Hasil untuk "Labor policy. Labor and the state"

Leixin Chang, Xinchen Yao, Ben Liu et al.

On-policy reinforcement learning (RL) algorithms have demonstrated great potential in robotic control, where effective exploration is crucial for efficient and high-quality policy learning. However, how to encourage the agent to explore the better trajectories efficiently remains a challenge. Most existing methods incentivize exploration by maximizing the policy entropy or encouraging novel state visiting regardless of the potential state value. We propose a new form of directed exploration that uses analytical policy gradients from a differentiable dynamics model to inject task-aware, physics-guided guidance, thereby steering the agent towards high-reward regions for accelerated and more effective policy learning.

Inna N. Burganova

Background. Education is one of the most important resources for a country's development. A joint educational policy in the multilateral format of the EAEU will help its members share their experiences, technologies, and methods, improve their educational levels, and ensure the competitiveness of Eurasian actors in the international labor market. Additionally, a common dialogue will create conditions for cultural cooperation, interethnic relations, and political communication. Therefore, addressing the issues and prospects of the EAEU is crucial. Purpose. Analysis of the state and problems of the process of creating a single educational space of the EAEU. Materials and methods. The material of the study is the educational space of the EAEU. The author relied on the method of system analysis in the study of the current state of the EAEU; the method of cause-and-effect analysis helped to understand the difficulties of rapprochement of the EAEU members; the modeling method allowed to identify possible measures that would help the EAEU members to become closer in the educational dialogue. Results. The rapprochement of the EAEU members involves a large number of factors (historical background, cultural ties, geographical proximity, external “diplomatic isolation” of some EAEU members), which give an additional impetus to the idea of creating a common educational space. The EAEU’s joint educational projects cover various forms of interaction, ranging from the branches of their universities in EAEU partner countries, the processes of academic mobility, the synchronization of the development of the digital format in the scientific and educational spheres of the EAEU members, to specific “growth points” of Eurasian integration in the form of the Eurasian Network University. At the same time, the "tree of problems" of communication between EAEU countries in the field of education includes such aspects as: the lack of transparency in the verification of educational documents; the language barrier/lack of a unified language platform; financial difficulties for students/teachers; and the problem of academic support. EDN: BIIEMJ

À partir de données de l’enquête longitudinale administrée auprès des ménages au Royaume-Uni, les auteurs utilisent des méthodes de panel et de régression quantile inconditionnelle pour étudier la pénalité à la maternité au Royaume-Uni. Les estimations issues des modèles de panel montrent qu’en moyenne la pénalité existe toujours. Toutefois, la régression quantile inconditionnelle révèle qu’elle est très variable selon le niveau de la distribution salariale: elle est plus élevée dans la moitié inférieure, demeurant statistiquement significative dans tous les quantiles jusqu’à la médiane. Au-delà, elle s’amenuise et se transforme même en prime au sommet de la distribution.

D.N. Nurmatov

The concept of decent work developed by the International Labour Organization is a key reference point for modern social and labor policy. In the context of the digital transformation of the economy, there is a need to adapt existing methodological approaches, since new forms of employment (platform, remote, hybrid) are not covered by traditional indicators. Aim. To analyze methodological approaches to measuring decent work as a unified system combining normative, statistical, and institutional indicators, as well as to substantiate an integrated model (national decent work index) that takes into account the modern challenges of the digital economy. Methods. Comparative and institutional analysis, structural and functional approach, as well as a review and synthesis of international statistical surveys and academic publications. Results. Analysis of the evolution of the decent work methodology: from the multidimensional system of R. Anker, including more than 30 indicators, to the minimalist approach of D. Bescond, A. Chatainier and F. Mehran, based on seven indicators. It was established that in modern practice of the International Labour Organization a hybrid model is used, combining complexity and practical applicability. The author identified the need to supplement traditional indicators with digital measures: the level of coverage of workers with social guarantees in online employment, the presence of a corporate policy of the "right to disconnect", the dissemination of digital skills, as well as an assessment of technostress and cyber threats. A conclusion was made on the advisability of developing a national decent work index (for example, IDT-UZ), integrating classical and digital indicators, which will provide a more complete understanding of the state of the labor market and increase the effectiveness of national employment policy.

