Hasil untuk "Socialism. Communism. Anarchism"

Finn H. Eriksen

Artikkelen handler om en viktig yrkesgruppe i Postverket som eksisterte fra ca. 1890 til ca. 1980. Formålet med artikkelen er å peke på hvorfor yrkesgruppen postpakkmesteres framvekst og avansement skulle bli vanskelig å gjennomføre. Utfordringen var avansementskampen og den faglige konkurransen mellom postpakkmesterne og en annen yrkesgruppe i etaten, postekspeditørene. Mens postpakkmesterne utgikk fra postbudgruppen, var postekspeditørene blant begynnerstillingene innenfor Postverkets administrative ledelse. De to gruppene var organisert i hver sin fagorganisasjon, henholdsvis Postpakkmesternes Landsforbund senere opptatt i Norsk Postforbund og Postmannslaget. Pakkmesterne oppnådde egen fagutdanning, og det ble planlagt en mer felles etatsutdanning for begge grupper. Utviklingen gikk mot at toppstillinger og bunnstillinger i de to yrkesgruppene ble samordnet. Etter rasjonalisering i 1960–1970 årene med postnummer og automatisering av sortering, ble yrkesgruppen postpakkmester overflødig og yrkesinnehaverne fikk nye stillinger. Pakkmesterne mistet sin yrkesberettigelse og selve yrket ble rasjonalisert bort sammen med tittelen.

Laura Gabriela Caruso, Gustavo Nicolás Contreras

El sector marítimo tuvo un lugar significativo en la historia laboral y sindical de la Argentina, tardíamente reflejado en la historiografía, en la cual predominan hoy los estudios sobre las primeras décadas del siglo XX. Este artículo indaga prácticas, relaciones y dinámicas que se dieron entre los gremios marítimos en la década que va desde la huelga general y marítima de 1924 hasta la formulación de un pacto de unidad entre organizaciones de la tripulación y la oficialidad en 1934. El texto analiza la acción sindical marítima resaltando solidaridades y distancias con otros gremios de dicha comunidad obrera, focalizando en las relaciones entre la Federación Obrera Marítima, primer gremio que unificó categorías y secciones del trabajo a bordo en 1910, y el Centro de Capitanes de Ultramar, fundado en 1918, pilar de la organización del personal jerárquico embarcado. El texto se basa en un conjunto de documentos compuesto por prensa sindical, actas y memorias gremiales, entre otros.

Niri Ragnvald Johnsen

I studier av de norske arbeiderforeningene rundt 1850 har Arbeider-Foreningernes Blad tradisjonelt inntatt en sentral plass i historikernes kildelister. Annerledes forholder det seg med Det Norske Arbeider-Blad, som ved et kupp i 1854 tok over som foreningenes medlemsblad etter lang tids intern strid mellom to fraksjoner ledet av henholdsvis Marcus Thrane og Theodor Abildgaard. Bladet har tidligere nesten ikke blitt omtalt, og aldri tidligere blitt analysert – hovedsakelig fordi man de siste 70 årene har gått ut ifra at det var tapt. Likevel har det fått rykte på seg for å være «filantropisk», det vil si sosialpasifiserende, umyndiggjørende og paternalistisk. Gjennom en analyse av den gjenfunne årgangen og tidens øvrige arbeideraviser utfordrer denne artikkelen tidligere forestillinger om og karakteristikker av Det Norske Arbeider-Blad. Der tidligere forskning har tatt utgangspunkt i samtidige påstander om at bladet ble redigert av Theodor Abildgaard alene, viser denne artikkelen at han hadde minst to redaksjonskollegaer: snekkeren Christopher Olsen og den nærmest totalt ukjente pressemannen Niels Nielsen. Det konkluderes videre med at bladet, i likhet med sine redaktører, var sterkt preget av radikal retorikk, kombinert med en uttalt og myndiggjørende opplysningsideologi lik den Marcus Thrane målbar i Arbeider-Foreningernes Blad. Likevel har Det Norske Arbeider-Blad, i likhet med en rekke andre, kortlivede arbeiderblader rundt 1850, fått langt mindre oppmerksomhet enn Arbeider-Foreningernes Blad. Her argumenteres det for at den statusen Marcus Thrane har blitt tildelt som helt og forløper for den moderne, norske arbeiderbevegelsen, har bidratt til å kaste skygge over andre, dels rivaliserende prosjekter i samme periode.

