Hasil untuk "Political Science"

L. Strauss

Charles Taylor

A. Escobar

D. Stone

There is an old saw in political science that difficult conditions become problems only when people come to see them as amenable to human action. Until then, difficulties remain embedded in the realm of nature, accident, and fate -a realm where there is no choice about what happens to us. The conversion of difficulties into problems is said to be the sine qua non of political rebellion, legal disputes, interest-group mobilization, and of moving policy problems onto the public agenda.' This article is about how situations come to be seen as caused by human actions and amenable to human intervention. Despite the acknowledged importance of this phenomenon as a precursor to political participation and to agenda setting, there is little systematic inquiry about it in the political science literature. For the most part, the question is dealt with under the rubric of agenda setting, even though the transformation of difficulties into problems takes place in something of a black box prior to agenda formation. Three strands of thinking in the agenda literature contribute indirectly to an understanding of this topic. One strand focuses on the identity and characteristics of political actors -leaders, interest groups, professionals, breaucrats. It looks at the actors' attitudes, resources, and opportunities

R. Snyder

Drude Dahlerup

T. Bolsen, R. Palm

Science is frequently used and distorted to advance political, economic, or cultural agendas. The politicization of science can limit the positive impacts that scientific advances can offer when people reject sound and beneficial scientific advice. Politicization has undoubtedly contributed to hesitancy toward uptake of the COVID-19 vaccine. It is urgent for scientists and clinicians to better understand: (1) the roots of politicization as related to COVID-19 vaccines; (2) the factors that influence people's receptivity to scientific misinformation in politicized contexts; and (3) how to combat the politicization of science to increase the use of life-saving vaccines. This chapter explores these issues in the context of COVID-19 vaccine resistance in the United States. After briefly describing the development of the vaccines, we describe the ways in which the disease itself became politicized because of statements by political leaders and also by media accounts including social media. We then review the politicization of the vaccine at both national and international scales, variability in public acceptance of the vaccines in the United States, and response to the emergence of variants. The next section summarizes social science findings on overcoming vaccine resistance, and the concluding section outlines some of the lessons of the politicization of the disease and the vaccine for health practitioners and life scientists.