Hao Ma, Shijie Wang, Zhiqiang Pu et al.

Guiding the policy of multi-agent reinforcement learning to align with human common sense is a difficult problem, largely due to the complexity of modeling common sense as a reward, especially in complex and long-horizon multi-agent tasks. Recent works have shown the effectiveness of reward shaping, such as potential-based rewards, to enhance policy alignment. The existing works, however, primarily rely on experts to design rule-based rewards, which are often labor-intensive and lack a high-level semantic understanding of common sense. To solve this problem, we propose a hierarchical vision-based reward shaping method. At the bottom layer, a visual-language model (VLM) serves as a generic potential function, guiding the policy to align with human common sense through its intrinsic semantic understanding. To help the policy adapts to uncertainty and changes in long-horizon tasks, the top layer features an adaptive skill selection module based on a visual large language model (vLLM). The module uses instructions, video replays, and training records to dynamically select suitable potential function from a pre-designed pool. Besides, our method is theoretically proven to preserve the optimal policy. Extensive experiments conducted in the Google Research Football environment demonstrate that our method not only achieves a higher win rate but also effectively aligns the policy with human common sense.

Zhanpeng He, Yifeng Cao, Matei Ciocarlie

Human-in-the-loop (HitL) robot deployment has gained significant attention in both academia and industry as a semi-autonomous paradigm that enables human operators to intervene and adjust robot behaviors at deployment time, improving success rates. However, continuous human monitoring and intervention can be highly labor-intensive and impractical when deploying a large number of robots. To address this limitation, we propose a method that allows diffusion policies to actively seek human assistance only when necessary, reducing reliance on constant human oversight. To achieve this, we leverage the generative process of diffusion policies to compute an uncertainty-based metric based on which the autonomous agent can decide to request operator assistance at deployment time, without requiring any operator interaction during training. Additionally, we show that the same method can be used for efficient data collection for fine-tuning diffusion policies in order to improve their autonomous performance. Experimental results from simulated and real-world environments demonstrate that our approach enhances policy performance during deployment for a variety of scenarios.

Pamela Herd, Donald P. Moynihan

Gendered burdens are experiences of coercive and controlling state actions that directly regulate gendered bodies, labor, and identity. It’s not simply about preventing access to rights and benefits, it’s about control and coercion. Gendered burdens generate gender inequality through four mechanisms. First, administrative burdens regulate reproductive bodies, legitimating the state’s direct control over reproductive health care, including abortions, with consequent implications for peoples’ health. Second, burdens require reproductive labor, shifting unpaid and underpaid reproductive labor onto women as the policies that support such labor tend to have high administrative burden that impede access. Third, gendered burdens restrict reproductive labor, impeding the right to provide such care labor with dignity, by exerting control over how, and sometimes whether, care is performed, including in rights-granting venues, like redistributive benefits, and rights-depriving venues, like the supervision of families by child protective services. Fourth, burdens regulate gendered identities, reinforcing heteronormative and cis-normative constructions of gender, including by directly controlling gender identification. While gendered burdens are not only experienced by women, they are most strongly applied to poor and racially marginalized groups of women. These claims provide a basis for public administration scholarship to connect with feminist theory by illustrating the centrality of administrative processes and related experiences to structural patterns of inequality.

