Central Asia is crucial to China’s strategic goals, including energy security, regional stability, economic expansion, and geopolitical influence. After the Soviet Union’s collapse, China rapidly established diplomatic ties with Central Asian states, forming strategic partnerships exemplified by the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Silk Road Economic Belt initiative launched in 2013. However, the opaque nature of Chinese foreign policy complicates direct analysis of its regional strategies. Within this context, the tightly controlled narrative of Chinese state media serves as an essential indicator of governmental positions and policy directions. This study conducts a thorough analysis of Central Asian portrayals in prominent Chinese state media outlets, specifically People’s Daily and Global Times, spanning the last two decades. Employing quantitative text analysis techniques, this study tracks and elucidates China’s state media coverage of Central Asia, shedding light on the strategic narratives crafted by the Chinese government. The findings demonstrate that both the intensity and thematic focus of media coverage shift in tandem with changes in China’s diplomatic posture and strategic objectives. These adjustments in media narratives are indicative of geopolitical and economic objectives, aligning closely with China’s diplomatic engagements and strategic shifts. This nuanced analysis provides deep insights into the mechanics of China’s policy toward Central Asia, offering substantial implications for policymakers, academics, and strategic analysts focused on Asia-Pacific geopolitics. Moreover, the findings lay the groundwork for future investigative directions, proposing the adoption of qualitative content analysis and detailed country-specific studies to deepen the understanding of China’s influence in Central Asia.
Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only), Social sciences and state - Asia (Asian studies only)
The burning of national newspapers in Bangladesh constitutes a significant challenge to the Fourth Estate during a period of democratic transition and electoral uncertainty. This article argues that these incidents should be understood not as isolated expressions of widespread anger but as targeted acts of media intimidation that serve the interests of fundamentalist and populist forces seeking to restrict pluralistic public discourse. Occurring in the lead-up to the February national elections and following the 2024 student-led movement that ended Sheikh Hasina's prolonged tenure, the attacks reflect ongoing struggles over political legitimacy and narrative authority. Drawing on Fourth Estate theory and existing literature on democratic backsliding and press freedom, the study situates these developments within Bangladesh's evolving governance framework, including the interim administration under Muhammad Yunus. Adopting a multi-scalar analytical approach, the article examines domestic implications alongside regional and international responses. While the immediate effects include institutional vulnerability, self-censorship, and a chilling impact on journalistic practice, the study also notes emerging forms of professional solidarity and heightened external scrutiny. The article contributes to discussions on media resilience and democratic accountability in South Asia.
This systematic review explores the role of participatory budgeting (PB) in enhancing public finance systems and improving policy effectiveness within local governance contexts. Drawing upon the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) 2020 framework, this study synthesizes findings from 92 peer-reviewed articles and high-quality institutional reports published between 2000 and 2024. The review investigates how PB contributes to fiscal decentralization, budget transparency, equitable public expenditure, service delivery, social inclusion, and civic engagement. Through a rigorous analysis of empirical and theoretical contributions, the review highlights the multidimensional value of PB in realigning public spending with local needs and promoting democratic accountability. Key findings indicate that PB strengthens the alignment between public resource allocation and community-defined priorities, reduces corruption through participatory oversight mechanisms, and fosters institutional trust by enhancing transparency and inclusiveness. The evidence shows that PB not only empowers marginalized populations—such as women, youth, and ethnic minorities—but also encourages sustained civic learning, social cohesion, and citizen-state collaboration. However, successful implementation of PB is contingent upon several enabling conditions, including strong political commitment, sufficient administrative capacity, legal frameworks that institutionalize participatory practices, and the presence of an active and organized civil society. Comparative analysis across Latin America, Europe, Africa, Asia, and North America reveals that while PB principles are globally adaptable, their effectiveness varies depending on local political culture, institutional maturity, and infrastructural readiness. The review also underscores the potential of digital PB platforms in expanding access and participation, though challenges remain regarding inclusivity and the digital divide. Despite promising impacts, the review identifies notable research gaps, such as the absence of longitudinal impact assessments, limited integration of intersectional frameworks, and the underrepresentation of PB practices in fragile, post-conflict, or authoritarian contexts. Furthermore, most evaluations focus on output measures (e.g., number of projects funded) rather than long-term governance or developmental outcomes. By consolidating diverse strands of literature, this review underscores PB’s transformative potential as both a governance mechanism and a fiscal tool. It calls for more context-sensitive, interdisciplinary research to fully understand PB’s long-term contributions to inclusive development, democratic renewal, and sustainable public finance reform.
