of how best to characterise the full complexity of ancestral relationships from the totality of human genomic variation remains unsolved. Patterns of variation in each data set are typically analysed independently, and often using parametric models or data reduction techniques that cannot capture the full complexity of human ancestry3,4. Moreover, variation in sequencing technology5,6, data quality7 and in silico processing8,9, coupled with complexities of data scale10, limit the ability to integrate data sources. Here, we introduce a non-parametric approach to inferring human genealogical history that overcomes many of these challenges and enables us to build the largest genealogy of both modern and ancient humans yet constructed. The genealogy provides a lossless and compact representation of multiple datasets, addresses the challenges of missing and erroneous data, and benefits from using ancient samples to constrain and date relationships. Using simulations and empirical analyses, we demonstrate the power of the method to recover relationships between individuals and populations, as well as to identify descendants of ancient samples. Finally, we show how applying a simple non-parametric estimator of ancestor geographical location to the inferred genealogy recapitulates key events in human history. Our results demonstrate that whole-genome genealogies are a powerful means of synthesising genetic data and provide rich insights into human evolution.
Investigative genetic genealogy (IGG) has emerged as a new, rapidly growing field of forensic science. We describe the process whereby dense SNP data, commonly comprising more than half a million markers, are employed to infer distant relationships. By distant we refer to degrees of relatedness exceeding that of first cousins. We review how methods of relationship matching and SNP analysis on an enlarged scale are used in a forensic setting to identify a suspect in a criminal investigation or a missing person. There is currently a strong need in forensic genetics not only to understand the underlying models to infer relatedness but also to fully explore the DNA technologies and data used in IGG. This review brings together many of the topics and examines their effectiveness and operational limits, while suggesting future directions for their forensic validation. We further investigated the methods used by the major direct-to-consumer (DTC) genetic ancestry testing companies as well as submitting a questionnaire where providers of forensic genetic genealogy summarized their operation/services. Although most of the DTC market, and genetic genealogy in general, has undisclosed, proprietary algorithms we review the current knowledge where information has been discussed and published more openly.
This article focuses on the genealogy of the Mackintosh archive, showing how subjects are interpellated through archival networks that span imperial and metropolitan sites, linking people, ideas, knowledge and material resources. By tracing the Mackintosh archive across generations of family members embedded in British imperial society, it shows how archives call forth an individual—Sir James Mackintosh—as a symbol and a site of the interconnections between the patriarchal family, the male-dominated state and the production of cultural imaginaries of belonging. Tracing this archive, it argues that the ‘society’ to which James Mackintosh belonged is both reflected in, and constituted through, the letters and journals that comprise his archive. In form and content, they provide the material evidence for the interconnectedness of social, familial, intellectual and political lives. They function both as fantasies and representations of belonging to a social network—a community—and a constitutive part of the consolidation of that network. The letters and diaries that comprise the Mackintosh Archive bear witness to the formation of a literary elite at the turn of the nineteenth century and the mobility of that elite around European-imperial space. Thus, the Mackintosh Archive illustrates the point, made by an increasing number of imperial and global historians, that ideas and identities were forged through inter-connections across space.
In 1924, exactly a century ago, the world-famous children’s author Alan Milne wrote this much-loved rhyme about the play activities of his young son: Where am I going? I don’t quite know. Down to the stream where the king-cups grow-Up on the hill where the pine-trees blow-Anywhere, anywhere. I don’t know…Where am I going? The high rooks call: “It’s awful fun to be born at all”. Where am I going? The ring-doves coo: “We do have beautiful things to do”. But in 2024, in much of the Western world, allowing a young child to wander in this manner would be seen by many as dangerous, reckless and negligent. For example, in 2019, Renee Umstattd Meyer and her colleagues found that a large proportion of children in the post-industrial world did not take the recommended amount of exercise in the outdoor environment, and even where spaces were specifically made available to them, parents feared that they would be infiltrated by crime and violence. This article considers the emergent effects of significant cultural change in children’s independent and collaborative free play opportunities. It draws on an ethological and biocultural perspective to argue why independent, active free play, particularly involving peer collaboration, is so important to human development.