MERIELLE MARTINS ALVES, Mário Borges Netto

Neste texto apresentam-se os resultados de um estudo sobre a implantação da modalidade de teletrabalho na Universidade Federal de Uberlândia-UFU, segundo a Instrução Normativa Conjunta SEGES SGPRT/MGI nº 24, de 28 de julho de 2023. Da análise documental, cotejada com as reflexões teóricas sobre as mudanças no mundo do trabalho nas últimas décadas, conclui-se que a efetivação do referido programa impactará sobremaneira na qualidade do serviço prestado a população e nas condições de trabalho dos servidores, expondo-os, ainda mais, às consequências precarizantes da lógica neoliberal em seu cotidiano. Palavras-chave: Educação; Teletrabalho; Programa de Gestão e Desempenho – PGD; Universidade Federal de Uberlândia-UFU.

Arno Geimer, Beltran Fiz, Radu State

Federated learning (FL) is a collaborative and privacy-preserving Machine Learning paradigm, allowing the development of robust models without the need to centralize sensitive data. A critical challenge in FL lies in fairly and accurately allocating contributions from diverse participants. Inaccurate allocation can undermine trust, lead to unfair compensation, and thus participants may lack the incentive to join or actively contribute to the federation. Various remuneration strategies have been proposed to date, including auction-based approaches and Shapley-value-based methods, the latter offering a means to quantify the contribution of each participant. However, little to no work has studied the stability of these contribution evaluation methods. In this paper, we evaluate participant contributions in federated learning using gradient-based model reconstruction techniques with Shapley values and compare the round-based contributions to a classic data contribution measurement scheme. We provide an extensive analysis of the discrepancies of Shapley values across a set of aggregation strategies and examine them on an overall and a per-client level. We show that, between different aggregation techniques, Shapley values lead to unstable reward allocations among participants. Our analysis spans various data heterogeneity distributions, including independent and identically distributed (IID) and non-IID scenarios.

Jiahang Cao, Qiang Zhang, Jingkai Sun et al.

Diffusion models have been widely employed in the field of 3D manipulation due to their efficient capability to learn distributions, allowing for precise prediction of action trajectories. However, diffusion models typically rely on large parameter UNet backbones as policy networks, which can be challenging to deploy on resource-constrained devices. Recently, the Mamba model has emerged as a promising solution for efficient modeling, offering low computational complexity and strong performance in sequence modeling. In this work, we propose the Mamba Policy, a lighter but stronger policy that reduces the parameter count by over 80% compared to the original policy network while achieving superior performance. Specifically, we introduce the XMamba Block, which effectively integrates input information with conditional features and leverages a combination of Mamba and Attention mechanisms for deep feature extraction. Extensive experiments demonstrate that the Mamba Policy excels on the Adroit, Dexart, and MetaWorld datasets, requiring significantly fewer computational resources. Additionally, we highlight the Mamba Policy's enhanced robustness in long-horizon scenarios compared to baseline methods and explore the performance of various Mamba variants within the Mamba Policy framework. Real-world experiments are also conducted to further validate its effectiveness. Our open-source project page can be found at https://andycao1125.github.io/mamba_policy/.

N. N. Koroteeva, D. A. Irmakova

Relevance. In the context of structural and quantitative changes in modern Russian industry and, in particular, in regional industry, it is relevant to turn to the history of the development of industrial production in the conditions of developed socialism. It was a period of opening new enterprises, increasing industrial production, and increasing labor productivity.Purpose. To investigate the branches and industrial enterprises of the Kursk region, which operated in the 1970s and 1980s. according to the funds of the State Archive of the Kursk region.Objectives: to analyze the scientific reference apparatus of the State Archive of the Kursk region for the detailed identification of industrial enterprises of the Kursk region in the period under study.Methodology. The author's methodology is based on the principles of objectivity and comprehensiveness. During the research, scientific methods were used: synthesis, analysis, generalization, ideographic.Results. In the study, the author gave a description of the industrial enterprises of the Kursk region operating in the 1970s and 1980s and their sectoral subordination.Conclusion. The Kursk region in the 1970s and 1980s was a developed industrial region. A large number of industrial enterprises of various industries were actively operating here: from mining, nuclear, machine-building to food. Enterprises that operated until October 1917 and then nationalized have been preserved in the region. Some of the enterprises were opened before the Great Patriotic War. But most of the enterprises in the region were built and began their production activities in the 1950s and 1960s. Having gone through numerous changes of sectoral subordination, the regional industry successfully developed in the 1970s and 1980s. This is evidence of the implementation of state policy aimed at boosting the economy through the development of industrial production.

