ABSTRACT The administrative burden framework suggests that citizens experience psychological costs when interacting with the state. Previous research has primarily focused on context‐specific psychological costs, such as stress and loss of autonomy related to particular policies or encounters. This study expands the framework by integrating it with the relational model of authority and the stress and coping theory, and proposes that negative bureaucratic encounters have an adverse impact on citizens' general psychological well‐being, with cognitive human capital serving as a mitigating factor. Using a large‐scale representative longitudinal survey dataset from China, we test relevant hypotheses. The empirical analysis demonstrates that exposure to negative bureaucratic encounters is associated with poorer mental health, while formal education helps mitigate the impact. These findings underscore the significant influence of bureaucratic encounters on citizens' well‐being.
Hikmah Muhaimin, Dhiyan Septa Wihara, Ahmad Hasan Afandi
Change is an unavoidable phenomenon and organizations must develop their change capacity in order to survive in competition. The purpose of this study was to examine the determinants and impacts of organizational capacity for change (OCC). In addition, the moderating influence of empowerment on transformational leadership change is also examined in influencing the organization's capacity to change and remain empowered. The hypothesis is tested using the data obtained from the survey. A total of 200 questionnaires were filled in by management as respondents and used for data analysis in this research using the survey method. The results of the study show that the orientation of transformational leadership has a positive effect on OCC. Likewise, the influence of OCC on empowerment. To increase the capacity for change, administrators at Islamic boarding schools can increase the orientation of transformational leadership so that Islamic boarding schools can increase empowerment by not changing the existing culture at Islamic boarding schools and remain empowered according to applicable regulations. This research empirically examines OCC in the context of Islamic boarding schools which are shaped by leader orientation. Furthermore, OCC has a mediating role in the influence of leadership on the empowerment of Islamic boarding schools. In addition, OCC in this study was tested with 3 dimensions (learning, process, and context) which were previously proposed only conceptually. Transformational leadership has the organizational capacity to change. In the end, this research proposes and shows that the organizational context (culture) plays an important role in the organizational capacity for change (OCC) in developing empowerment.
Political institutions and public administration (General)
The prestige of law is one of the most crucial issues addressed in the sociology of law. The awareness of the degree of acceptance of the law by its addressees is a fundamental factor in the introduction of possible changes in the legal system.The notion of “prestige of law” was introduced to empirical sociology by Adam Podgórecki in the research he conducted in Poland in 1964.A new perspective in the study was to go beyond classical socio-demographic variables and put an emphasis on personality variables. It was also one of the first such studies internationally. In the fifty years that have passed since A. Podgórecki’s research, similar studies, even using exactly the same questions, have been repeated many times in both nation-wide and local studies. It should be assumed that the changes taking place in Poland and in the consciousness of its citizens during that time, such as the change of the system, increasing civil rights and freedoms, Poland’s accession to international organizations, etc., might be reflected in the increasing level of the prestige of law. But did it happen? Unfortunately not. The analysis of empirical research devoted to the prestige of law in the following article, especially after the political transformation that took place in 1989, but also nowadays, is an attempt to explain the reasons for its persistently low level.
Law, Political institutions and public administration (General)
Millions of measuring instruments are verified each year before being placed on the markets worldwide. In the EU, such initial conformity assessments are regulated by the Measuring Instruments Directive (MID). The MID modules F and F1 on product verification allow for statistical acceptance sampling, whereby only random subsets of instruments need to be inspected. This article re-interprets the acceptance sampling conditions formulated by the MID. The new interpretation is contrasted with the one advanced in WELMEC guide 8.10, and three advantages have become apparent. First, an economic advantage of the new interpretation is a producers’ risk bounded from above, such that measuring instruments with sufficient quality are accepted with a guaranteed probability of no less than 95%. Second, a conceptual advantage is that the new MID interpretation fits into the well known, formal framework of statistical hypothesis testing. Thirdly, the new interpretation applies unambiguously to finite-sized lots, even very small ones. We conclude that the new interpretation is to be preferred and suggest re-formulating the statistical sampling conditions in the MID. Re-interpreting the MID conditions implies that currently available sampling plans are either not admissible or not optimal. We derive a new acceptance sampling scheme and recommend its application. Supplementary materials for this article are available online.