J. Uscinski, A. Enders, Michelle I. Seelig et al.

Contemporary political ills at the mass behavior level (e.g., outgroup aggression, conspiracy theories) are often attributed to increasing polarization and partisan tribalism. We theorize that many such problems are less the product of left-right orientations than an orthogonal “anti-establishment” dimension of opinion dominated by conspiracy, populist, and Manichean orientations. Using two national surveys from 2019 and 2020, we find that this dimension of opinion is correlated with several antisocial psychological traits, the acceptance of political violence, and time spent on extremist social media platforms. It is also related to support for populist candidates, such as Trump and Sanders, and beliefs in misinformation and conspiracy theories. While many inherently view politics as a conflict between left and right, others see it as a battle between “the people” and a corrupt establishment. Our findings demonstrate an urgent need to expand the traditional conceptualization of mass opinion beyond familiar left-right identities and affective orientations. Verification Materials: The data, code, and any additional materials required to replicate all analyses in this article are available on the American Journal of Political Science Dataverse within the Harvard Dataverse Network, at: https: //doi.org/10.7910/DVN/YFPQJH Seeming increases in toxic political rhetoric, misinformation, and ideologically motivated violence have led pundits, politicians, and the public to become increasingly concerned about the health of contemporary American democracy. Journalists characterize the political landscape as rife with extremism, conspiracy theories, and mutual animosity, where civil unrest predominates and shared facts are a luxury of the past (e.g., Wang 2016). Even scholars, who typically take the long view, have sounded alarms (Carey et al. 2019; Levitsky and Ziblatt 2018; Runciman 2018). Who or what is to blame? Partisan tribalism and ideological extremism make attractive culprits, especially given the wealth of supportive evidence for this perspective scholars have amassed. Polarization has increased among the public, partisan and ideological identities have closely aligned, and hostility toward political outgroups has intensified Joseph E. Uscinski is Associate Professor, 1300 Campo Sano Blvd., Department of Political Science, University of Miami, Coral Gables, FL 33146 (uscinski@miami.edu). Adam M. Enders is Assistant Professor, Ford Hall, Department of Political Science, University of Louisville, Louisville, KY 40292 (adam.enders@louisville.edu). Michelle I. Seelig is Associate Professor, WCB 3019, Department of Cinema and Interactive Media, University of Miami, Coral Gables, FL 33146 (mseelig@miami.edu). Casey A. Klofstad is Professor, 1300 Campo Sano Blvd., Department of Political Science, University of Miami, Coral Gables, FL 33146 (c.klofstad@miami.edu). John R. Funchion is Associate Professor, 1252 Memorial Drive, Department of English, University of Miami, Coral Gables, FL 33146 (jfunchion@miami.edu). Caleb Everett is Professor, P.O. Box 248106, Department of Anthropology, University of Miami, Coral Gables, FL 33146 (caleb@miami.edu). Stefan Wuchty is Associate Professor, P.O. Box 248154, Department of Computer Science and Miami Institute of Data Science and Computing, University of Miami, Coral Gables, FL 33146 (s.wuchty@miami.edu). Kamal Premaratne is Professor, 1251 Memorial Drive, Department of Electrical and Computer Engineering, University of Miami, Coral Gables, FL 33146 (kamal@miami.edu). Manohar N. Murthi is Associate Professor, 1251 Memorial Drive, Department of Electrical and Computer Engineering, University of Miami, Coral Gables, FL 33146 (mmurthi@miami.edu). The ordering of the two lead authors’ names reflects a principle of rotation. Financial support was provided by the University of Miami U-Link initiative. We wish to thank Miles Armaly, as well as three anonymous reviewers, for their helpful comments. American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 00, No. 0, XXXX 2021, Pp. 1–19 ©2021, Midwest Political Science Association DOI: 10.1111/ajps.12616

Kanchan Chandra

Ramon Odebunmi

The Russo-Ukraine and Palestine-Israeli conflicts are one of the most devastating geo-political conflicts in the 21st century. From human rights perspective, the alleged violations of international law in the ongoing war in Ukraine and Palestine respectively are not only considered as abhorrent, but also raises significant concerns about the legitimacy of Russia and Israel’s aggression against Ukraine and Palestine respectively. The laws of war are means to an end to achieve legitimacy by showing respect for rule of law and abiding by universal ethical and moral principles. This paper therefore argues that Russia and Israel’s use of force against Ukraine and Palestine respectively violates international humanitarian law or law of wars on the basis of Article 2(4) and Article 51 of the UN Charter. This paper seeks to determine the legitimacy and illegitimacy of the military aggression of Russia and Israel in the context of international humanitarian law. To achieve this objective, the paper adopts the qualitative method of inquiry. This paper adopts the Just War theory to strengthen the argument of this paper by interrogating the legitimacy and illegitimacy of Russia and Israel’s use of force against Ukraine and Palestine as well as the conduct of the war. The paper concludes that Russia and Israel’s use of military force negates the universal principle of morality and ethics as their actions seriously negates the provisions of Article 2(4) and Article 51 of the UN charter. Israel’s use of force in Gaza is disproportionate, while Russia’s conduct of the war violates the prohibition of the use of force as provided by international humanitarian law.

L. Stokes

S. Tarrow

Reysa Anggreyani, Suranto

This Research explores the social media used to advocate the issues in Surakarta city, in this case, using the social media specific to the Twitter data of the mayor of Surakarta, Gibran Rakabuming Raka (@gibran_tweet). This Research uses Qualitative approach and analysis data with Qualitative Data Analysis Software (Q-DAS). This Research founds that First, The social media content dichotomy of account Gibran Rakabuming Raka as Mayor of Surakarta's dominance of social media as part of reports tolls shows that social media can access everyone to report about the social infrastructure and other problems in Surakarta City. Second, the activity of the account of Gibran Rakbuming Raka focuses only on Surakarta city content. Third, the narration dominance with words related to the location Surakarta or Solo, indicated that the content of Gibran Rakabuming Raka as mayor of Surakata or Solo refers to the specific area in Solo or Surakarta, shows that the content dominance for local content of solo or Surakarta.

