Hasil untuk "Political science (General)"

Balkar Yildirim, Alan Albert Coley, Diego Fernando López

We investigate whether black holes can persist through the bounce with a minimal scale factor in a non-singular cosmology, whereby black holes from a previous contracting phase survive into the current expanding one. We do so by studying a generalized McVittie spacetime which embeds a spherically symmetric black hole in a positive spatial curvature bouncing FLRW cosmological background within the modified theory of teleparallel new general relativity. There are no further assumptions on the spacetime (e.g., on the form of the scale factor) initially, and the local evolution is derived from the field equations of the theory, utilizing a perturbative scheme which is valid ``near the bounce". To leading order we obtain a simple bounce solution similar to that in general relativity for a closed FLRW model with a positive cosmological constant, but in which the curvature term in the Friedmann equation is re-normalized within new general relativity. Qualitatively the minimum of the bounce at $t=0$ changes, but near the bounce the evolution remains symmetric. The central inhomogeneity evolves at higher perturbative orders, where the details depend on the arbitrary constants of the perturbative solution. Hence the evolution of the local horizon during the bounce changes qualitatively, where the effects depend on the signs of the perturbation, and the symmetry across the bounce is disrupted due to a linear term.

Petro Opanashchuk

The article examines the formation of a comprehensive humanitarian space in modern conditions. It is determined that it is gaining strategic importance, as it encompasses the integration of policies in the spheres of culture, education, preservation of cultural heritage, formation of national identity, as well as the regulation of interethnic and interfaith relations. The article analyzes the main theoretical approaches to humanitarian policy, presented in the works of Pierre Bourdieu, Stuart Hall, Arjun Appadurai and John Tomlinson. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of cultural practices as a mechanism of social mobilization and a means of ensuring social integration. The international experience of forming a humanitarian space is studied using the example of Great Britain, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, the USA, Canada, Japan and South Korea. Key trends and challenges in the development of humanitarian policy in the context of globalization are identified, in particular the impact of digitalization, which opens up new opportunities for intercultural communication, interactive knowledge exchange and the formation of a common information space. Special attention is paid to the Ukrainian context of the formation of the humanitarian space. The processes of adaptation of European and world experience are analyzed, in particular in the field of state regulation of cultural policy and mechanisms for preserving national identity. Key challenges are identified: uneven distribution of funding for cultural initiatives, language barriers, digital inequality, problems of intercultural interaction and information security. The results of the study can be used to develop public administration strategies aimed at preserving cultural heritage, developing educational institutions, strengthening national identity, and ensuring information security in the context of digital transformation and global challenges.

Sara Bentivegna, Rossella Rega

L’inciviltà politica è un fenomeno pervasivo nelle democrazie contemporanee, ma la ricerca si è finora concentrata principalmente su fattori socio-demografici e mediali per spiegarne la percezione pubblica, trascurando il rapporto tra cittadini e politica. Questo studio colma tale lacuna, esaminando come la fiducia nelle istituzioni democratiche, il senso di efficacia politica e gli atteggiamenti antipolitici influenzino la valutazione dei comportamenti incivili delle élite politiche in Italia, un contesto caratterizzato da una forte disaffezione verso la politica. Attraverso una survey su campione rappresentativo della popolazione – condotta alla fine delle Elezioni Europee 2024 – la ricerca evidenzia il ruolo chiave della fiducia nella democrazia e del senso di efficacia politica nell’accentuare la sensibilità verso l’inciviltà delle élite. Contrariamente alle attese, gli atteggiamenti antipolitici non influenzano direttamente la percezione dell’inciviltà, suggerendo che in un contesto di generale sfiducia e malessere verso la politica, l’antipolitica sia diventata un sentimento trasversale, rendendolo poco utile come predittore di differenze nella sensibilità verso i comportamenti incivili. Accanto ai predittori politici, lo studio esplora anche il ruolo dei consumi mediali, riscontrando effetti contrastanti: se l’uso intenso dei social media per scopi politici anestetizza di fronte ai toni accesi e i comportamenti lesivi delle norme democratiche, anche l’estraneità all’informazione (tipica dei news-avoiders) riduce la capacità di cogliere le espressioni incivili.

