This paper investigates the synchronic traits and the microdiachronic evolution of the Russian pronoun nekotoryj. Synchronically, I argue that nekotoryj has four different meanings, with the meaning of an indefinite pronoun being the most frequent and the least distributionally restricted. Diachronically, nekotoryj is shown to have had an article-like function in the Russian language of the 19th century and earlier, which it shared with the numeral odin ‘one,’ while in modern Russian this function is undertaken by odin alone. Within a typological stance on the facts observed, I suggest that nekotoryj displays both expected and unexpected traits. The former includes the outcome of its competition with odin. The latter concerns the distribution of nekotoryj across the contexts that make up the semantic map of indefinite pronouns. Nekotoryj appears to be an instance of an indefinite pronoun that contradicts some predictions put forward by the semantic map.
History of Eastern Europe, Slavic languages. Baltic languages. Albanian languages
The meeting of representatives of “Fronti Nacionalçlirimtar” (National Liberation Front) and “Balli Kombëtar” (National Front) in Mukja on 1-2 August 1943 was one of the most significant political events in Albania during the Second World War. The effort to form a united front in the war against Nazi-fascism did not succeed, as the Communist Party rejected the agreement. As a result of extreme politicization and the historical revision of the Anti-Fascist National Liberation War in its entirety, the causes of failure continue to divide both public and scientific opinion. The only way to evaluate the Agreement of Mukja without bias is to conduct a critical historical analysis of both the political and military positions of the Balli Kombëtar organization, as well as those of the Fronti Nacionalçlirimtar (Albanian Communist Party). The influence of the Yugoslav emissaries on the Central Committee of the Albanian Communist Party alone does not sufficiently explain the ending of this agreement. This article will provide a comprehensive account of this significant event for Albanians during the Second World War. Its significance stems from the fact that Mukja exemplifies Albanians’ inability to unite in a single front in the war against the Na-zi-fascist invaders, and even pitted them against each other.
The First Balkan War separated Albania from the Ottoman Empire. In this historical context, the Albanian political elite’s separatist action must be viewed as a territorial defensive act. This is a consequence of Balkan developments. In the absence of a defensive capability of the Ottoman army, independence was declared in reaction to the military occupation of Ottoman territories inhabited by Albanians, from the Balkan Allies. In circumstances where independence and the establishment of a sovereign Albanian ethnicity were considered a crucial issue for the Adriatic Powers, Albanian nationalist activists visited Vienna and Budapest. They sought support within the context of ongoing Balkan developments. At the beginning of November, when Ottoman sovereignty in the Balkans weakened, Ismail Qemali an Albanian nationalist and scion of the Vlora family, held significant meetings with high-ranking Austria-Hungarian diplomatic and military officials. On the Ottoman side, the final reaction of the Albanian political elite to separation did not appear to be a decision agreed upon by the Ottoman Porte. Questioning the preservation of Ottoman sovereignty in the Balkans diminished cooperation between the Albanian periphery and the Ottoman center. This gave a separatist nature to the Albanian political elite’s action, accomplished in the National Assembly of Vlora. The latter’s decision-making carried a national and supra-religious character, fundamentally challenging the Ottoman model of state and social organization and opening the way for an alternative philosophy in the Albanian state organization.
Гнізда поселень були покладені в основу досліджень родоплемінної структури слов’ян (неврів, скіфів-орачів, скіфів-землеробів і венедів зарубинецької культури) VІІ ст. до н. е. – ІІ ст. н. е., які надруковані в журналі «Українознавство» (2022, № 2–4). Картографування гнізд поселень на сучасних картах дає можливість порівняти в часі зміни у розташуванні названих слов’янських племен, що фактично й пропонує новий метод соціокультурної антропології – метод родоплемінної географії етногенезу слов’ян-українців. Цей метод сприяє виявленню характерних рис соціального, культурного та економічного життя родів і племен слов’ян у ланцюгу епох за допомогою різних галузей науки: археології, етнографії, лінгвістики, антропології, а також фольклору, вірувань, права, ремесла, технологій та ін. А основне – цей метод дає змогу відійти від етнічно не визначених «носіїв археологічних культур», які є пережитком радянської археології та заважають вивчати давню історію родів і народів, що населяли територію Східної Європи від часів палеоліту. Під час сучасної війни хлібороби-українці, для росіян «малороси», дуже енергійно звільняються від обіймів кочівників, скотарів-«великоросів». Уже відійшла в минуле штучно створена єдність російського, білоруського та українського народів. Разом з тим у світі постійно зростає інтерес до давньої історії українського народу, яка захована в археологічних пам’ятках та їх інтерпретаціях.