Shangde Gao, Yan Wang, My T. Thai

Although the effects of the social norm on mitigating misinformation are identified, scant knowledge exists about the patterns of social norm emergence, such as the patterns and variations of social tipping in online communities with diverse characteristics. Accordingly, this study investigates the features of social tipping in online communities and examines the correlations between the tipping features and characteristics of online communities. Taking the side effects of COVID-19 vaccination as the case topic, we first track the patterns of tipping features in 100 online communities, which are detected using Louvain Algorithm from the aggregated communication network on Twitter between May 2020 and April 2021. Then, we use multi-variant linear regression to explore the correlations between tipping features and community characteristics. We find that social tipping in online communities can sustain for two to four months and lead to a 50% increase in populations who accept the normative belief in online communities. The regression indicates that the duration of social tipping is positively related to the community populations and original acceptance of social norms, while the correlation between the tipping duration and the degrees among community members is negative. Additionally, the network modularity and original acceptance of social norms have negative relationships with the extent of social tipping, while the degree and betweenness centrality can have significant positive relationships with the extent of tipping. Our findings shed light on more precise normative interventions on misinformation in digital environments as it offers preliminary evidence about the timing and mechanism of social norm emergence.

Valentina Shumovskaia, Mert Kayaalp, Ali H. Sayed

Traditional social learning frameworks consider environments with a homogeneous state, where each agent receives observations conditioned on that true state of nature. In this work, we relax this assumption and study the distributed hypothesis testing problem in a heterogeneous environment, where each agent can receive observations conditioned on their own personalized state of nature (or truth). We particularly focus on community structured networks, where each community admits their own true hypothesis. This scenario is common in various contexts, such as when sensors are spatially distributed, or when individuals in a social network have differing views or opinions. We show that the adaptive social learning strategy is a preferred choice for nonstationary environments, and allows each cluster to discover its own truth.

Ivanna Margarucci, J. Hernández

Socialism and communism, anarchism and Trotskyism played a leading role in Bolivia's social and political history in the decades before the April 1952 Revolution. The present article attempts to recover that history, through a historiographic balance in which we critically analyze the existing bibliography in Bolivia and abroad on these issues. One of our main hypotheses is that the historical development that these different left wing expressions had in the Bolivia “pre-52”, exceeds what militant and academic historiography has produced about them. Thus, in the article we concentrate on the reasons behind this imbalance between history and historiography and we advance in a historiographic path that allows us to weigh the contributions made and the interpretative lines developed until the present, identify the debates between authors and currents, and detect unexplored topics and problems that deserve to be incorporated in the agenda of future research.

Abhishek K. Umrawal, Christopher J. Quinn, Vaneet Aggarwal

We consider the problem of Influence Maximization (IM), the task of selecting $k$ seed nodes in a social network such that the expected number of nodes influenced is maximized. We propose a community-aware divide-and-conquer framework that involves (i) learning the inherent community structure of the social network, (ii) generating candidate solutions by solving the influence maximization problem for each community, and (iii) selecting the final set of seed nodes using a novel progressive budgeting scheme. Our experiments on real-world social networks show that the proposed framework outperforms the standard methods in terms of run-time and the heuristic methods in terms of influence. We also study the effect of the community structure on the performance of the proposed framework. Our experiments show that the community structures with higher modularity lead the proposed framework to perform better in terms of run-time and influence.

Sami Ul-Haq, Saeed-Ul Hassan

In this study, we use research publication data from the field of social science to identify collaboration networks among social science research communities of India and Pakistan. We have used Scopus database to extract information of social science journals for both countries India and Pakistan. Study of this data is significant as both countries have common social issues and many of common social values. Keywords analysis has been done to see common research areas in both communities like poverty, education, the issue of gender etc. Despite having many of the common social issues, collaboration among social science research communities of both countries is not strong.

Javier Fumanal-Idocin, Oscar Cordón, María Minárová et al.

Social network analysis is a popular discipline among the social and behavioural sciences, in which the relationships between different social entities are modelled as a network. One of the most popular problems in social network analysis is finding communities in its network structure. Usually, a community in a social network is a functional sub-partition of the graph. However, as the definition of community is somewhat imprecise, many algorithms have been proposed to solve this task, each of them focusing on different social characteristics of the actors and the communities. In this work we propose to use novel combinations of affinity functions, which are designed to capture different social mechanics in the network interactions. We use them to extend already existing community detection algorithms in order to combine the capacity of the affinity functions to model different social interactions than those exploited by the original algorithms.

