Hasil untuk "Political Science"

R. Bhaskar

A. Schneider, H. Ingram

C. Taylor, David A. Jodice

S. Jasanoff

D. Ross

D. Green, A. Gerber

Mario Blaser

S. Hilgartner

Cameron Roberts, F. Geels, M. Lockwood et al.

Meeting the climate change targets in the Paris Agreement implies a substantial and rapid acceleration of low-carbon transitions. Combining insights from political science, policy analysis and socio-technical transition studies, this paper addresses the politics of deliberate acceleration by taking stock of emerging examples, mobilizing relevant theoretical approaches, and articulating a new research agenda. Going beyond routine appeals for more ‘political will’, it organises ideas and examples under three themes: 1) the role of coalitions in supporting and hindering acceleration; 2) the role of feedbacks, through which policies may shape actor preferences which, in turn, create stronger policies; and 3) the role of broader contexts (political economies, institutions, cultural norms, and technical systems) in creating more (or less) favourable conditions for deliberate acceleration. We discuss the importance of each theme, briefly review previous research and articulate new research questions. Our concluding section discusses the current and potential future relationship between transitions theory and political science.

D. Demeritt

Gary King

Alexandre De Podestá Gomes

This paper examines the development of the electric vehicle (EV) industry in China from the perspective of mission-oriented innovation policies. It explores how China’s central and local governments interact to create and shape the industry, with a focus on state capacities and experimentation. Drawing on official policy documents, Chinese news outlets, EV industry data, and interviews, the paper analyzes two cases of local experimentation: one involving low-speed electric vehicles in Shandong province, and another featuring affordable, low-tech micro-EV models in Guangxi province. The paper argues that local governments, by establishing close ties with nontraditional companies and supporting experimentation, perform the functions of peripheral agencies in the context of innovation in new, emerging industries. The central government, in turn, monitors these local experiments, learns from them, and adjusts its national policies accordingly. The findings contribute to broader debates on how state bureaucracies can drive effective industrial transformation, particularly in middle-income countries.

Julián Garrido, Susana Sánchez, Edgar Ribeiro João et al.

The Square Kilometre Array Observatory (SKAO) faces unprecedented technological challenges due to the vast scale and complexity of its data. This paper provides an overview of research by the AMIGA group to address these computing and reproducibility challenges. We present advancements in semantic data models, analysis services integrated into federated infrastructures, and the application to astronomy studies of techniques that enhance research transparency. By showcasing these astronomy work, we demonstrate that achieving reproducible science in the Big Data era is feasible. However, we conclude that for the SKAO to succeed, the development of the SKA Regional Centre Network (SRCNet) must explicitly incorporate these reproducibility requirements into its fundamental architectural design. Embedding these standards is crucial to enable the global community to conduct verifiable and sustainable research within a federated environment.

P. Weingart, A. Engels, Petra Pansegrau

Paweł Churski

Przedstawiamy Państwu nr 74 czasopisma „Rozwój Regionalny i Polityka Regionalna” przygotowywanego przez Wydział Geografii Społeczno-Ekonomicznej i Gospodarki Przestrzennej Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu. Stanowi on zbiór dwunastu artykułów opracowanych przez autorów z ośrodków naukowych z całej Polski w formule varia. W tym tomie autorzy poruszają problematykę polityki regionalnej, współpracy metropolitalnej, zróżnicowań przestrzennych rozwoju, w tym znaczenia zależności od ścieżki w procesach rozwoju regionalnego, wpływu uwarunkowań kulturowych na procesy rozwojowe, wyzwań programowania i wrażania przemian rewitalizacyjnych, charakteru przestrzeni publicznej oraz znaczenia dostępu do infrastruktury cyfrowej na obszarach wiejskich.

O. A. Timakova

The article focuses on analyzing the European Union’s (EU) Digital Connectivity project for Central Asia as a mechanism of the “Global Gateway” initiative to counterbalance the influence of China and other geopolitical actors in the region. It examines the objectives and specific features of the EU’s strategy aimed at minimizing China’s influence by promoting its own digital standards and European values. The study employs a comprehensive approach, including an analysis of key EU documents, a comparative analysis of EU and Chinese projects in Central Asia, and an examination of geopolitical and economic factors affecting the implementation of digital projects. The analysis reveals that the EU’s digital connectivity project within the “Global Gateway” initiative focuses on the development of digital technologies, European standards, and regulatory reforms in Central Asia. At the same time, the proposed projects are designed to align with the EU’s sustainability priorities, as outlined in the Union’s key policy documents. Despite the stated goals of innovation and sustainability, EU projects face challenges related to slow implementation, limited resources, and contradictions between geopolitical interests and the values being promoted. Meanwhile, Chinese projects demonstrate faster implementation and larger scale, posing a challenge to the EU. The success of the EU’s digital engagement with Central Asia states will depend on its ability to integrate regional specificities, enhance coordination among member states, and offer competitive initiatives. Rapid digitalization remains a pressing task for Central Asian countries seeking to close the digital divide. However, without considering local interests and adopting a more pragmatic approach to project implementation, the EU risks losing influence in the region.