Reza Rahmati

Sweden is the latest European democracy to engage with the extreme right, which regularly seeks to capture the elections and the ballot box. The change of Sweden's politics to the right has destroyed or at least distorted the image of this country as the spiritual home of the liberal left or social democracy and People’s Home. Therefore, Sweden, compared to other European countries, does not experience a long-standing tradition of representing a far-right party in the parliament, and until recently it was described as a European exception without far-right parties in the parliament (Demker, 2012).Concerns about the increase in power of the right-wing parties have led to the creation of extremist approaches in Sweden (Rytgren, 2019: 439-455). Most of these concerns can be attributed to the influence of "Sweden Democrat". With the parliamentary progress and the rapid electoral growth of Sweden Democrat since 2010, the mainstream narrative and Swedish policies have changed both in the social forces and among the parties. The Sweden Democrat party, which until a decade ago was labeled as a political trend with negative characteristics (negative towards democracy) (and struggled with the efforts of other Swedish parties to be isolated), Now it is considered one of the most important and active forces in the sphere of Swedish politics. The Sweden Democrat now act as a group and party supporting the center-right government consisting of the Moderate conservative party (M), the Christian Democrat (K) and the Liberal party (L). Now the Sweden Democrat are the second party after the veteran Social Democrat and the largest party in the right bloc. In addition, this party, with the intelligence of its leaders, has shown itself as the party supporting the centrist government led by Ulf Kristersson. The conclusion of the Tido Agreement, which was established with the understanding of all the members of the coalition, is considered to a great extent to indicate the change of the political scene in Sweden in favor of the right-wing of this party.Anti-immigration, anti-Muslims, trying to socialization of refugees, dealing with environmental issues, the party's approach to crime, the party's attitude to economic issues, unemployment, etc. cause a different view of Swedish politics.However, despite the fact that the leaders of the party did not take power or ministerial positions and political positions, the performance of the party has highlighted another strategy other than seeking power. The question that arises is, what is the strategy of party behavior of the Sweden Democrat?By reviewing the general and fundamental ideological and methodological principles of the Sweden Democrat, this hypothesis is investigated that windows of opportunity like immigration, unemployment, crime, political and cooperative structure, and political humiliations caused by Social problems have gradually changed the behavior strategy of the Sweden Democrat and caused the consolidation and selection of the policy-seeking strategy by the party of Sweden Democrat.Conceptual framework; Party strategiesRegarding Kaare Strøm, in the division regarding party behavior, he distinguishes three categories: 1) power seeking; 2) policy seeking; 3) vote seeking. In this research, an attempt is made to pay attention to this conceptual tradition.1. Power seeking; Power seeking strategies of parties concentrate their control on political power concessions. It means private goods that belong exclusively to those who achieve political or government positions. Therefore, these privileges maximize the position of political power. Another point of power-seeking parties is that these parties are "mainly derived from governing coalitions in parliamentary democracies" (Leiserson 1968; Riker 1962). Strøm believes that "(coalition type) political parties only seek to increase the certainty point of winning"; because in his view, "this victory in coalition parliamentary democracies includes control over the executive branch or any other possible branch, and the power-seeking behavior follows these goals" (Strøm, 2010: 5).2. Policy-seeking; the second pattern of party behavior is policy-seeking behavior, which seeks to maximize influence on public policy. Riker shows that if the parties are "policy seeking", the goal is to take control of the executive body to make changes or apply the desired policies. Therefore, governments should include only enough parties to ensure majority support in parliament (Riker, 1962).The formation of minority coalition governments is placed in this format. In this strategy, the party decides to seek the greatest impact (role and influence) on the decision-making system, independent of political positions and holding executive power. This type of behavior can be seen especially in multi-party coalition systems. Especially in systems where the distance between the first party and other parties is greater and it is not possible to achieve a maximum of 50+1 votes and formation of government, and parties are forced to form alliances with other parties. In such a situation, the coalition parties, by