France Khutso Lavhelani Kgobe, Koketso Sophia Letsoalo

The establishment of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) party has had a significant impact on South African politics since its launch in 2013. Following the 2014 general election, the EFF became the third-largest party, alongside the African National Congress and the Democratic Alliance, in the National Assembly. In the 2016 local elections, the party captured 8.2% of the national vote. This study seeks to explore the EFF’s identity formation in post-colonial South African socio-political landscape. Drawing theoretically from the discourse of post-colonialism, the study analysis the EFF’s political identity, the complex intersection of historical grievance, socio-economic transformation and the how colonial and apartheid legacies has influenced the party’s identity and its uniform and rhetoric approach to politics through the party’s manifestos, media texts and the key speeches. The reveals how the EFF’s identifies itself with the marginalised population seeking to reclaim their identity and agency in the political landscape by sparking debates around the country’s political institutions 30 years into the democratic system.

Alejandro De La Fuente-Cuesta, Alberto Martinez-Serra, Nienke Visscher et al.

The use of large language models (LLMs) is becoming common in political science and digital media research. While LLMs have demonstrated ability in labelling tasks, their effectiveness to classify Political Content (PC) from URLs remains underexplored. This article evaluates whether LLMs can accurately distinguish PC from non-PC using both the text and the URLs of news articles across five countries (France, Germany, Spain, the UK, and the US) and their different languages. Using cutting-edge models, we benchmark their performance against human-coded data to assess whether URL-level analysis can approximate full-text analysis. Our findings show that URLs embed relevant information and can serve as a scalable, cost-effective alternative to discern PC. However, we also uncover systematic biases: LLMs seem to overclassify centrist news as political, leading to false positives that may distort further analyses. We conclude by outlining methodological recommendations on the use of LLMs in political science research.

Jingyu Hu, Mengyue Yang, Mengnan Du et al.

Studies of LLMs' political opinions mainly rely on evaluations of their open-ended responses. Recent work indicates that there is a misalignment between LLMs' responses and their internal intentions. This motivates us to probe LLMs' internal mechanisms and help uncover their internal political states. Additionally, we found that the analysis of LLMs' political opinions often relies on single-axis concepts, which can lead to concept confounds. In this work, we extend the single-axis to multi-dimensions and apply interpretable representation engineering techniques for more transparent LLM political concept learning. Specifically, we designed a four-dimensional political learning framework and constructed a corresponding dataset for fine-grained political concept vector learning. These vectors can be used to detect and intervene in LLM internals. Experiments are conducted on eight open-source LLMs with three representation engineering techniques. Results show these vectors can disentangle political concept confounds. Detection tasks validate the semantic meaning of the vectors and show good generalization and robustness in OOD settings. Intervention Experiments show these vectors can intervene in LLMs to generate responses with different political leanings.

Adam Wiechman, John M. Anderies, Margaret Garcia

Our infrastructure systems enable our well-being by allowing us to move, store, and transform materials and information given considerable social and environmental variation. Critically, this ability is shaped by the degree to which society invests in infrastructure, a fundamentally political question in large public systems. There, infrastructure providers are distinguished from users through political processes, such as elections, and there is considerable heterogeneity among users. Previous political economic models have not taken into account (i) dynamic infrastructures, (ii) dynamic user preferences, and (iii) alternatives to rational actor theory. Meanwhile, engineering often neglects politics. We address these gaps with a general dynamic model of shared infrastructure systems that incorporates theories from political economy, social-ecological systems, and political psychology. We use the model to develop propositions on how multiple characteristics of the political process impact the robustness of shared infrastructure systems to capacity shocks and unequal opportunity for private infrastructure investment. Under user fees, inequality decreases robustness, but taxing private infrastructure use can increase robustness if non-elites have equal political influence. Election cycle periods have a nonlinear effect where increasing them increases robustness up to a point but decreases robustness beyond that point. Further, there is a negative relationship between the ideological sensitivity of candidates and robustness. Overall, the biases of voters and candidates (whether they favor tax increases or decreases) mediate these political-economic effects on robustness because biases may or may not match the reality of system needs (whether system recovery requires tax increases).