Yuan Zhang, Michael Amsler, Laia Castro Herrero et al.

Incivility refers to behaviors that violate collective norms and disrupt cooperation within the political process. Although large-scale online data and automated techniques have enabled the quantitative analysis of uncivil discourse, prior research has predominantly focused on impoliteness or toxicity, often overlooking other behaviors that undermine democratic values. To address this gap, we propose a multidimensional conceptual framework encompassing Impoliteness, Physical Harm and Violent Political Rhetoric, Hate Speech and Stereotyping, and Threats to Democratic Institutions and Values. Using this framework, we measure the spread of online political incivility in Brazil using approximately 5 million tweets posted by 2,307 political influencers during the 2022 Brazilian general election. Through statistical modeling and network analysis, we examine the dynamics of uncivil posts at different election stages, identify key disseminators and audiences, and explore the mechanisms driving the spread of uncivil information online. Our findings indicate that impoliteness is more likely to surge during election campaigns. In contrast, the other dimensions of incivility are often triggered by specific violent events. Moreover, we find that left-aligned individual influencers are the primary disseminators of online incivility in the Brazilian Twitter/X sphere and that they disseminate not only direct incivility but also indirect incivility when discussing or opposing incivility expressed by others. They relay those content from politicians, media agents, and individuals to reach broader audiences, revealing a diffusion pattern mixing the direct and two-step flows of communication theory. This study offers new insights into the multidimensional nature of incivility in Brazilian politics and provides a conceptual framework that can be extended to other political contexts.

Iyad Rahwan, Azim Shariff, Jean-François Bonnefon

Predicting the social and behavioral impact of future technologies, before they are achieved, would allow us to guide their development and regulation before these impacts get entrenched. Traditionally, this prediction has relied on qualitative, narrative methods. Here we describe a method which uses experimental methods to simulate future technologies, and collect quantitative measures of the attitudes and behaviors of participants assigned to controlled variations of the future. We call this method 'science fiction science'. We suggest that the reason why this method has not been fully embraced yet, despite its potential benefits, is that experimental scientists may be reluctant to engage in work facing such serious validity threats as science fiction science. To address these threats, we consider possible constraints on the kind of technology that science fiction science may study, as well as the unconventional, immersive methods that science fiction science may require. We seek to provide perspective on the reasons why this method has been marginalized for so long, what benefits it would bring if it could be built on strong yet unusual methods, and how we can normalize these methods to help the diverse community of science fiction scientists to engage in a virtuous cycle of validity improvement.

Sian Lee, Haeseung Seo, Aiping Xiong et al.

Political misinformation, particularly harmful when it aligns with individuals' preexisting beliefs and political ideologies, has become widespread on social media platforms. In response, platforms like Facebook and X introduced warning messages leveraging fact-checking results from third-party fact-checkers to alert users against false content. However, concerns persist about the effectiveness of these fact-checks, especially when fact-checkers are perceived as politically biased. To address these concerns, this study presents findings from an online human-subject experiment (N=216) investigating how the political stances of fact-checkers influence their effectiveness in correcting misbeliefs about political misinformation. Our findings demonstrate that partisan fact-checkers can decrease the perceived accuracy of political misinformation and correct misbeliefs without triggering backfire effects. This correction is even more pronounced when the misinformation aligns with individuals' political ideologies. Notably, while previous research suggests that fact-checking warnings are less effective for conservatives than liberals, our results suggest that explicitly labeled partisan fact-checkers, positioned as political counterparts to conservatives, are particularly effective in reducing conservatives' misbeliefs toward pro-liberal misinformation.

Petter Törnberg, Juliana Chueri

Toxic and uncivil politics is widely seen as a growing threat to democratic values and governance, yet our understanding of the drivers and evolution of political incivility remains limited. Leveraging a novel dataset of nearly 18 million Twitter messages from parliamentarians in 17 countries over five years, this paper systematically investigates whether politics internationally is becoming more uncivil, and what are the determinants of political incivility. Our analysis reveals a marked increase in toxic discourse among political elites, and that it is associated to radical-right parties and parties in opposition. Toxicity diminished markedly during the early phase of the COVID-19 pandemic and, surprisingly, during election campaigns. Furthermore, our results indicate that posts relating to ``culture war'' topics, such as migration and LGBTQ+ rights, are substantially more toxic than debates focused on welfare or economic issues. These findings underscore a troubling shift in international democracies toward an erosion of constructive democratic dialogue.