Нашу увагу привертає повідомлення Йордана про різні етноніми венедів (ім’я, яким називали ранніх слов’ян), за яким венеди діляться на окремі племена, що мають назви за родами або місцями проживання. Це повідомлення підтверджується у статті.
На основі досліджень археологів (значною мірою зводу пам’яток Л. Поболя, який включає 517 пізньозарубинецьких поселень) нами на карті Білорусі локалізовано 50 гнізд поселень слов’ян-венедів ІІ–V ст. н. е. (Рис. 1). Встановлено, що племена історичних слов’ян-венедів пізнього етапу зарубинецької культури займали ту ж територію Верхнього Дніпра, на якій жили 36 племен зарубинецької культури раннього етапу ІІІ ст. до н. е. – ІІ ст. н. е. (Українознавство. 2022. № 4. Рис. 14). Отже, є підстави висловити думку, що північно-західна частина венедів пізньозарубинецької культури – предків нинішніх білорусів – протягом тисячоліть жила з предками українців на тій самій території, тобто вони мають спільну історію. А річка Прип’ять багато віків ці народи не розділяла, а єднала.
Аналізуючи описи українських етнічних цінностей, наявні у минулому та притаманні сучасній українознавчій думці, автор виокремлює галузеві (дисциплінарні) наукові підходи до вивчення цього феномену. Запропоновано шість таких підходів щодо дослідження українських етнічних цінностей: етнологічний, освітньо-педагогічний, етнопсихологічний, соціологічний, етнополітологічний, філософський. Кожному з підходів дається характеристика. Зазначаються представники та джерельна база підходів. У межах деяких базових підходів автор статті виділяє відгалуження (різновиди). Зокрема, в етнологічному підході вирізняються історичне та етнорелігійне відгалуження, в етнополітологічному – етноконфліктне та етнодержавознавче. Щодо освітньо-педагогічного підходу звертається увага, що у практичній площині кількість теоретичних кваліфікаційних робіт, зокрема кандидатських дисертацій, не завжди переходила у якість дієвого залучення школярів та студентів до української ідентичності за допомогою етнічних цінностей. Негативні наслідки цього досі мають місце у різних сферах. Після повномасштабного вторгнення у 2022 році недоліки, пов’язані з низьким рівнем українcької ідентичності у вихованні та здобутті освіти, тільки ще більше знайшли свій вияв. В умовах війни та неспровокованої агресії російської федерації проти України етноконфліктне відгалуження етнополітичного підходу також набуло нової, трагічної, актуальності. Адже, крім зовнішнього воєнно-силового протистояння, відбувається зіткнення різних, діаметрально протилежних цінностей, зокрема цінностей українського етносу та демократичних цінностей української політичної нації з імперськими російськими наративами.
The article discusses the aftermath of the Holocaust in Kyiv and shows what factors contributed to the sharp rise of state and popular anti-Semitism in the city in the post-war years. During the Nazi occupation, Babyn Yar in Kyiv became one of the largest Holocaust killing grounds, where the Nazis and their local collaborators exterminated almost all Jews who remained in the city. When surviving Jews returned to Kyiv from evacuation and the fronts, gentiles frequently refused to hand over apartments to the pre-war occupants. Jewish appeals to the authorities often were denied. The authorities, many of whom shared the anti-Semitic mood of much of the local population, usually refused to help returning Jews claim their property. A Jewish pogrom broke out in Kyiv in September 1945, when sixteen Jews were killed and over 100 injured. The harshness of life in the ruined city, the severe shortage of apartments and the rise of the anti-Semitism overlapped in Kyiv and brought about an explosion of anti-Jewish violence in the city. The Soviet authorities attempted to suppress popular anti-Semitism in Ukraine after the war but failed. Then they adopted the policy of state anti-Semitism in 1948–1953.
The interview with Mrs. Chongcharoen Sornkaew Grimsmann, a long-term member and former president of Thai Women Network in Europe (TWNE), was originally conducted in English over email by Sirijit Sunanta and Asuncion Fresnoza-Flot in July 2022. It was supplemented by an online interview (via WebEx) in Thai by Sirijit Sunanta in November 2022. Mrs. Grimsmann served as the President of TWNE from 2019 to 2022. TWNE is well-established and one of the most active organizations of Thai migrant women with individual and organizational members in 16 European countries, the US, and Thailand. TWNE seeks to collaborate with governmental and non-governmental organizations, both in Thailand and the destination countries, to improve the welfare of Thai migrant women. They organize annual general meetings to discuss topics relevant to Thai migrant women’s lives in destination countries and publish an annual newsletter Sarn Satree (สารสตรี) to circulate information. Mrs. Grimsmann has extensive experience of providing community service as a social volunteer and working with international organizations, particularly in the area of women and children’s welfare. She is now based in France and Thailand.