Political institutions and public administration (General), Probabilities. Mathematical statistics
New public management, a reform movement that shifted the provision of public goods and services towards private institutions, is firmly entrenched in the United States. The Hollow State, a metaphor often used synonymously with contracting out, reflects the growing trend of using non-governmental networks–often nonprofits but also for-profit organizations–to deliver social services to vulnerable groups. This article, which draws from the author’s dissertation, examines differences in nonprofit and for-profit prisoner reentry agencies. The findings suggest that nonprofit/for-profit differences are eroding as the nonprofit sector becomes more competitive with the private sector for government contracts.
Political institutions and public administration (General)
Introduction. The article is devoted to the institution of the President of the Republic of Armenia and changes in its constitutional status over the past 30 years. To form the regulatory framework of the rule-of-law state, the adoption of the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia by referendum of 1995, amended by referenda of 2005 and 2015, was of key importance. At first, the institution of the President of the Republic of Armenia was strong enough: he was the head of the executive branch, he single-handedly appointed the Prime Minister, ministers, could unconditionally dissolve the legislative branch - the National Assembly, and make appointments in the judiciary system. That is, the principle of separation of powers was formal. The constitutional amendments of2005 limited the powers of the President of the Republic of Armenia. He had the right to appoint the Prime Minister only after agreement with the Parliament, he could dissolve the National Assembly in the cases and manner provided for in Art. 74.1. of the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia. For ten years, there was a form of semi-presidentalism in the Republic of Armenia, as in the Russian Federation. As a result of the constitutional amendments of 2015, in the context of the transition to parliamentary rule, the powers and functions of the President of the Republic of Armenia became strictly limited. He is elected by the Parliament, he cannot influence the decisions of the Parliament and the Government, he does not participate in the formation of the Government, which is not accountable to him. As a result, the office of the President of the Republic of Armenia is currently of ceremonial and representative nature. Materials and methods . The theoretical framework of this article consists of scientific works devoted to the institutions of the President of the Republic of Armenia and the Russian Federation. The authors also used the results of the analysis of law enforcement practice of the Republic of Armenia. The legal and regulatory framework of study was formed by the Constitutions and legislative acts of the Republic of Armenia, the Russian Federation and other states. Using both general research methods (historical, analytical) and special legal methods (system-structural, comparative-legal), the constitutional law of the Republic of Armenia and 30 years of experience in constitutional building were analyzed, as a result of which the existing theoretical and practical problems were identified, certain conclusions and proposals were made. Study results . The President, being the head of state, monitors compliance with the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia /Art. 123/, therefore, he should have separate functions and certain instruments. To exclude the dependence of the President on the parliamentary majority, the article proposes to change the mechanism of his election: to amend Article 125 of the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia and grant the right to elect the President of the Republic of Armenia to all those extraparliamentary paries that took part in the parliamentary elections, but were not elected to the Parliament, receiving between three and five percent of the total votes. It is considered optimal to assign them 30% of the total number of mandates of deputies of the National Assembly of the Republic of Armenia. The governing body of each party elects delegates to participate in presidential elections. In the event of such elections, considering also that, according to the Electoral Code of the Republic of Armenia, 30% of seats in the Parliament belong to the opposition, the President's dependence on the parliamentary majority will be excluded, and, in conditions of limited authority, he, at least, can easily put forward the topics of social and political discourse and influence public opinion, express his opinion on the appointment of the Prime Minister, and at least once a year, without fail, address the Parliament and the people. Discussion and conclusions. Strengthening the institution of the President in the parliamentary form of government can contribute to enhancing the role of the head of state as an arbitrator, effective activity of the Parliament and the Government of the Republic of Armenia and understanding the whole institution supported by the state budget.