Марія Вовк, Ольга Заяць, Юрій Юркевич

Електронні документи, обмін такими документами, засвідченими електронним підписом і печаткою, все частіше застосують у всіх царинах життя суспільства. У сфері приватно-правових відносин він прискорює процедуру укладання договорів. Підвищення ефективності їх підписання, своєю чергою, дозволяє прискорити виконання договірних відносин і тим самим підвищити якість обслуговування клієнтів, партнерів і постачальників. Стаття присвячена аналізові правового регулювання електронної ідентифікації та електронних довірчих послуг. Автори акцентують увагу на важливості гармонізації українського законодавства з правом Європейського Союзу у відповідній царині. Проаналізовано спроби втілити досвід міжнародних стандартів щодо електронної ідентифікації та електронних довірчих послуг у національне законодавство. Стаття присвячена вивченню змісту термінів «електронний підпис» та «електронна печатка» у межах дослідження видів указаних понять, зокрема: удосконалений електронний підпис та печатка, кваліфікований електронний підпис та печатка. Також акцентовано увагу на тих вимогах, під які суворо підпадає кваліфікація електронного підпису й печатки. У межах дослідження чинного законодавства загалом і судових практик зокрема з’ясовані правові наслідки  відсутності на електронних документах електронного підпису або печатки. Для прикладу, у випадках відсутності на електронних документах електронного підпису або печатки внеможливлюється ідентифікація відправника того чи іншого повідомлення. Крім того, у такому випадку доцільно відзначити й незахищеність такого типу документа від можливості корекції тексту чи правки. Відтак констатовано, що у випадку відсутності в електронному документі електронного підпису чи печатки, такий документ не розглядають у судовому процесі як доказ. Підтримано позицію про те, що на національному рівні договір між сторонами, підписаний не з використанням кваліфікованого електронного підпису, не означатиме недійсність такого договору, тому використання звичайного та вдосконаленого електронних підписів є цілком законним і створюватиме права та обов'язки для сторін, котрі підписали такий договір.

Synne Movik

The coastal commons are increasingly contested around the world, coming under pressure from competing interests. In particular, the discourses of ‘blue economy’ and ‘blue growth’ have become powerful buzzwords, giving rise to concerns about the impacts on communities depending on coastal resources, such as small-scale fishers. In Norway, aquaculture is the second-most important export industry in the country, but there are increasing conflicts with other interests, including small-scale fishers and coastal Sami. In this article, I trace how the push for gaining recognition for a State-backed fundamental right to fish for small-scale fishers in Finnmark, including coastal Sami, was modified and rescaled to become an issue of balancing competing interests at the local level through municipal planning processes. Drawing on insights from socio-spatial scholarship, I argue that more explicit attention to spatialities of coastal conflicts is important in understanding conflicts in the coastal commons. I propose the term ‘blue spatial justice’ as a means to supplement and enrich the existing concept of blue justice to encompass a sensibility to the spatial dimensions of justice struggles.