The war on drugs has become a global concern, particularly in Southeast Asia, where drug-related crimes are considered a serious threat to national security, international security, and public health. Two cases that will be discussed relate to the anti-drug campaigns in the Philippines and Indonesia, both of which have attracted attention due to their controversial law enforcement methods. This study aims to compare the application of the principle of proportionality in drug law enforcement in both countries, focusing on whether the actions taken align with international human rights standards. This research employs a juridical-comparative method, analysing legal policies, government policies, and human rights-related case facts from both countries. In the Philippines, the campaign under President Duterte's administration raised significant concerns regarding extrajudicial killings and the excessive use of power, which deviates from the principle of proportional enforcement. In contrast, Indonesia adopts a more judicial approach, although it still faces criticism for harsh verdicts and the implementation of the death penalty. The findings will reveal significant differences in how the principle of proportionality is interpreted and applied, influenced by political will, law, and institutional accountability. While both countries claim to uphold the rule of law, the level of adherence to the principle of proportionality varies greatly. This study concludes that a balanced and human rights-based approach is essential for sustainable and ethical enforcement of drug policy in Southeast Asia.
Rohana Binti Ahmad, Ahmad Martadha Bin Mohamed, Zahrul Akmal Bin Damin
This study examines how job demands and transformational leadership relate to work stress among civil servants in Malaysia. Survey data were collected from 656 respondents using validated instruments and analyzed through Partial Least Squares Structural Equation Modeling (PLS-SEM). The results show that job demands significantly predict work stress (β = 0.671, p < .001), while transformational leadership has no significant direct or mediating effect. These findings challenge the common assumption that transformational leadership buffers work stress in public sector settings. Workload-related factors are more salient than leadership in predicting stress outcomes. The study contributes empirical evidence on occupational stress in Southeast Asian public administration and suggests the need for structural workload reforms rather than reliance on leadership interventions alone.
Political science (General), Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)
This article examines how artificial intelligence (AI) is reshaping democratic governance in Southeast Asia through a comparative study of Indonesia and the Philippines. Rather than treating “AI in courts,” “AI in public administration,” and “AI in elections” as separate debates, the study integrates these domains and argues that democracy-related outcomes emerge from their interaction across the governance cycle—from rights-sensitive adjudication and service delivery to the formation of electoral preferences. The analysis is guided by two complementary lenses: democratic accountability (traceability, contestability, liability/answerability, auditability) and digital and platform sovereignty (control over data and public infrastructures versus dependence on transnational platform ecosystems). Methodologically, the article employs a qualitative comparative case-study design based on documentary analysis of legal instruments, policy strategies, regulator and electoral-body guidance, institutional reports, and peer-reviewed scholarship within a 2020–2025 timeframe. The findings indicate that the most immediate democratic risks arise not from fully autonomous “AI government,” but from the institutional embedding of AI-capable infrastructures that become decision-relevant in practice. In the justice sector, procedural digitisation creates pathways toward Machine-Involved Judgment (MIJ) when decision-support outputs shape discretion without robust disclosure, auditable trails, or meaningful review routes. In public administration, integrated GovTech architectures intensify Automated Policymaking (APM) dynamics, where eligibility and access rules are executed through platforms, amplifying demands for contestability and independent oversight. In elections, Algorithmic Political Persuasion (APP)—microtargeting, synthetic media, and platform optimisation—poses the most time-sensitive threats to voter autonomy and electoral integrity, prompting uneven but increasingly explicit platform-facing interventions. The article contributes an integrated analytical toolkit for democratic AI governance and derives risk-based recommendations prioritising enforceable transparency, independent auditing, and effective remedies aligned with citizen sovereignty.