creating the "give the power-take the decision" equation, avoid taking power in order to apply their policies and policies behind the scenes and as sources of decision-making. De Swaan expresses this pattern as follows: "Policy considerations form the most important part in the minds of activists ... In fact, the parliamentary game is about determining the main policy of the government" (De Swaan, 1973: 88).3. Vote Seeking; the third model is the vote seeking party model. In Downs’s primary effect on electoral competition, parties seek to maximize their electoral support to control government. In Downs' famous formulation, "parties set policies to win elections instead of winning elections to set policies" (Downs 1957: 28). Based on this insight, Downs strengthens his argument as follows: "Politicians... are motivated by the desire for power, prestige, and income... their primary goal is to be elected [in order to gain office public]. This means that each party seeks to receive more votes than any other party (Downs, 1957:30-1).Party family of the Sweden Democrat partyIn general, there is a consensus that the Sweden Democrat party is no longer a single-issue party. Their recent manifesto for the 2018 elections, in addition to immigration, covers a wide range of issues such as health care, housing, social cohesion, crime and crime, the labor market, research and education, culture and more (Sverigedemokraterna, 2018).Strategic turn of the Sweden Democratic Party1. Immigration and electoral jump of Sweden DemocratDespite the multicultural efforts of the Social Democratic Party of Sweden, it seems that the political and social structure of the Swedish society does not consider immigration as a resolved issue and a part of everyday Swedish social life. One of the reasons for the emergence of Sweden Democrat should be considered this issue. The vast literature produced by right-wing parties that Sweden faces great challenges from immigrants confirms this. For example, some Swedish analysts believe that "the wave of refugees and asylum seekers who entered the country in 2015 (mainly Afghans or Syrians) have had a destabilizing effect on Swedish society”. Linking the issue of immigration with organized crime has been done for this reason.This literature and more than that has led to the formation and definition of a new political structure in Sweden by right-wing parties. A look at the most recent basic program of the Sweden Democrat party in 2011, and the analysis of the content of the party's statements show a move towards a completely cultural nationalism (Elgenius, 2017: 353-358). Emphasis on elements of "national identity", emphasis on "definition of the nation based on Swedish identity, language and culture" are among these examples. The party now explicitly states that those born in other parts of the world can become Swedish, or at least "integrate into the Swedish nation". "In order for people born abroad to become members of the Swedish nation, they must speak Swedish fluently, see themselves as Swedish, live according to Swedish culture, and feel more loyal to Sweden than any other nation" (Sverigedemokraterna, 2011: 15).Paying attention to the ballot box changed the harsh and racist approach of the party in the late 1990s. The more the party moves away from its racist approach, the more it approaches the anti-Islamic approach (Rahmati, 2023: 57-79).2. Economic Rapture in Sweden and the electoral rise of the Sweden DemocratSweden, which in a long period of more than half a century with the universal welfare state and economic equality, high social advantages, social costs, social equality, correct redistribution system, high productivity, public trust and high social capital, human development, economic transparency, Social security and... had been branded (Rahmati, 2021: 195-235), in a period of witnessing the privatization of hospitals, schools, kindergartens, organizations for the elderly, care homes for disabled or disabled people. This issue has caused the idea of "the most equal country in the world" and the "universal welfare state" to change in the cognitive and mental perspective of Swedish citizens. An issue that has led to a significant increase in the level of social and economic inequality in this country, and finally, the feeling of inequality has caused a break in the main idea of "the people's home".At the same time when this break was created, the most important political force to take advantage of this situation was the political force that rhetorically opposed the Social Democratic Party's inability to protect the "people's home". Therefore, the Sweden Democrat considered the Social Democratic Party as the main factor in creating a vast atmosphere of economic insecurity and believed that the leaders of the Social Democrat have reached a dead end in responding to Sweden's problems and that a new political force is needed. Therefore, the Sweden Democrat were the most successful political force. Therefore, "every job loss caused by the economic crisis was converted into half a vote for the Sweden Democrat". The loss of jobs was also done rapidly in the years