Abstract Background Data on the historical distribution of the golden jackal in Europe and its primary habitats are scarce. There are many new data on the population explosion and the rapid spread of the in Europe. However, the main factors for this expansion, the core population and its routes of dispersal, remain controversial or insufficiently studied. New information This study provides a profound analysis of the history of the jackal’s (Canis aureus moreoticus Geoffroy, 1835) occurrence in Europe, the factors limiting or those triggering its expansion on the continent. The analysis shows that the timing of the species appearance in Europe still remains unclear. Historical data show that the species is a typical inhabitant of South-Eastern Europe, with some pulsations within its core area, as well as extensions to the north and west of it in favourable periods. Nowadays, the increase of the species range in Europe is the largest documented population explosion on the continent. We argue that this expansion originates from only three core populations, the Peri-Strandja area and the Dalmatian coast in the Balkans and the east parts of Western Transcaucasia in the Caucasus. This population explosion is largely due to a unique combination of factors of an anthropogenic nature.
“I DO NOT KNOW THE MOTHERLAND LIKE POLAND, I BELIEVE IN ITS RESURRECTION AS IN GOD”: DOMINICAN PIOTR ZACHARIASZ KOROTKIEWICZ (1803-1873) AS ONE OF THE SPIRITUAL LEADERS OF THE PATRIOTIC AND NATIONAL MOVEMENT IN LVIV IN 1848
Piotr Zachariasz Korotkiewicz (1803-1873) was one of the Polish Dominicans who played an important role in the religious, social and political life in Galicia in the 19th century. This friar was especially known for his patriotic attitude and political commitment to Poles living in the Habsburg Empire. Both through participation in political institutions and through preaching sermons – he became one of the spiritual leaders of all those for whom the Polish cause during the Spring of Nations was important. He can certainly be classified as an intellectual elite, as through his words and deeds he influenced the moral and political attitude of the Galician society.
History of Eastern Europe, Ethnology. Social and cultural anthropology
In Great Britain, there were people who thought about the former Prime Minister‘s safety upon leaving the British Legation (inside the British Mission) – where he was given sanctuary between March 6th-May 7th, 1945, fearing for his life after his Government fell under Soviet duress. Inquired by Mr. Martin, MP, in the House of Commons, the British Foreign Office informed that the General had left British Mission on May 7th, 1945, as the Romanian Government offered assurances in taking steps to protect him. Still, the Romanian Government imposed to the General that he should not leave his nephew’s house, although he was not charged of anything. Alerted by Rădescu’s nephew, British and United States officials manifested concern about the General’s fate. On September 21st, Brigadier General Schuyler, supported by his British counterpart Air Vice-Marshal Stevenson, complained to Soviet General Vinogradov in the matter of the house arrest, as the Soviets were in charge with the Allied interests in occupied Romania. Vinogradov promised only to continue protection. In order to be recognized by British and United States Governments, the Groza Government were obliged to increase the degree of freedom. In this context on February 4th, 1946, the house confinement was lifted. Fearing arrest, Rădescu left Romania secretly by plane on June 15th, 1946 and became one of the most important leaders of the Romanian émigrés. He died in New York on May 16th, 1953.
In modern literary criticism, the concept and so-called genre ‘migration literature’ is commonly associated with the experience of exile, often for political reasons; by contrast, writers who have left their country for reasons other than political are labelled as ‘migrant-writers’, ‘writers abroad’, or ‘diaspora writers’. The use of such a different terminology to categorise authors and their writings highlight the fact that there are some distinctive characteristics distinguishing them.
While I do share this perspective to a certain degree, I also would like to draw attention to a major literary trend of the last two decades: the appearance of writers who expatriate voluntarily without being persecuting politically but yet are in a situation which I define as ‘self-exile’ or ‘voluntary exile’. Despite their different languages and countries of origin and residence, an analysis of their texts demonstrates that these authors are united by two common features: 1) a reflection on the tragic past of their compatriots, who have experienced forced mass emigration, and an attempt to find echoes of this experience in everyday life; and 2) an awareness of their own position (that is, the situation of self-exile) as a productive process and creative basis for their writing work.
The hypothesis I suggest in this paper is that the texts written by ‘writers who are in self-exile’ are characterised by certain writing strategies and themes typical of migrant writers yet they also have some unique features, which are related to the voluntary experience of leaving their home country. Home is to be understood broadly, not in terms of a certain geopolitical location, but as belonging to one single culture, community, and language. The aim of this article is to examine these very features.
This article focuses on the novels by two famous contemporary authors: Aleksej Makušinskij (Russia/Germany) and Winfried Sebald (Germany/United Kingdom). In their works, the representation of the condition of self-exile has led the authors to develop a multilingual discourse and recreate the new transitory literary world.