Forensic Genetic Genealogy (FGG) has fast become a popular tool in criminal investigations since it first emerged in 2018. FGG is a novel investigatory tool that has been applied to hundreds of unresolved cold cases in the United States to generate investigative leads and identify unknown individuals. Consumer DNA testing and the public’s increased curiosity about their own DNA and genetic ancestry, have greatly contributed to the availability of human genetic data. Genetic genealogy has been a field of study/interest for many years as both amateur and professional genetic genealogists use consumer DNA data to explore genetic connections in family trees. FGG encompasses this knowledge by applying advanced sequencing technologies to forensic DNA evidence samples and by performing genetic genealogy methods and genealogical research, to produce possible identities of unknown perpetrators of violent crimes and unidentified human remains. This combination of forensic genetics, genetic genealogy, and genealogical research has formed a new subdiscipline within the forensic sciences. This paper will summarize the individual disciplines that led to the emergence of FGG, its practice in forensic investigations, and current/future considerations for its use.
In the wake of Michel Foucault’s analyses of disciplinary surveillance and biopolitical regulations, or of Gilles Deleuze’s remarks on the ‘society of control’, in the past few years, many political theorists have developed compelling work on so-called ‘data politics’. From Maurizio Lazzarato’s ‘noopolitics’ and Tiziana Terranova’s ‘communication biopower’ to Grégoire Chamayou’s ‘datapower’ and Davide Panagia’s ‘#datapolitik’ (to mention only a few examples; for a more detailed list, see p. 169), it is widely accepted that one of the main ways in which power now functions is by collecting, storing, and exchanging vast amounts of personal data. Colin Koopman’s book, How We Became Our Data, does not merely add to this already vast literature new insights on what he calls ‘infopolitics’ (i.e. the politics of information) and ‘informational persons’ (claiming that we are invariably ‘inscribed, processed, and reproduced as subjects of data’, p. 4). Drawing from Foucault – both methodologically and conceptually – Koopman advances two original claims that have the ambition to transform some of the most deeply rooted assumptions in the field of data politics. First, Koopman convincingly argues that to understand how information became so important for the kind of subjects we are today, we should avoid focusing exclusively on the last few decades – that is, on the age of personal computing, internet, and social media. We should also problematise the widely accepted narrative that our ‘information era’ began in the aftermath of WWII, and more precisely with the elaboration, in 1948, of the so-called Wiener-Shannon theory of information (pp. 16–17). At the same time, Koopman argues that informational persons are not to be confused with confessing individuals and statisticalised populations of the nineteenth century. Informational personhood emerged between the mid-1910s and the mid-1930s. Indeed, the way in which subjects started to be formatted into data at that time (through birth certificates, psychological assessments, education records, financial profiles, etc.) still remains with us today. Koopman provides convincing historical evidence for this claim by analysing in
Forensic genetic genealogy is an emergent forensic technology that employs databases used by citizens to upload genetic data voluntarily to search for criminal suspects and/or unidentified individuals. Considering a wide view of the roots of forensic genetic genealogy, in this article, I draw on publicly available interviews with key stakeholders in the field, media articles, and companies’ statements to analyze how this technology is both grounded and based upon citizen science. That is, a type of science to which citizens actively, voluntarily, and consentingly contribute in various forms. On the one hand, I show how the emergence of forensic genetic genealogy is mainly based upon the work of individuals with a personal interest in genetic genealogy, who are heavily invested in constructing their own and others’ family trees. That is, citizens from various educational backgrounds and professional activities who became an untapped source of valuable expertise for forensic science because of their prolific experience in conducting genetic genealogy. On the other hand, I argue that the current situation of forensic genetic genealogy is also highly dependent on citizens’ interest and willingness to upload genetic data into publicly accessible genealogy databases and voluntarily deciding to make them available to law enforcement searches. Perceiving citizen science as being at the roots and as the future of forensic genetic genealogy has important implications for the forensic epistemic culture and the protection of citizens’ rights that must be considered in the development and implementation of such technology.
What is philosophical genealogy? What is its purpose? How does genealogy achieve this purpose? These are the three essential questions to ask when thinking about philosophical genealogy. Although there has been an upswell of articles in the secondary literature exploring these questions in the last decade or two, the answers provided are unsatisfactory. Why do replies to these questions leave scholars wanting? Why is the question, “What is philosophical genealogy?” still being asked? There are two broad reasons, I think. First, on the substantive side, the problem is that genealogical models will get certain features of the method right but ignore others. The models proffered to answer the first question are too restrictive. The second reason is that the three essential questions to ask regarding the nature of genealogy are run together when they should be treated separately. In the following paper, I address these problems by attempting to reconstruct genealogy from the ground up. I provide what I hope is an ecumenical position on genealogy that will accommodate a wide variety of genealogical thinkers, from Hobbes to Nietzsche, rather than a select few. Therefore, I examine two of the three questions above: What is philosophical genealogy and its purpose? I argue there are seven main features of genealogy and that these features may be used as a yardstick to compare how one genealogist stacks up to another along the seven aspects I outline in the paper.