after 2010.3. Crime in the ballot box of the Sweden Democratic PartyThe Sweden Democrat party, by mixing issues similar to immigration and violent gangs and issuance of armed crimes, has been able to gain significant votes. The Sweden Democrat party has recently faced heavy media coverage regarding the increase in murders by gangs, and the inability of the Social Democrat party to control violent and criminal gangs, many of which are represented both in immigrant communities and in It introduces marginalized communities, etc., has been able to present the inability of social Democrat as the main cause of crime in public and create a political earthquake in Sweden. The statements published in the media which show the efforts of the Sweden Democrat to attribute the issue of crime to the both two factors of the inefficiency of the Social Democratic party and the issue of immigration show that the Sweden Democrat party has changed the issue of increasing crime to The title is used as a window of opportunity for the strategy of party behavior.Moreover, the party has strengthened its voter base by increasing its obsession with crime, unemployment, and the economic crisis on the one hand and linking these with anti-immigrants (Asbrink, 2022). In this regard, the formation of debates and discussions in the social environment of Sweden regarding the increase of surveillance and security measures, similar to the increase of surveillance cameras and the employment of security guards, has been one of the measures.4. Every disappointment, a loyalty to the Sweden DemocratPart of the origin of the vote of the Sweden Democrat party was rooted in political humiliation. People who have been attracted to the Sweden Democrat for various reasons have felt political inferiority during the last 20 years and have always seen themselves under suspicion or feeling stigmatized: this party, in addition to becoming a capacity for It has attracted the vulnerable, due to the creation of a romantic atmosphere of social rejection by those who for any reason did not invite their dependents to the party or fired them from their jobs, it also caused more loyalty. In other words, a large part of the vote base of Sweden Democrat is among the socially, economically and politically excluded.The 2022 elections and the methodological turn of the Sweden Democrat party towards a policy-seeking strategyBased on the developments after the 2022 elections, the general strategy of the Sweden Democrat party can be defined as "give power, take resources". Here, power means ministerial positions and resources means policy making. To put it better, the Democratic Party did its best to put the general and fundamental ideological principles of the party in the form of the Tido Agreement. In October 2022, four Swedish right-wing parties (Conservatives, Christian Democrat, Liberals, and Sweden Democrat) formed a government whose most important principles are anti-immigration, fighting crime and organized crime, right-wing economic approaches, high energy prices, the war in Ukraine (Nilsson, 2022: 622-634).Towards a power-seeking strategy?The change of direction to the power-seeking strategy depends on several elements and factors, however, one of the most important factors in determining the current strategic situation of this party is the efficiency of the vote-seeking strategy and the consequences of the policy-seeking strategy. Therefore, it is not unlikely that the successive successes of the Sweden Democrat party will lead this party to the transition to the strategy of seeking power and obtaining ministerial positions. However, the fact that this party was in the opposition and did not take political responsibility helped it to increase its share of votes in three consecutive elections. The question is, will this story continue now that it can answer the government's policies as one of the supporting parties? (Jungar, 2022: 4) It seems that during the three decades of this party's life, this party has been successful in the quality of implementing its strategies.ConclusionFinally, the analysis of the political behavior of the Sweden Democrat party and the social conditions of the Swedish society indicates that it should be expected that the Sweden Democrat party will gradually enter the third period of its party behavior strategy, i.e. the period of power-seeking party behavior; Although it faces major obstacles to enter this period, one of the obstacles is the members of the coalition government, especially the Swedish liberals. Another obstacle is losing the position of the opposition; By being in the position of the opposition, the Sweden Democrat party can better follow the two strategies of vote and policy-seeking, but by being in the position of seeking power, it loses its most important position and strategy; It means influencing the sources of political power. At the same time, this party has strong facilitators and incentives, including members of this party and members separated from other Swedish parties who want this party to take power, on the one hand, and Swedish contexts, including nationalist tendencies.