The object of the study is the process of formation of the educational system in the Central Asian territories of the Russian Empire in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The subject of the study is a reflection of the process of formation of the educational system of Central Asia in Russian journalism of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This article highlights the attitude of Russian publications of the post-reform modernization era to the educational policy pursued by the imperial administration in the territories of Central Asia. The differences between conservative, liberal and democratic views on the goals and methods of the education system being created in the Muslim environment are noted. The article highlights the attitude of publicists to the ambiguous perception of the traditional local school by the Russian administration. Particular attention is paid to the criticism of inconsistency and fluctuations in government policy in the field of education. The constructive proposals of publicists aimed at ensuring the synthesis of some aspects of traditional and Russian educational institutions, contributing to the acculturation of the local population and the gradual integration of the region into the Empire, are revealed. The work used the historical and genetic method, which make possible to trace the development of the educational policy of Russia in the Central Asia on the pages of domestic publications; comparative, which allows to establish the general and special in its perception by publicists; the principle of historicism, revealing their attitude to the educational policy of the authorities in the historical context of the epoch of the early twentieth century. The problem of reflecting the educational policy of Russia in Central Asia in periodicals of that time has not been the subject of special analysis. Conservative authors advocated a policy of religious tolerance, the spread of the Russian school and the inclusion of the younger generation of the local population in its educational process. The main task of educational policy in the region for liberals for a long time has been to reduce the level of Muslim fanaticism, to introduce civilization through the development of education, to reform Russian-native schools, madrassas and mektebe, to provide cultural autonomy to the population of the region, the need for a synthesis of secular and national schools. Populist publications suggested using a public resource in the creation and development of a local school. Representatives of all directions agreed that only with the help of education and the dissemination of European values is it possible to overcome the cultural isolation of the region, national and religious extremism, undermining the foundations of its integration with Russia.
The present issue of History of Science and Technology (Vol. 15, Issue 2, 2025) brings together a wide-ranging collection of studies that illuminate the long-term dynamics of scientific knowledge, technological systems, and their social, cultural, and political entanglements. The contributions assembled here reflect the journal’s enduring commitment to interdisciplinary scholarship and to the integration of diverse geographical, chronological, and methodological perspectives. Taken together, the articles demonstrate that science and technology are not isolated domains of technical ingenuity, but historically contingent processes shaped by imagination, institutions, power relations, material practices, and cultural values. A unifying theme of this issue is the continuity between past and present: ancient myths and early mechanical devices resonate with contemporary debates on artificial intelligence; nineteenth-century academic networks prefigure modern systems of scientific communication; industrial technologies mature through decades of negotiation between laboratories, factories, and regulatory regimes; and cultural technologies such as music, cinema, and transport reveal deep interconnections between material innovation and human perception. By juxtaposing case studies from Europe, Asia, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia, this issue underscores the global character of scientific and technological development while remaining attentive to local contexts and specific historical trajectories. The issue opens with Ahmed Shaker Alalaq’s study “Artificial Intelligence and Robotics in Ancient Times: Between Myth and Interpretation”, which explores how ancient civilizations conceptualized artificial beings capable of thought and action. By examining myths such as Automata, the Golem, and other legendary constructs from Greek, Chinese, and Near Eastern traditions, the article demonstrates that the aspiration to create intelligent artifacts is not a product of the digital age alone. Rather, it is embedded in long-standing philosophical and cultural reflections on consciousness, creativity, and the boundaries of human agency. Alalaq’s contribution situates contemporary debates on artificial intelligence within a longue durée perspective, showing how ethical concerns, fears of loss of control, and hopes for human enhancement were already articulated in mythological form. In doing so, the article provides a conceptual bridge between ancient imagination and modern technological realities, reminding readers that innovation