Sylwia Łakoma

The aim of this study is to shed light on legal issues of proceedings in the case of granting cash benefits under social assistance in the aspect of one of the negative obligatory premises, i.e. lack of consent for a family interview (Article 107(4a) of the Social Assistance Act). This study is part two of an article whose part one focused on selected optional negative premises. The interview referred to above, carried out in particular with persons (families) applying for social assistance support, is intended to detail comprehensively the applicant’s situation, taking into account all circumstances of the case that may affect the right to a specific cash benefit. Given this, a refusal to take part in such interview, and thus making it impossible to establish facts relating to the applicant’s situation, forces a refusal to grant a cash benefit. This article intends, inter alia, to approximate the understanding of the meaning of the phrase “lack of consent”, which belongs to the category of undefined concepts. The article attempts to answer the question of whether relevant legal measures stipulated in the Social Assistance Act are sufficiently precise and clearly formulated to facilitate and, as a result, enable social assistance authorities to make decisions on the granting of cash benefits from social assistance, and if not, whether judicial decisions of administrative courts may be helpful here. This study is based on an analysis of the provisions of the Social Assistance Act, views of legal scholars and commentators and judicial decisions of administrative courts. The provisions of the quoted legal act – given the premise in question – do not seem to be formulated clearly and precisely enough (similar to what is the case of optional negative premises) to facilitate social assistance bodies in issuing decisions in cases of granting cash benefits from social assistance. This is due to the legislator’s failure to specify the phrase cited. For purely objective reasons, it does not seem entirely possible, which does not change the fact that in practice it leads to many doubts in interpretation. Some help in determining its meaning may be provided by judicial decisions of administrative courts.

Irene M. Gordon, Karel Hrazdil, Stephen Spector

We analyzed gender pay gap in academia using detailed performance data of all faculty members at the Beedie School of Business, Simon Fraser University, during 2012–2022. Although we initially observed a small average pay gap in favor of male academics, we found that female academics received higher remuneration compared to their male counterparts, once we controlled for research and teaching productivity, prior education and work experience, ethnicity, and various academic appointments. Our results provide an insight into possible sources of gender bias and highlight the need to control for teaching and research performance when investigating gender pay gaps.

Matthias Gsänger, Volker Hösel, Christoph Mohamad-Klotzbach et al.

We investigate the connection between Potts (Curie-Weiss) models and stochastic opinion models in the view of the Boltzmann distribution and stochastic Glauber dynamics. We particularly find that the q-voter model can be considered as a natural extension of the Zealot model which is adapted by Lagrangian parameters. We also discuss weak and strong effects continuum limits for the models. We then fit four models (Curie-Weiss, strong and weak effects limit for the q-voter model, and the reinforcement model) to election data from United States, United Kingdom, France and Germany. We find that particularly the weak effects models are able to fit the data (Kolmogorov-Smirnov test), where the weak effects reinforcement model performs best (AIC). The resulting estimates are interpreted in the view of political sciences, and also the importance of this kind of model-based approaches to election data for the political sciences is discussed.

G. V. Pavan Kumar

C.V. Raman (1888 - 1970) was a creative scientist, enthusiastic teacher and a science celebrity in India. In all these roles, he communicated science effectively. In this essay, I ask how and why did he communicate science. I take a few examples from his research writings and show his ability to explain science lucidly. By looking into his thoughts on teaching and those of his students, I explore Raman, the teacher. Finally, I discuss a few aspects of his methods to communicate science to the public. I emphasize his exposition and reveal a dichotomy.

Stefan Sylvius Wagner, Maike Behrendt, Marc Ziegele et al.

Stance detection holds great potential to improve online political discussions through its deployment in discussion platforms for purposes such as content moderation, topic summarization or to facilitate more balanced discussions. Typically, transformer-based models are employed directly for stance detection, requiring vast amounts of data. However, the wide variety of debate topics in online political discussions makes data collection particularly challenging. LLMs have revived stance detection, but their online deployment in online political discussions faces challenges like inconsistent outputs, biases, and vulnerability to adversarial attacks. We show how LLM-generated synthetic data can improve stance detection for online political discussions by using reliable traditional stance detection models for online deployment, while leveraging the text generation capabilities of LLMs for synthetic data generation in a secure offline environment. To achieve this, (i) we generate synthetic data for specific debate questions by prompting a Mistral-7B model and show that fine-tuning with the generated synthetic data can substantially improve the performance of stance detection, while remaining interpretable and aligned with real world data. (ii) Using the synthetic data as a reference, we can improve performance even further by identifying the most informative samples in an unlabelled dataset, i.e., those samples which the stance detection model is most uncertain about and can benefit from the most. By fine-tuning with both synthetic data and the most informative samples, we surpass the performance of the baseline model that is fine-tuned on all true labels, while labelling considerably less data.