A.A. Kireyeva, D.M. Kangalakova, K. Nurgaliyeva

The purpose of this study is to assess the level of gender differences in the labor market of Kazakh-stan before and after the COVID-19 pandemic. The relevance of the study is provided by the need to investigate the causes of gender differences and gender discrimination in the labor market, as well as the importance of developing measures to improve gender policy. The paper raises the issue of women’s opportunities and rights in the labor market for the effective use of women’s potential for the benefit of the country. A literary review has shown that a special place among various works is occupied by an approach that focuses on the influence of the social structure of society on the relationship between the sexes, the empirical basis of which is the results of specific sociological studies. This study is based on complex approaches, such as systematization and grouping of statistical data. Statistical data were taken for 2018-2021 from the Bureau of National Statistics by gender. The developed methodological tools will allow for a reliable and formalized analysis of the gender pay gap and identify the main determinants of gender pay differences. The proposed indicators differ in the availability and possibility of analyzing indicators at the regional level. The results of the study showed the current state of the labor market in the gender context and it was revealed that women’s labor is less in demand and valuable than men’s labor. The results of the study can serve as a scientific justification for the implementation of an effective policy in the field of women’s empowerment in the labor market

Mustafa Gültekin

This research examines 36 married women with children who are employed in different professions in Türkiye, predominantly in the service sector. On one hand, the study aims to analyze the similarities and differences among these women using quantitative data on sociodemographic, socioeconomic, and childcare tasks. On the other hand, it seeks to understand how women interpret their double burden, childcare responsibilities shared within the family and working conditions during the pandemic. The study applied hierarchical clustering and k-means method to the quantitative data then discovers the compatibilities and incompatibilities between the quantitative and qualitative data. Clusters 1 and 2 are shown to be close to feminist consciousness, with work having a liberating meaning for them. One common tendency was able to be observed in Clusters 3, 4, 5 and 6 with the participants perceiving the double burden as a duty/obligation and not perceiving work as liberating. Furthermore, their status at work was found to have led to inequalities in terms of the use of social security during the pandemic. The fact that almost all respondents continue to have their children looked after by their mothers or mothers-in-law suggests that familism remains a strong source of welfare.

Sandra Luciana Dalmagro, Poliana Garcia Temístocles Ferreira

Tendo por base revisão bibliográfica e documental, o artigo foca sua análise no Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra, considerando sua constituição histórica, principais formas de organização e bandeiras de luta até a atualidade. Para compreender a emergência do MST, fizemos uma incursão sobre a questão agrária e da constituição do capitalismo no campo brasileiro. Discutimos a vida, a produção e a educação nos acampamentos e assentamentos, demarcando a emergência da agroecologia, da formação política e da educação neste Movimento que emergem das lutas no campo e mantém-se com vitalidade após 40 anos. Palavras-chave: Movimento Sem Terra. Questão Agrária. Agroecologia. Educação

Carmen Sylvia Vidigal Moraes

Considerando a temática proposta, a partir de minha inserção acadêmica no campo de pesquisa das relações entre trabalho e educação e da atuação no movimento social, o artigo propõe contextualizar o desenvolvimento dessa práxis no âmbito das lutas do movimento popular e sindical, em São Paulo, pela efetivação do direito à educação e sua incidência na construção de políticas públicas de educação e formação profissional no país, entre os anos 1980 e 2000. O texto parte do pressuposto da indissociabilidade entre produção teórica e intervenção social, de sua unidade dialética, e tem como objetivo principal indicar a presença dos sujeitos sociais coletivos e sua atuação direta na construção histórica da educação brasileira. Palavras chaves: trabalho e educação, educação profissional, política pública, movimentos sociais.

