This paper emphasizes the analysis of Indonesia's geopolitical perspective through international cooperation that is part of Indonesia's geopolitics in the Indo-Pacific region. The results of this paper explain that Indonesia's geopolitical interests cannot be separated from the importance of building mutual trust, as well as regional development through international cooperation for global interests. In other words, regional development through international cooperation will increase regional stability so as to encourage various economic, political and security activities that not only reduce political friction, but also provide strategic advantages for every actor who has an interest in the Indo-Pacific.
Keywords: Indonesia, Geopolitics, Indo-Pacific, international cooperation
Correlates of War (COW), an ongoing project initiated in the United States to monitor all the wars around the globe, covers the Estonian and Latvian wars of independence, and the war between Poland and Russia, but does not represent the Lithuanian War of Independence in detail. It only includes one episode of the war, the Polish-Lithuanian war. The article points out that this is partly correlated with the lack of a single term for these events in Lithuania. The author assesses the names of the war or wars of independence circulating in Lithuania, asking to what extent their differences have had an impact on the external (non)recognition of the War of Independence. After reviewing the paradoxical situation with war names circulating in Lithuania, the essay concludes with a reflection on what caused the establishment of the plural name in Lithuania. Despite this, the author argues that, from the perspective of external recognition, a singular name would better represent the nature of the processes that occurred in 1919 and 1920, and would contribute more to the consolidation of the national identity.
Penelitian ini menguraikan tentang pelanggaran netralitas yang dilakukan oleh Kelompok Penyelenggara Pemungutan Suara (KPPS) pada Pemilihan Kepala Daerah (Pilkada) di Kota Tangerang Selatan (Tangsel) tahun 2020. Dalam menganalisis fenomena yang terjadi, penulis menggunakan teori electoral management bodies dari International Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA, 2015) untuk mengidentifikasi dan menguraikan berbagai standarisasi tata kelola manajemen penyelenggara pemilu yang berintegritas. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan mencari berbagai data dari sumber pemberitaan cetak maupun elektronik dan berbagai sumber yang kredibel berkaitan dengan fenomena yang dikaji. KPPS sebagai lembaga ad-hoc yang memiliki peranan penting dalam menyelenggarakan pemilu maupun pilkada. Berdasarkan kewenangan yang dimiliki oleh KPPS, justru menjadi aktor utama dalam terciptanya malpraktik pemilu khususnya yang terjadi pada Pilkada Kota Tangsel tahun 2020. Temuan dari penelitian ini KPPS terbukti tidak independen, kurang efektifnya bimbingan teknis yang dilakukan oleh KPU, tidak profesional dan tidak transparannya kasus malpraktik ini diselesaikan mengenai prosedur substansial pelaksanaan pemilu.
International relations, Political science (General)
The constitutionally groundless intervention of Indonesian government towards remittances-the financial outputs categorized as private transaction generated from Indonesian Migrant Workers (IMWs) abroad-has occurred since 1983 until the enactment of Law No. 18 Year 2017 on the protection of IMWs. This Law imposes obligations for local and central governments to conduct financial protection through remittance management by involving domestic and IMW`s placement state`s banks or non-bank financial institution. Given to the limited constitutional basis, private nature of remittances and conditional impact of IWM`s state of origin, this article discusses the limits of Indonesian government intervention in the management of migrants' remittances. This doctrinal legal research found that due to natural and technical restrictions, the government intervention is extremely limited
The article analyzes the cooperation of one of the leading pan–European political organizations – the Alliance of European Conservatives and Reformists (AECR) – with its partners in the
countries participating in the Eastern Partnership program (Azerbaijan, Armenia, Belarus, Georgia and the Republic of Moldova). Since 2014, European conservatives and reformists have sought
to establish partnerships with the conservative parties of these countries and even accepted them
into their ranks as full members. The profiles of these organizations and their leaders, the results of
participation in national parliamentary, presidential and local elections, interaction with other political forces of their countries on the formation of electoral and ruling coalitions were studied. The
main provisions of their program documents, which reflect the pro-European choice, as well as
press releases and statements by the leaders of the AECR concerning the situation in the countries
participating in the Eastern Partnership, are given. It is shown that the AECR actively supported
this program and its partners, regardless of their electoral results. It was noted that in Azerbaijan,
Armenia, Georgia and Moldova, local AECR member parties initially achieved good results in elections, including in national parliaments, but in recent years some of them have found themselves on
the political periphery. The reasons for this phenomenon vary from country to country. Nevertheless, European conservatives and reformists are confident that as the situation stabilizes, the issues
of strengthening sovereignty and preserving traditional values will return to the political agenda
and become in demand again.