Man möter ofta föreställningen att livet förr var hårt, fattigt och grått. Från Huvudstad by intill Vadstena finns ett bevarat arvskifte från år 1666 som tvärtom vittnar om relativt välstånd. Arvskiften, bouppteckningar och testamenten från 1600-talets bondemiljö är ovanliga i våra arkiv och just det här arvskiftet kan ha bevarats för att det har hamnat på »fel ställe« i Vadstena stadsarkiv. Det beskriver dödsboet efter bondeparet Mårten Olofsson och Anna Eriksdotter och hur deras barn fördelade sitt arv. Gården de arrenderade av kronan var något större än en genomsnittlig gård i området vid samma tid. I sina hus hade de rejäla mängder mat, dryck och spannmål, ett omfattande textilförråd, silver och penningar samt en rikhaltig djurbesättning. Arvskiftet är därför ett mycket intressant vittnesbörd om tidens livsvillkor. Inte minst mot bakgrund av att 1600-talets första hälft hade präglats av ett mycket hårt tryck på befolkningen genom de ständiga expansionskrigen, pestepidemier, översvämning och dessutom, förmodligen, två svåra bränder på den aktuella gården i Huvudstad.
That the Drancy transit and internment camp—the main camp from which Jews were deported from France—is currently inhabited, having reverted to its pre-war name ‘La Muette’ and initial function as a housing estate at the end of the 1940s, remains little-known. As a result of this multi-layered history, the site is deeply ambivalent, being both haunted <i>and</i> inhabited. Through a theoretical framework informed by psychogeography, this article brings to light the concentrationary presence that is layered onto the space of everyday life at the site of Drancy–La Muette and investigates the possibility of resisting the resulting spatial politics of dehumanisation. Through a close reading of Alexandre Lacroix’s novel <i>La Muette</i> (2017) and its spatial poetics, this article argues that it is by elaborating new ways of seeing, whereby the interpenetration of past and present, the visible and the invisible, comes to the fore, that the traumatic space of Drancy–La Muette may open up. This, in turn, allows for the circulation of affective resonances between the built environment and the individual, which resist the concentrationary logic.
This paper examines the structure, message, and content of biblical genealogies in light of literary analysis and social anthropology. In particular, the focus is on the so-called “Table of Nations” in Genesis 10. My basic assumption is that most biblical genealogies are a literary genre employing various devices that carry a message using symbolic numbers, chiastic structure, and anticipation. These lists interact and supplement the narrative, sometimes as a foil to the story line. They are inserted at relevant points of change in the story of mankind from Adam and Eve to Joseph and his brothers. I even propose that these insertions are the earliest form of dividing the book of Genesis into installments, a precursor to weekly Torah readings and to the later division into chapters as in the printed text. The underlying message of this chapter is the value concept of the brotherhood of mankind stemming from one father—Noah. This innovative idea of universal kinship breaks with the common pagan view prevalent in antiquity that man’s place is to serve the gods and to have little or no personal identity. Note that the great urban cultures of ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia have left us no real records of family lineage other than the long king lists that reflect dynastic power. No doubt the importance of oral and written lineage stems from a tribal culture like that of the ancient Hebrews and their kindred. This overriding view even shaped the Nimrud pericope, describing his founding the urban centers of Babylon and Assyria. Genealogy became the natural medium expressing this message of universal kinship. Basic to understanding biblical genealogies is discerning two patterns of kinship, one, linear, stretching up to ten generations, and two, segmented genealogies, noting an eponymous “father” and his segmented offspring or wives. Our understanding of these structures in the Bible is shaped by the research of social anthropologists who studied oral genealogy among analphabetic tribes in Africa and the Middle East. I apply these observations and methodology in a detailed commentary on the Table of Nations.
The chronological/genealogical narrative structure of the Hebrew Bible points to an editorial aim: to give a history of Israel as a nation from Creation to the 6th century BCE Babylonian exile and the return to the land of Israel, and in so doing to bring to life and unite two dead Near Eastern kingdoms. This article considers the scribes and editors who created the structure of the Hebrew Bible as forerunners of modern cultural nationalists, especially of defeated or endangered peoples, who sought the survival and growth of the nation in literature. However, the monotheisms that derived from Judaism, and adopted Hebrew scripture as sacred, rarely accepted the Bible as the translation or adaptation of a Jewish work in the Jewish national language mostly on Jewish soil and under Jewish government in the 1st millennium BCE. Rather, anti-Semites taught a genealogy of Jewish guilt to the world, with extra charges based on supersessionist theology and anti-Jewish fantasies.