Trine Berg Kopperud

I årene mellom 1932 og 1935 kunne ikke fattigunderstøttede velges som representanter til kommunestyre eller bystyre. De borgerlige partiene på Stortinget gikk sammen om å vedta endringen i kommunelovgivningen, mens Arbeiderpartiet stemte mot ethvert forsøk på å begrense valgbarheten. Loven medførte sterke reaksjoner i arbeiderbevegelsen. Det ble hevdet at dersom fattigunderstøttede kunne la seg velge, ville det svekke tilliten til det kommunale styre. Samtidig var arbeidsledigheten høy, og mange måtte be Fattigvesenet om hjelp. Loven ble derfor oppfattet som urimelig og urettferdig.

Sissi Xiaoxiao Wu, Zixian Wu, Shihui Chen et al.

In this work, we consider community detection in blockchain networks. We specifically take the Bitcoin network and Ethereum network as two examples, where community detection serves in different ways. For the Bitcoin network, we modify the traditional community detection method and apply it to the transaction social network to cluster users with similar characteristics. For the Ethereum network, on the other hand, we define a bipartite social graph based on the smart contract transactions. A novel community detection algorithm which is designed for low-rank signals on graph can help find users' communities based on user-token subscription. Based on these results, two strategies are devised to deliver on-chain advertisements to those users in the same community. We implement the proposed algorithms on real data. By adopting the modified clustering algorithm, the community results in the Bitcoin network is basically consistent with the ground-truth of betting site community which has been announced to the public. At the meanwhile, we run the proposed strategy on real Ethereum data, visualize the results and implement an advertisement delivery on the Ropsten test net.

D. Bernardini

ABSTRACT The article examines some thoughts on the rise of National Socialism by Rudolf Rocker and Gerhard Wartenberg, two figures of fundamental significance in the anarchism of the Weimar Republic, militant in the anarcho-syndicalist Freie Arbeiter Union Deutschlands (FAUD), active from 1919 to 1933. A systematic reading of the period's anarchist press, in particular of the weekly ‘Der Syndikalist’ and the monthly ‘Die Internationale’ will show that their rejection of Hitler was based on the theoretical principles of anarchism and a criticism of the authoritarian outcomes of the Russian Revolution, suggesting a substantial affinity between communism and fascism. This topic, recurrent in the international anarchist press between the two wars, confirms the intrinsic plurality of anti-fascism and the impossibility of identifying it completely with communism, and anticipates conceptually the later adoption of the notion of totalitarianism. The article thus retraces the pluralist and many-sided concept of Nazism formulated by Rocker and Wartenberg, a concept that found its place in a European perspective and took into consideration political, economic, cultural and psychological aspects.

Bart Dessein

Much scholarly attention has been devoted to the way the Chinese intellectual world tried to formulate an answer to the challenge posed by European modernity, as well as to the way European political thinking (nationalism, socialism, communism, anarchism) impacted traditional Chinese political thinking. In contrast, very little attention has been devoted to the way these same political philosophies also influenced the Chinese Buddhist answer to European modernity. This article discusses the ways in which the ‘reform of Buddhism’ proposed by the famous Venerable Taixu (1889–1947) was shaped by both the political and military events that determined the history of China in the first half of the twentieth century, and by his genuine determination to modernize Buddhism.

J. Shandler

This chapter examines the role that Yiddish played, beginning in the late nineteenth century, in many Jews’ participation in progressive politics, including trade unionism, socialism, anarchism, labor Zionism, and communism. The Yiddishism engendered by various political movements became, for some Jews, an ideological end in itself. Their commitment to maintaining and transforming the language has served as a definitional practice of Jewish solidarity. In the post–World War II era, Yiddish has been implicated in new political uses by Hasidim, by new generations of progressive Jews, and by non-Jews in Europe engaged in coming to terms with the destruction of European Jewry.

Christian Florelius

Denne artikkelen er et resultat av en undersøkelse av historiens rolle i to av Arbeiderpartiets programmer: Arbeidsprogrammet for 1945 og Partiprogrammet for perioden 2001–2005. Historiens rolle i Arbeidsprogrammet for 1945 var i form av en fortelling om fem års krig og okkupasjon under andre verdenskrig, og med funksjon som et argument for hvorfor det var viktig å gjennomføre et politisk program med det mål å bygge landet etter disse fem år. Programmet argumenterte også for at den unike situasjonen etter frigjøringen gjorde det mulig å oppnå sosialisme på en fredelig måte innenfor demokratiets rammer. Historiens rolle i programmet for 2001–2005 var i form av en fortelling hvor utviklingen presser på flere av samfunnets institusjoner, og at det derfor er nødvending å reformere disse slik at de er i samsvar med utviklingens krav. Historiens rolle i programmet for 1945 tar form av et radikalt argument, så langt det argumenterer for muligheten for en ny sosial orden på grunn av den nære fortiden. Historiens rolle i programmet for 2001–2005 på sin side tar form av et konservativt argument, hvor kravet om forandring ikke er for forandringens skyld, men heller for å bevare viktige samfunnsinstitusjoner.