Laetitia Duval, Elisa Sicuri, Susana Scott et al.

Abstract Background Malaria in pregnancy remains a major health threat in sub-Saharan Africa to both expectant mothers and their unborn children. To date, there have been very few studies focused on the out of pocket costs associated with seeking treatment for malaria during pregnancy. Methods A cross-sectional survey was undertaken in Burkina Faso and The Gambia to estimate the direct and indirect costs associated with outpatient consultations (OP) and inpatient admissions (IP). Direct costs were broken down into medical (admission fees, drug charges, and laboratory fees), and non-medical (transportation and food). Indirect costs reflected time lost due to illness. In total, 220 pregnant women in Burkina Faso and 263 in The Gambia were interviewed about their treatment seeking decisions, expenditure, time use and financial support associated with each malaria episode. Results In Burkina Faso 6.7% sought treatment elsewhere before their OP visits, and 27.1% before their IP visits. This compares to 1.3% for OP and 25.92% for IP in The Gambia. Once at the facility, the average direct costs (out of pocket) were 3.91US$ for an OP visit and 15.38US$ of an IP visit in Burkina Faso, and 0.80US$ for an OP visit and 9.19US$ for an IP visit in The Gambia. Inpatient direct costs were driven by drug costs (9.27US$) and transportation costs (2.72US$) in Burkina Faso and drug costs (3.44 US$) and food costs (3.44 US$) in The Gambia. Indirect costs of IP visits, valued as the opportunity cost of time lost due to the illness, were estimated at 11.85US$ in Burkina Faso and 4.07US$ in The Gambia. The difference across the two countries was mainly due to the longer time of hospitalization in Burkina Faso compared to The Gambia. In The Gambia, the vast majority of pregnant women reported receiving financial support from family members living abroad, most commonly siblings (65%). Conclusions High malaria treatment costs are incurred by pregnant women in Burkina Faso and The Gambia. Beyond the medical costs of fees and drugs, costs in terms of transport, food and time are significant drivers. The role of remittances, particularly their effect on accessing health care, needs further investigation.

D. Guston

S. Whatmore

Oleksandr SHNYRKOV, Oleksii CHUGAIEV

The paper assesses vulnerability of the EU exports to Ukraine to the current COVID-19 pandemic, which became the major challenge for societies and economies. The main current trends affecting the bilateral trade are discussed. A regression analysis is used to estimate the effects of demand and supply shocks, and changes in price competitiveness. The EU exports of fuels and road vehicles are the most sensitive to changes in the Ukraine's GDP, the exports of chemical products and telecommunication equipment - to devaluation of hryvnia. The most resilient EU exports to Ukraine included medicinal and pharmaceutical products, beverages and tobacco. The changes in consumption patterns under the quarantine measures also favoured stability of food and IT-services exports. The post-factum verification of results with the resent data confirmed most sector-specific effects. On average the EU exports to Ukraine turned out to be more resilient than to other countries.

Zsuzsanna Hornyik, László Jakab

Jelen tanulmány a fennálló, mindenki számára ismert helyzet – statisztikai adatokkal történő – bemutatását követően a megoldások lehetőségét kívánja számba venni, miután néhány nemzetközi szabályozási megoldást is számba vesz és a múltba is visszatekint. Mindezek mellett a közúti közlekedési balesetek magas számának okait is megpróbálja feltárni. Tekintettel arra, hogy olyan társadalmi  problémáról van szó, amely valamennyi állampolgárt érint, kiemelkedően fontos a közúti közlekedési balesetek megelőzése érdekében a közlekedés szereplőinek általános viselkedését, szokásait, esetenkénti magatartását vizsgálat tárgyává tenni. A szerzők egyelőre csak elméleti szinten közelítenek e rendkívül összetett jelenséghez, de a cikkben leírásra kerül néhány jövőbe mutató, a megelőzést szolgáló technikai lehetőség, elképzelés.

Clark A. Miller

D. Wittman