is often guided by deeply rooted narratives and symbolic frameworks. Several contributions in this issue focus on the nineteenth century as a formative period for modern scientific institutions and communication networks. Denys Buhor’s article “Development of Ukrainian Mechanics: Context of Scientific Publications by Kharkiv Scientists of the 19th Century” offers a detailed historiographical and bibliometric analysis of the Kharkiv scientific milieu. By examining publications produced at Kharkiv University and the Kharkiv Institute of Technology, the study reveals how theoretical and applied mechanics developed in close institutional synergy. Figures such as Oleksandr Lyapunov and Volodymyr Steklov emerge not only as individual innovators but as representatives of scientific schools shaped by mentoring, academic heredity, and international exchange. Buhor’s work highlights the transition from isolated scholarly efforts to systematic research cultures aligned with industrialization and European scientific standards. Complementing this perspective, the article by Natalya Pasichnyk, Renat Rizhniak, and Hanna Deforzh, “International Relations and Scientific Communication of the Imperial Novorossiya University in the Last Third of the 19th Century”, examines the mechanisms through which Odesa scientists integrated into the European scientific space. Focusing on translations, academic mobility, participation in international congresses, and the role of the Notes of the Novorossiya Society of Naturalists, the authors demonstrate how multilingualism and institutional platforms facilitated knowledge circulation. This study underscores that scientific globalization in the nineteenth century was not a one-way transfer of ideas from Western Europe to the periphery, but a complex process of adaptation, negotiation, and mutual recognition. The transition from scientific knowledge to industrial application is examined in Artemii Bernatskyi’s article “Hybrid Laser-Arc Welding of Low-Alloy Steels: From Scientific Concept to Industrial Technology (1970s–2020s)”. This contribution traces the four-decade trajectory of hybrid welding from laboratory experiments to its selective stabilization in sectors such as shipbuilding, pipeline construction, wind-energy infrastructure, and offshore engineering. By emphasizing institutional conservatism, certification barriers, and capital intensity, Bernatskyi shows that technological diffusion of innovations is rarely linear or inevitable. The article also situates hybrid welding within contemporary sustainability debates, revealing how a technology originally developed for productivity gains later acquired environmental significance through reduced material consumption and extended service life of structures. A cluster of articles addresses the socio-political dimensions of technology in architectural and infrastructural contexts. Bharoto Bharoto, Himasari Hanan, and Andry Widyowijatnoko, in “Institutionalising Concrete Construction Technology: A Socio-Technical Formation of Modern Architecture in Indonesia”, analyze how concrete became the dominant material of postcolonial Indonesian architecture. Drawing on social construction theory, the authors show that technological institutionalization unfolded differently under the Old Order and the New Order regimes, yet resulted in a durable socio-technical system that bridged ideological and economic transformations. This study contributes a valuable Global South perspective to Science and Technology Studies by demonstrating that modernity emerges through negotiated, context-specific processes rather than simple technological transfer. Similarly, Hary Ganjar Budiman and colleagues explore colonial power relations in “Colonial Technopolitics in the Dutch East Indies: A Study of Colonial Hydroelectric Power in Pamanoekan and Tjiasemlanden Plantation”. By combining archival research with historical archaeology, the authors reveal how hydroelectric infrastructure functioned as an instrument of colonial technocracy. Hydropower stations are shown not merely as technical achievements, but as mechanisms for rendering nature calculable and for integrating local environments into global economic networks. The article foregrounds the concept of technopolitics, emphasizing that technology operates simultaneously as material infrastructure and as a means of governance. Petra Hyklová’s contribution, “Negotiating a Great Telescope: The Case of Czechoslovakia”, offers a detailed reconstruction of the political, institutional, and personal negotiations surrounding the construction of the Ondřejov 2-m telescope. The article demonstrates that large scientific instruments are products of complex collaborations involving scientists, manufacturers, state administrations, and international partners. By highlighting the parallel development of similar telescopes in Czechoslovakia and Azerbaijan, Hyklová reveals how scientific ambitions intersected with Cold War politics, economic constraints, and long-term planning. The continued operation of these instruments today underscores the durability of such negotiated technological systems. The cultural dimensions of technology are explored in the article “Pneumatics, Acoustics and Digital Sound: The Organ in the History of Science and Technology” by Olena Spolska and co-authors. Treating the organ as a long-lived