Michał Herer

This article attempts to shed light on the relation between fascism and capitalism. The former is represented here by German Nazism, whereas the latter is understood primarily in Marxist terms as a mode of production based on wage labour and the private ownership of the means of production, although Boltanski and Chiapello’s diagnosis of how capitalism’s “spirit” is changing constitutes another important point of reference for the discussion. From the perspective of class relations, fascism is based on the brutal suppression of all manifestations of workers’ self-organization, and on channelling the frustration of declassed petty bourgeoisie. The capitalist’s transition from the position of owner-entrepreneur to that of owner-rentier, and the transfer of management into the hands of a new class of managers is described in the context of a larger process of transformations that were changing capitalism in the 1930s in Germany and elsewhere.

Ying Chen, Rongpeng Li, Zhifeng Zhao et al.

The maximum capacity of fractal D2D (device-to-device) social networks with both direct and hierarchical communications is studied in this paper. Specifically, the fractal networks are characterized by the direct social connection and the self-similarity. Firstly, for a fractal D2D social network with direct social communications, it is proved that the maximum capacity is $ Θ\left(\frac{1}{\sqrt{n\log n}}\right) $ if a user communicates with one of his/her direct contacts randomly, where $ n $ denotes the total number of users in the network, and it can reach up to $ Θ\left(\frac{1}{\log n}\right) $ if any pair of social contacts with distance $ d $ communicate according to the probability in proportion to $ d^{-β} $. Secondly, since users might get in touch with others without direct social connections through the inter-connected multiple users, the fractal D2D social network with these hierarchical communications is studied as well, and the related capacity is further derived. Our results show that this capacity is mainly affected by the correlation exponent $ε$ of the fractal structure. The capacity is reduced in proportional to $ \frac{1}{\log n} $ if $ 2<ε<3 $, while the reduction coefficient is $ \frac{1}{n} $ if $ ε>3 $.

Marianela Scocco

Tradicionalmente los estudios referidos al movimiento de derechos humanos argentino se centraron sobre un conjunto de organizaciones que resistieron a la última dictadura militar (1976-1983), desvinculadas de las luchas políticas del pasado. En este artículo examino las estrategias que tomó el Partido Comunista argentino y sus organizaciones de masas –la Liga Argentina por los Derechos del Hombre y la Unión de Mujeres Argentinas– frente a la represión de la última dictadura militar (1976-1983) y los vínculos que generó con el movimiento de derechos humanos, como espacio político de referencia. En esta ocasión, se puso especial atención en el espacio regional de la provincia de Santa Fe, particularmente en Rosario.

Airan Milititsky Aguiar

Entre 1950 y principios de la década del 60, el Club de Cultura de la ciudad de Porto Alegre en Brasil funcionó como un espacio de la izquierda judía de habla ídish para desarrollar actividades políticas y culturales. Ideológicamente adherido al Idisher Cultur Farband (ICUF) y ligado al Partido Comunista Brasileño, el Club de Cultura desde su fundación comenzó un proceso de permanente búsqueda de integración con la izquierda local. Al comenzar los años 60 se había convertido en un club porto-alegrense de la sociedad gaúcha, especialmente dedicado a la actividad teatral. El estudio del Club de Cultura muestra cómo la izquierda judía progresista, a través del activismo en sus instituciones, se integró a la sociedad brasileña.

Victor Stany Rozario, A. Z. M. Ehtesham Chowdhury, Muhammad Sarwar Jahan Morshed

Social networks facilitate the social space where actors or the users have ties among them. The ties and their patterns are based on their life styles and communication. Similarly, in online social media networks like Facebook, Twitter, Myspace etc., multiple users belong to multiple specific communities. The social network represents large real-world directed social graphs. Detection of communities or clusters from these graphs is a problem of considerable research interest. The communities are formed using the neighboring nodes that have common edges and common attributes. Most of the existing community detection algorithms usually consider node contents to analyze the attributes of community. Some algorithms use the links between the nodes to determine the dense regions in the graph. But utilizing both the edge content and the vertex content to detect community are yet to be considered and verified, since the traditional extraction methods of vertex and edge data do not consider the connectivity among the nodes. This paper presents an Interlinked Spatial Clustering Model (ILSCM) which provides relevant content selection and extraction of the temporal topics for identifying the betweenness among the nodes based on the context keys to detect community.