A prolonged debate arises whether bilateralism or multilateralism is the most effective path to achieve mutual consensus among parties in the South China Sea dispute. This study identifies bilateral approach negativity to settle such a complex and overlapping dispute existed in that area grounded by two considerations. First, bilateralism is a non-transparent scheme of bargaining process. Due to bilateral implementation only conducted by two states, the more powerful actor will escape from the scrutiny of others, thus making it possesses the opportunity to put forward discriminatory bid and robust sphere to suppress other party’s stance. The bilateral approach would result in a non-consensus agreement for less powerful parties. Second, the conflictual area draws the involvement of more than three sovereign parties with overlapping claims. Multilateralism, negotiation framework for multi-parties, is the most, perhaps the only, promising path to ease the existing tension numerous parties into the stage of consensus. Moreover, multilateralism may present positive norms – transparency and non-unilateralism – that could guide the involving parties to create consensus. The analysis of this paper obtained from utilization of qualitative data, library research methods, and by the comprehension of three conceptual frameworks, bilateralism, multilateralism, and consensus.
Al-Farabi, known as Muallim-i Sani after Aristotle, is the founder of Islamic philosophy because of his works in the field of logic in the Islamic world as well as in the Turkish world. Although he is busy with all the sciences from theology to metaphysics, from philosophy to logic, from moral to politics, from physics to astronomy, and from psychology to music, Al-Farabi was mostly interested in philosophy, metaphysics, physics, morality and politics and he wrote more than 100 works large and small in Arabic; today only half of these works have reached to us. So we need to study and detailed research on these works. Al-Farabi obtained the logic and philosophy from Aristotle and the moral and political philosophy from the Platon. However, as in logic and philosophy, he made a new breakthrough in the moral and political philosophy by adding the thought of Islam and its own aesthetics and so, he is considered the founder of Islamic philosophy. In this online symposium, we will discuss his work at this article named “Siyase el-Mulukiyye” on the moral philosophy that is attributed to al-Farabi through Eflatun. Key words: al-Farabi, philosophy, manuscript, virtuous city, civil policy, the path of happiness.
In Mexico since 1997 surrogacy has been practiced as an assisted reproductive technology; however the lack of appropriate legislation has generated various problems in the national and international context. The objective of this article is to analyze the evolution of surrogacy cases in southeastern Mexico from 1997 to 2019 to assess their legal implications in international private relations, taking into consideration the best interests of the minor, the right of family, reproductive rights and international public order. It is proposed that gestational surrogate be protected by the law, taking into account the new paradigms in family law and reproductive rights, which guarantee in international private relations the protection of the best interests of the child as well as equality and non-discrimination in regarding the nationality of the parents.