technological system, the study traces its evolution from the ancient hydraulis to contemporary digital and hybrid instruments. The article demonstrates how advances in pneumatics, acoustics, metallurgy, electrification, and computation were gradually absorbed into organ building without erasing earlier traditions. Transport history and the culture of speed form the focus of the next article “The History of the Emergence, Development and Improvement of High-Speed Railways”. By combining technical, socio-economic, and cultural analysis, the authors show how high-speed rail transformed perceptions of space and time while serving as a tool of regional integration and economic development. From the Shinkansen and TGV to contemporary maglev and Hyperloop concepts, high-speed rail emerges as a key component of twenty-first-century energy-intelligent mobility. The issue concludes with the article “Silent Cinema as a Technological System: Infrastructure, Innovation, and Institutionalization (1890–1930)” by Liudmyla Vaniuha and colleagues. Challenging the view of silent cinema as a primitive precursor to sound film, the authors demonstrate that this period established the foundational technological and institutional structures of modern cinema. Projection systems, permanent theaters, studio infrastructures, special effects, and genre formation collectively transformed film into a global medium of mass communication. This study highlights cinema as a paradigmatic example of how technology, industry, and culture co-evolve. Together, the articles in this issue of History of Science and Technology illustrate the richness and diversity of contemporary scholarship in the field. They reaffirm that the history of science and technology is best understood through interdisciplinary approaches that connect technical detail with social context, institutional frameworks, and cultural meaning. By bringing ancient myths into dialogue with artificial intelligence, colonial infrastructures with postcolonial modernity, and nineteenth
Public institutions are essential for executing government policies. Citizens’ trust in public institutions is a crucial factor to consider when assessing the state of democracy. Working processes, trends, organisational principles, neutrality, approaches and impartiality are also used to assess an institution’s trustworthiness. Failing to satisfy any of these indicators can create distrust. Good governance is essential for every country to move forward and attain its development goals. For most countries in South Asia, governance is not in a good condition, with government institutions struggling to perform satisfactorily. In this situation, distrust may be fostered among citizens with limited conviction in democracy and diminish the reliability of public institutions. By taking these issues into account, this article uses secondary literature to evaluate the level of trust in the public institutions of South Asian States with a distinct emphasis on good governance.
Public policy could be defined as a course of action of the government to address the problems of the public by taking rational measures while framing the direction of the country. Pakistan’s history has remained highly ambiguous in formulating public policy and governance as it has seen parliamentary democracies, military dictatorships, presidential democracies, and quasi-parliamentary democracies since its inception. Interestingly, the role of the legislatures, particularly the parliaments, has been overshadowed by the institution of bureaucracy and the military in terms of framing public policy and governance of the state. This paper reflects upon a holistic overview of the power structure dynamics in Pakistan and analyses the impact of the colonial past on the current power structure. It shall also investigate how the failure of political institutions has allowed other institutions to step in and play a significant role in governance and public policy-making.
This paper examines the connection between governments’ accountability and their responses to the global economic crisis caused by COVID-19 through the lens of competing principals approach. Given that governments’ sense of accountability towards groups of principals may vary, it may affect the policy outcomes as well. In the case of Covid-19 pandemic, the dilemma manifests in the extent to which the governments spend their resources on economic assistance to the people. By using the ever-growing corpus of data on economic responses, such as The Oxford COVID-19 Government Response Tracker (OxCGRT) as well as the compilation of several measures for political accountabilities, regime types, and COVID-related public health, this study finds that, unlike other regions in the world, the only type of accountability predicting Southeast Asian (SEA) governments’ level of economic support to the people is diagonal accountability leveraged by the media and civil societies (CSOs). This finding not only illustrates the dilemma faced by the governments as an agent in a multi-principal scenario, but also indicate that a) SEA governments generally do not feel directly liable to its people; b) they do not feel pressured by the check and balances mechanisms of formal institutions, either; and c) they only feel obligated to do something when the issue is being publicized in the news or mobilized by the CSOs.