Ammar N. Abbas, Georgios C. Chasparis, John D. Kelleher

Traditional controllers have limitations as they rely on prior knowledge about the physics of the problem, require modeling of dynamics, and struggle to adapt to abnormal situations. Deep reinforcement learning has the potential to address these problems by learning optimal control policies through exploration in an environment. For safety-critical environments, it is impractical to explore randomly, and replacing conventional controllers with black-box models is also undesirable. Also, it is expensive in continuous state and action spaces, unless the search space is constrained. To address these challenges we propose a specialized deep residual policy safe reinforcement learning with a cycle of learning approach adapted for complex and continuous state-action spaces. Residual policy learning allows learning a hybrid control architecture where the reinforcement learning agent acts in synchronous collaboration with the conventional controller. The cycle of learning initiates the policy through the expert trajectory and guides the exploration around it. Further, the specialization through the input-output hidden Markov model helps to optimize policy that lies within the region of interest (such as abnormality), where the reinforcement learning agent is required and is activated. The proposed solution is validated on the Tennessee Eastman process control.

Marcela de Marco Sobral, Mauro Guimarães Guimarães, Ana Moura Arroz Moura Arroz

A partir da crise civilizatória resultante de um modo de produção que demonstra sua insustentabilidade socioambiental, propomos refletir sobre a formação de educadores ambientais que estejam aptos a contribuir na transformação dessa realidade. Acreditamos na necessária radicalidade do ambiente educativo para a formação desse Educador, portanto, baseado na proposta formativa da “ComVivência Pedagógica”, buscamos investigar as possibilidades imersivas em comunidades intencionais (alternativas) como ambiente educativo propício. Palavras chaves: Educação Ambiental Crítica; Formação de educadores; ComVivência Pedagógica. Palavras Chaves: Educação Ambiental Crítica; Formação de educadores; ComVivência Pedagógica

Lucian Trestioreanu, Cyril Cassagnes, Radu State

At the technical level, the goal of Interledger is to provide an architecture and a minimal set of protocols to enable interoperability between any value transfer systems. The Interledger protocol is a protocol for inter-blockchain payments which can also accommodate FIAT currencies. To understand how it is possible to achieve this goal, several aspects of the technology require a deeper analysis. For this reason, in our journey to become knowledgeable and active contributors we decided to create our own test-bed on our premises. By doing so, we noticed that some aspects are well documented but we found that others might need more attention and clarification. Despite a large community effort, the task to keep information on a fast evolving software ecosystem up-to-date is tedious and not always the main priority for such a project. The purpose of this tutorial is to guide, through several examples and hands-on activities, community members who want to engage at different levels. The tutorial consolidates all the relevant information from generating a simple payment to ultimately creating a test-bed with the Interledger protocol suite between Ripple and other distributed ledger technologies.

Ben Weintraub, Christof Ferreira Torres, Cristina Nita-Rotaru et al.

The rise of Ethereum has lead to a flourishing decentralized marketplace that has, unfortunately, fallen victim to frontrunning and Maximal Extractable Value (MEV) activities, where savvy participants game transaction orderings within a block for profit. One popular solution to address such behavior is Flashbots, a private pool with infrastructure and design goals aimed at eliminating the negative externalities associated with MEV. While Flashbots has established laudable goals to address MEV behavior, no evidence has been provided to show that these goals are achieved in practice. In this paper, we measure the popularity of Flashbots and evaluate if it is meeting its chartered goals. We find that (1) Flashbots miners account for over 99.9% of the hashing power in the Ethereum network, (2) powerful miners are making more than $2\times$ what they were making prior to using Flashbots, while non-miners' slice of the pie has shrunk commensurately, (3) mining is just as centralized as it was prior to Flashbots with more than 90% of Flashbots blocks coming from just two miners, and (4) while more than 80% of MEV extraction in Ethereum is happening through Flashbots, 13.2% is coming from other private pools.