History of Eastern Europe, Slavic languages. Baltic languages. Albanian languages
If the distribution of amber in Europe has been studied quite fully, then the study of the distribution of amber in Eurasia is replete with white spots. This also applies to amber jewelry among the nomads. The focus of the present article is amber jewelry among the nomads of Asian Sarmatia in the context of its distribution in Eurasia in the Early Iron Age. In this regard, the distribution of amber beads in Central Europe, Italy, the Balkans, and Scythia in the 7th — 4th centuries BCE, in the necropoleis of the ancient cities of the North Pontic region of the 6th — 4th centuries BCE, Colchis — of the 5th — 4th centuries BCE, in the Near East, Central Asia, in Siberia and Mongolia is considered.
No later than the 4th century BCE items made of amber, mainly originating from the territory of Ukraine and the Baltics, rare in this period in the North Pontic area and unknown in Scythia, appear in the Sarmatian burials of the Southern Urals, where they are found more often and in larger numbers in the complexes of the 3rd and 3rd — 2nd centuries BCE. Two possible ways of distribution are considered. One — across the Northern and Eastern Black Sea regions, further on via Caucasus, Caspian Sea and the old bed of Uzboy, which seems preferable, and the second — via Western Asia, which hardly correlates with the provenance of the material of the majority of beads from Prokhorovka in the Urals.
In the burial complexes of Asian Sarmatia of the 2nd — 1st centuries BCE amber beads are extremely rare and are presented in single quantities both in the Trans-Volga region and in the Lower Don. It is not excluded that such beads found their way via both Western Asia and Central Europe (through Tanais). No later than the 1st century BCE amber beads are beginning to be used both in Hindustan and Central Asia, as well as in Eastern Siberia and China. Attention is drawn to their rather wide distribution in the burials of the Xiongnu in Mongolia in the late 1st century BCE — 1st century CE. In this region and probably in Bactria, judging by the finds from the Tillya-tepe, amber was also used as a material of inlays in jewelry and belt buckles. Despite the fact that it is obvious that amber beads could have come to the Xiongnu and China from the west (as Baltic amber was used to make beads from the early Scythian Burial-mound Arzhan-2 in Tuva), the fact that it may not have necessarily been of Baltic origin, but originate from Burma, was confirmed by the study of amber objects from the 1st century CE tomb M18 in Nanyang.
In the 1st — first half of the 2nd century CE amber beads are widespread both in the necropoleis of ancient cities and settlements of the North Pontic region, as well as in the barbarian burials of the Crimea, Sarmatian burials in the Bug and Dnieper regions. There are relatively few of them in the burials of the nomads of the Lower Don region — they are more often found in the interfluve of the Volga and Don. Amber beads are especially common in burials of the Late Sarmatian period, when they are known practically throughout the territory of Sarmatia from the Carpathian-Danube basin to the steppes of the Southern Urals. In Asian Sarmatia, three clusters are distinguished: first of all — the Lower Don region and the southern part of the Volga-Don interfluve, as well as — the South Urals and the interfluve of the Khoper and Volga. During this period amber was widely used for the manufacture of pommels of swords and daggers.
Starting from the 2nd — 1st centuries BCE amber beads in burials are quite often found together with coral beads and pendants (in 40—47% of cases). This may indicate a common source of beads made from these exotic materials. In the 4th — 3rd centuries BCE, when jewelry made of amber and coral appeared among the Sarmatians of the Southern Urals, it is likely that the ways of their distribution were different. Corals were more likely to arrive through Western Asia.
South Africa is challenged by poverty and unemployment, as is characteristic of many developing countries. For those who cannot engage in wage labour, the government has a social assistance (grants) program which provides cash transfers for children, pensioners, and persons with disabilities. However, with persistently high unemployment rates and scarcity of jobs, the household structures of some grant recipients are often affected in an attempt to accommodate unemployed individuals who do not qualify for government assistance. The purpose of this research was to study the difference in labour market and poverty outcomes of individuals in grant receiving and non-grant receiving households. Using the National Income Dynamics Study (NIDS), this research found that individuals in grant receiving households have less favourable labour market outcomes than those in non-grant receiving households. Furthermore, individuals living in a household with an old-age pension recipient had better labour market and poverty outcomes compared to those living with a child support grant recipient. This suggests that the characteristics of households with old-age pension recipients may be more conducive to labour market and poverty outcomes over time compared to other households. Not only do the recipients of this grant receive a greater nominal amount of grant income each month, compared to child support grant recipients, but having pensioners in the household also provides the potential for working-age adults to benefit from ‘free’ childcare.
History of Africa, African languages and literature