PurposeNon-performing loans (NPLs) may determine an overall weakness of the banking system within a country. The purpose of the present study is to analyze the impact of government failures on NPLs in Asian countries in the time span 2000–2020. The variables employed as proxies of government failures are public debt as % of gross domestic product (GDP) and a government ineffectiveness index proposed by the World Bank.Design/methodology/approachThe econometric approach employed is a panel generalised time series (GLS) model with heteroskedasticity and autocorrelation specific to each panel.FindingsThe results confirm that public debt as % of GDP and governmental ineffectiveness impacted significantly on NPLs for Asian countries in the observed period.Originality/valueThe literature offers similar results only for some individual Asian countries, while a wider analysis is lacking for Asian macroareas. The present paper considers 31 Asian countries, and supports the idea that a healthy financial sector is correlated to institutional quality and political regime. Hence, policy makers are advised to monitor governance indicators to reduce NPLs.
Dwi Retno Ayu, Yoga Dimas Ananta, Petrus Perlindungan Zai
This article aims to describe the failure of financial performance from the perspective of New Public Management (NPM) which caused the bankruptcy of the company PT. Garuda Indonesia Tbk. The problem in this research is focused on the financial performance of PT. Garuda Indonesia Tbk failed due to its weakness in increasing effectiveness and efficiency as well as controlling output and outcome in using the resources owned by the company. In order to approach this problem, New Public Management (NPM) theory as a reference is based on seven NPM concepts. The data in this study were collected through literature review from various sources, such as journals, news, and official company documents. This research was conducted using qualitative research methods with a descriptive approach. This study concludes that the bankruptcy of PT. Garuda Indonesia Tbk is caused by several factors, namely control of output and outcome, less than optimal allocation of organizational resources, actions that focus on inputs without paying attention to outputs, and the lack of adaptation and anticipatory actions in the organizational environment.
Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)
This article describes the impact of achieving the goals of bureaucratic reform through the following aspects: transparency, reducing administrative corruption, improving services, and empowerment by using the Quick Information Service Assistant application at the Class II District Court Office, Tanah Grogot Regency. The problem is focused on the impact of using the ALICE application. To approach this problem, a theoretical reference is used (Indrayani, 2020) that e-Government applications have shown an impact on the goals of public sector reform through information disclosure for the public, service transparency, increasing community participation. have an impact on reducing corruption, increasing accessibility and empowering the public. The implementation of the ALICE application is still at the emerging stage in terms of e-Government implementation, while the level of innovation is in the first stage, namely e-information. The data were collected through interview techniques, observations, and literature studies and analyzed through interactive model data analysis techniques (Miles et al., 2014). This article concludes that the Quick Information Service Assistant Application has provided essential information for the public regarding requests for ticket fines, requests for certificates, information on the trial agenda, information on fees and remaining down payments, court fees, and information on the Supreme Court e-court. The positive impact felt by the presence of the Rapid Information Service Assistant, namely increasing service transparency and encouraging active community participation. Then the impact in reducing the occurrence of administrative corruption occurs because there is no meeting between the public and officers. In contrast, in the aspect of improving the quality of service, the public does not need to spend transportation costs to get information. Aspects of empowerment, namely the existence of feedback from the public in services, will be able to improve the quality of information and good collaboration and reduce the practice of brokering. the public does not need to spend transportation costs to get information. Aspects of empowerment, namely the existence of feedback from the public in services, will be able to improve the quality of information and good collaboration and reduce the practice of brokering. the public does not need to spend transportation costs to get information. Aspects of empowerment, namely the existence of feedback from the public in services, will be able to improve the quality of information and good collaboration and reduce the practice of brokering.
Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)
This article discusses how the gemstone jade mediates guanxi (‘personal relationships’), and how guanxi mediates jade trade in China. Outlining some affective, spiritual, moral and somatic meanings and efficacies of jade, especially as a gift, the article first discusses how jade materialities, cultural history and ontology influence human interactions with, and through, jade in contemporary China. Secondly, the article presents some more economically instrumental investments in, and exchanges of, jade and discusses why and how a national anti-corruption campaign engendered fluctuations in Chinese jade markets. Finally, the article discusses how guanxi ideally forges personal trust that facilitates transactions of jade, even though some younger jade traders consider guanxi insincere. Studies of guanxi in China’s reform era have conventionally given analytical primacy to how social relationships structure and give meaning to material exchanges. In contrast, this article argues that jade itself can be a catalyst for social relationships that span affect and instrumentality. Combining object–oriented, ontological and institutionalist approaches, the article conceptualises the outlined relations between jade and guanxi as material–social congruity and contingency in the Chinese context.
Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only), Social sciences and state - Asia (Asian studies only)
This article analyses the citizenship regime of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Current literature on ASEAN regionalism has refrained from examining the link between community-building and citizenship building, and the prevailing assumption remains that ASEAN lacks a citizenship regime. This assumption derives from the premises that a regional citizenship regime is the result of the reconfiguration of national citizenship rights and that it is a legally defined status. By deploying the concept of citizenship regime based on the dimensions of rights, access, belonging, and responsibility mix, the article argues that there is an emerging citizenship regime in ASEAN built on citizenship-related policies. This citizenship regime is informal, developing, and atypical – and the unintentional outcome of ASEAN trying to fulfil its agenda on community-building. The analysis contributes to citizenship studies and ASEAN regionalism by offering a nuanced understanding of how citizenship regimes are built through citizenship-related policies and practices.
International relations, Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)
After the formation of critical discourses against the current situation in the Qajar period, most of them attacked the authoritarian regime and called for the transition from tyranny to the rule of law. Eventually, the constitution became the main critic's claim, and the constitutional order was issued. However, at the stage of drafting the constitutional amendment, constitutionalism was considered by shariatians to be contrary to sharia and thus faced a major challenge.The Habl-ol- matin, which had been promoting constitutionalism since many years ago, with secular explanations, after the challenge, changed its position and promoted constitutionality based on the idea of separating sharia from the custom.The basic question of the article is that Habl-ol- matin explained the idea on the basis of what basis and purpose?The findings of the research on the basis of the descriptive-explanatory method show that after the constitution was considered to be contrary to sharia, this publication regulates its secular explanation of constitutionalism on the basis of the jurisprudential permission of the Scholars of Najaf on the necessity of the separation of the sharia from the custom at the time of the absent, and as a way of linking the thinking of the modern state and sharia.
Political institutions and public administration (General), Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)
The question of when the government of the Republic of China abandoned “Retaking the Mainland” has not been clearly answered in previous studies. In this article, I attempt to address this by reexamining the transformation of Taiwan’s military strategy. I focus on the preparations for the “Retaking the Mainland” operation, which have been studied extensively, and the efforts to increase defensive capabilities as part of the “Taiwan Defense” operation, which has lesser scholarship. With respect to this period of transformation of Taiwan’s military strategy, a now broadly accepted interpretation was laid out in the 2006 National Defense Report. However, a different perspective was outlined in a 2013 book jointly compiled by Taiwan’s Ministry of National Defense and Academia Historia. The result is that, with respect to the historical shift in military strategy, the official view of the Ministry of National Defense has become somewhat ambiguous. In this article, I advance an alternative view on this period by highlighting two points at which new policies were adopted. There was a move from a strategy of “Offensive Posture” that had been in place since 1949 to a strategy of “Unity of the Offensive and Defensive,” in the Spring of 1969. Subsequently, after the establishment of the “Guidelines for National Unification” in 1991, there was another shift, to a strategy of “Defensive Posture.” As I suggest, the ROC government abandoned the concept of using military force to “Retake the Mainland” in 1991, when it moved to a strategy of “Defensive Posture.”
Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only), Social sciences and state - Asia (Asian studies only)