There is a culture shift underway to harness the power of business to help address society’s greatest challenges. B Lab East Africa and its network of global partner organisations are uniquely positioned to accelerate this culture shift and ensure it is both meaningful and lasting. We use an integrated approach to systemic change by: (1) building a global community of thousands of credible leaders, Certified B Corporations (B Corps), that meet the highest standards of performance, accountability and transparency, (2) creating pathways that drive millions of businesses to follow these leaders in managing their impact with as much rigour as their profits, and aligning their interests with those of society and (3) inspiring billions to support business as a force for good. B Lab East Africa is engaging with hundreds of African businesses, large and small, as well as investors in assessing, comparing and improving their social and environmental impact. To align their strategies with impact, businesses need to understand where they stand against their perceived impact, how they compare to their peers and how they might improve. To do so, the B Impact Assessment (BIA) offers measurable ways that companies can have a positive impact. It offers step-by-step guidance to assess business practices and tools to make positive changes. By actively measuring their impact, leveraging resource to improve impact and engaging with all stakeholders on impact, we believe this will lead to a more shared and durable prosperity for all.
Political institutions and public administration (General)
Isabela Maria de Oliveira Duarte, Favio Akiyoshi Toda, Maria Cristina Drumond e Castro
et al.
O gerenciamento de projetos de softwares enfrenta o desafio de entregar soluções que atendam aos propósitos dos clientes. Historicamente, a metodologia tradicional Stage Gate foi a mais utilizada, porém para ambientes em transformação uma abordagem mais flexível se fez necessária. As metodologias ágeis surgiram como alternativas, merecendo destaque o SCRUM, possuindo uma maior valorização de interação entre os desenvolvedores e clientes e rápida adaptação às mudanças necessárias para atingir os resultados. Por outro lado, existem características da metodologia tradicional que são percebidas como importantes e estão ausentes no método ágil, gerando desafios de adaptabilidade. O presente trabalho teve como objetivo avaliar as barreiras de adoção desta inovação pela MRS Logística S.A., empresa ferroviária brasileira que utilizava a abordagem tradicional e passou a adotar a metodologia ágil SCRUM. Através de aplicação de entrevistas semi-estruturadas foi constatado que com a adoção desta metodologia foram percebidos diversos benefícios, como maior interação da equipe e entregas mais velozes. Porém algumas características da metodologia tradicional continuam sendo consideradas importantes, concluindo-se que a adoção de modelos híbridos é uma proposta mais adequada. Este estudo contribui na ampliação da discussão sobre metodologias de gerenciamento de projetos por meio da compreensão das barreiras de adoção de modelos ágeis.
Political institutions and public administration (General)
The concept of social capital has received increasing attention in recent years. The complexity and multidimensionality that accompany the variable of social capital have caused confusion and ambiguity. This article presents a synthesis of social capital in three perspectives. From the individualistic or micro-social perspective, social capital is an "individual resource" that consists of the networks of relations of the focal subject that bring it a set of instrumental and expressive resources. For the communitarian or meso-social perspective, social capital is a "community resource" or set of attributes and properties present in the social structure (shared norms and values, private trust, closure ...) that facilitate its functioning and collective action. Finally, for the macrosocial perspective, social capital is a "macrosocial and macroinstitutional resource" resting on aspects such as civic-mindedness, general trust and social cohesion, which favors the functioning of the economy and society in general.
Political science, Political institutions and public administration (General)
Measuring public service effectiveness has become a central issue for public authorities worldwide, often driven by governmental pressures to ensure value for money. In this context, social media data represent a potential powerful tool in the hands of public authorities to support the evaluation of public service performance. By relying on an action research project in the higher education field, this study explores how social media data can contribute to measure service effectiveness by focusing specifically on Twitter in the higher education field. The final aim of the paper is to develop a set of measures, derived from Twitter data, to quantify the effectiveness of higher education services. This investigation supports a broader discussion about the extent to which social media data can contribute to performance measurement in the public sector.