The purpose of this study is to investigate how civilization as an emerging phenomenon is influential in the international system. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the data were collected with library method. The result of this research was an understanding of how a civilized state put to work and its difference with other actors (say, a national state), and how they react in the contemporary international system. The knowledge outcome of the procedural analysis of civilization influence in the world’s order and demonstration of such a process leads us to consider the necessity of the level of civilization analysis or civilization theories. For civilization actors, the continuation of reacting in territorial and national situation is perilous and render part of the capacity of the actors’ silent, leading to the reemergence of the experience of the early twentieth century in Iran, Turkey, etc. Remaining in national state and territorial state both at domestic and foreign policy cause part of the influential resources of the states to be withdrawn from operational cycle. Maintaining specified limit and boundaries on a national and territorial reading basis accounts for a particular type of cessation, as components of identity tend to be externalized as much as possible. Understanding how a civilized state emerges can lead us to an understanding of a civilized state’s reaction in the international relations, contributing to the way peace is secured in a particular region or in the international system and the world’s order, and the buildup of convergence level. <br /><span style="font-size: 11.0pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt;">The purpose of this study is to investigate how civilization as an emerging phenomenon is influential in the international system. The research method is descriptive-analytical, and the data were collected with library method. The result of this research was an understanding of how a civilized state put to work and its difference with other actors (say, a national state), and how they react in the contemporary international system. The knowledge outcome of the procedural analysis of civilization influence in the world’s order and demonstration of such a process lead us to consider the necessity of the level of civilization analysis or civilization theories. For civilization actors, the continuation of reacting in territorial and national situation is perilous and render part of the capacity of the actors’ silent, leading to the reemergence of the experience of the early twentieth century in Iran, Turkey, etc. Remaining in national state and territorial state both at domestic and foreign policy cause part of the influential resources of the states to be withdrawn from operational cycle. Maintaining specified limit and boundaries on a national and territorial reading basis accounts for a particular type of cessation, as components of identity tend to be externalized as much as possible. Understanding how a civilized state emerges can lead us to an understanding of a civilized state’s reaction in the international relations, contributing to the way peace is secured in a particular region or in the international system and the world’s order, and the buildup of convergence level.</span> <br />
Con respecto de sus fundamentos, las iniciativas del comercio justo experimentaron una metamorfosis entre la década de 1940 y finales de la década de 1980. A través de las escuelas de pensamiento icónicas de la dependencia y del "desarrollo del subdesarrollo", la evolución de la teoría del desarrollo ha formado los principios y supuestos del comercio justo. A pesar de que estas escuelas de pensamiento cuestionan los supuestos de los mercados neoliberales, su intención de cambiar el sistema de comercio mundial y su intercambio desigual fue el resultado de una aplicación limitada de las relaciones sociales de producción en lugar de las relaciones económicas de intercambio. Estos factores, además del papel declinante del Estado en el desarrollo a finales de la década de 1980, el colapso de la Unión Soviética, y la contrarrevolución neoliberal a inicios de la década de 1990, llevaron al movimiento del comercio justo a redireccionar su enfoque.
El resurgimiento de las fuerzas neoliberales a inicios de la década de 1990, llevó a la red del comercio justo (lo que quedó del movimiento originado en la década de 1940) a implementar estrategias amigables con la filosofía de mercado para posicionarse mejor dentro del mercado dominante internacionalmente. A pesar de que la revolución neoliberal llevó al renacimiento de la red de comercio justo, esto no significa que la red haya perdido su sentido original de precios justos e intercambio justo, o su lealtad a los países del Sur Global. Su nueva realidad es prometedora, pero su nueva “dependencia” en enfoques amigables con el mercado puede también moldear su raison d’être.
This paper presents a critical scientific view of some issues of the scientific publication of our colleagues from Croatia: D. Živić, S. Špoljar Vržina, S. Cvikić, I. Žebec Šilj (editors), Vukovar 91 - Genocide and Memoricide Heritage of the European Union, Zagreb: Ivo Pilar Institute of Social Sciences, 2014. It is an attempt to alternatively highlight the background of the military-political case of '1991 Vukovar Operation' in the context of the brutal breakup of the former SFR Yugoslavia, both from outside and inside, the historical conflicts between Croats and Serbs, as well as the international law and the moral principles of global politics and regional security at the outset of the post-cold war era of international relations, in which the nations and nationalities of Yugoslavia found themselves in 1991.