This study explored power relation of Jokowi as mayor of Solo City and his efforts to create inclusive populist policies in the case of street vendors’ arrangement and resettlement of people on the banks of Solo River. Specifically, this study explores how Jokowi build his relations with many actors, namely, how the relations can be established, who were they, how were the relationships between Jokowi and CSO (Civil Society Organization) and CSA (Civil Society Activist) as the agencies with serious interest in pursuing reform, and how these relations contribute to achieving local reform agenda. By using qualitative approach with case study strategy as the methodology, this study was conducted from December 2010 to early 2012 and obtained some results as follows: there are some strong enough relations between Jokowi with state and non-state actors, which exist as the attempt to overcome the structural constraints (limited human resources) and because of the similar agendas between Jokowi and those actors (especially with CSO and CSA), and that the relations (with CSO and CSA) are proven effective in helping to achieve local reform agenda progressively. The study also refines Tilly’s theory (1978) on several aspects, namely: the variant of member and challenger, the radical challenger, and neutral, and that the positions of challenger or member are not permanent (depend on the issues).
Political institutions and public administration (General)
In 2007, Alberta demonstrated that it could be a leader in the effort to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by becoming the first North American jurisdiction to put a price on carbon. Given that the province had long been criticized for its central role in the carbon-based economy, Alberta’s move was important for its symbolism. Unfortunately, the emissions policy itself has delivered more in symbolism than it has in actually achieving meaningful reductions in greenhouse gas emissions. The Specified Gas Emitters Regulation (SGER), as the carbon-pricing system is formally called, has only helped Alberta achieve a three per cent reduction in total emissions, relative to what they would have been without the SGER. And emissions keep growing steadily, up by nearly 11 per cent between 2007 and 2014, with the SGER only slowing that growth by a marginal one percentage point. Alberta’s carbon-pricing policy simply fails to combat emissions growth; the province needs a new one. Lack of progress in reducing emissions appears to be partly attributable to the fact that many large emitters find it more economical to allow their emissions to rise beyond the provincially mandated threshold, and instead are purchasing amnesty at a lower cost through carbon offsets or by paying the levies that the SGER imposes on excess emissions. But it is also partly attributable to the fact that the SGER only applies to large emitters who annually produce 100,000 tonnes of CO2-equivalent all at one site: mainly oil sands operations and facilities that generate heat and electricity. This excludes operations that emit well over that threshold, but across diffuse locations. The transportation sector, which is typically spread out in just such a way, is the third-largest sector for emissions in Alberta. Its emissions are also growing faster than those of the mining and oil and gas sector, even as emissions in the electricity and heat generation sector are actually declining. And if we combine the emissions from the transportation sector with those of the manufacturing and industrial sector, which can also be characterized by scattered operations, they substantially exceed those of the electricity and heat generation sector. Indeed, over 58 per cent of Alberta emissions come from places other than oil and gas and mining. There will surely be those who prefer strengthening SGER to a carbon tax; this is not likely to make enough of a difference for Alberta to meet its carbon-reduction goal of 218 Mt by 2020. The government would make far more progress by implementing a broad carbon tax, similar to the one in British Columbia, which applies to all emitters and consumers. The cost to the economy would not be steep: For a $20 per tonne tax, the cost would be 0.9 per cent of gross output (or 1.7 per cent at $40 a tonne). And the cost to households would be less than $700 a year. As in B.C., the proceeds would be better recycled in the form of reduced corporate income taxes, personal taxes, and subsidies to lowincome households, to offset the extra burden and distortions a carbon tax would create. But unlike the current SGER, a carbon tax would succeed in being more than a symbolic, largely futile gesture.
Political institutions and public administration (General)
Tourism and sustainable development are the subject of many initiatives and public or private debates in Romania. The main problem to which these initiatives try to find an answer is mostly related to the income generation for the local communities by using rationally and efficiently the local potential, in agreement with the economic, social, natural, and cultural factors. Consequently, some measures should be taken, and the tourist sector as a whole needs all the methods of sustainable development: new technologies, change of social behaviour, change of environmental legislation, methods of environmental management, better planning and development of control procedures. In this article, we presented a model of tourism development which should be applied in all the regions of great tourist attraction, and we realised a synthesis of the socio-economic advantages of sustainable tourism.
Political institutions and public administration (General)