Hanna Bondar

The article is devoted to the analysis of the digitization process and cooperation between Ukraine and the member states of the European Union. The peculiarities of digitization in Ukraine are analyzed as integral components of the process of reconstruction, modernization of the Ukrainian economy and the construction of high-quality European infrastructure, with the aim of joining the state to the European and Euro-Atlantic community. An analysis of the state of reforms in Ukraine in the direction of digitization of services, their accessibility to citizens, the development of electronic governance, and ensuring the transparency of public information in the form of open data was carried out. Legislative and regulatory support in the field of functioning and development of e-government in the EU countries and in Ukraine, in particular, in the direction of digital transformation of the government and fulfillment of international obligations by Ukraine, is analyzed. The research data of European and international institutions on the development of e-governance, ICT, human potential, open data and e-services in the world and Ukraine are analyzed and systematized. It has been established that in Ukraine there is a high readiness to use digital technologies. One of the forms of direct support by EU countries for digitalization in Ukraine is the signing in September 2022 of an agreement with the European Commission on Ukraine's accession to the Digital Europe Program. It is determined that Ukrainian enterprises, organizations and public administration bodies will be able to benefit from the financing and support of the Program in such areas as artificial intelligence, supercomputing and digital skills. It has been proven that since digitization in Ukraine contributes to the technological and democratic development of the country, the modernization of its economy, the availability of public services, and the transparency of government, accordingly, Ukraine will need support and further cooperation from the world's leading technology companies in Europe and the world to implement systemic reforms and post-war reconstruction.

A. C. Pigou

R. Williamson

JooYoung Seo, Mine Dogucu

Although there are various ways to represent data patterns and models, visualization has been primarily taught in many data science courses for its efficiency. Such vision-dependent output may cause critical barriers against those who are blind and visually impaired and people with learning disabilities. We argue that instructors need to teach multiple data representation methods so that all students can produce data products that are more accessible. In this paper, we argue that accessibility should be taught as early as the introductory course as part of the data science curriculum so that regardless of whether learners major in data science or not, they can have foundational exposure to accessibility. As data science educators who teach accessibility as part of our lower-division courses in two different institutions, we share specific examples that can be utilized by other data science instructors.

Haaris Siddiqi

Photo by Sébastien Goldberg on Unsplash ABSTRACT Rohingya women face challenges that ought to be acknowledged and addressed to ensure that when they seek health care, they can act autonomously and decide freely among available options. Self-determination theory offers valuable insight into supporting these women within their unique situations. INTRODUCTION In August of 2017, military and paramilitary forces in Myanmar began purging the Rohingya Muslim population from the country, motivated by anti-Muslim prejudice of the Buddhist political and social majority. Mass murder, property destruction, kidnapping, torture, and sexual violence still affect Rohingya communities. As a result, more than a million individuals have fled Myanmar.[1] As of February 2021, approximately 880,000 Rohingya Muslims have taken refuge in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, the site of the largest refugee camps in the world.[2] The public health focus in these camps is on treatment of physical ailments and infectious diseases.[3] While women of reproductive age and adolescent girls experience the highest level of violence among Rohingya communities in both Myanmar and Bangladesh, they have consistently lacked access to sufficient sexual and reproductive care. In 1994, the Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children exposed issues surrounding the sexual and reproductive health of displaced populations and propelled the recognition of SRH as a human right.[4] Human rights interventionists and public health officials have made progress in the integration of sexual and reproductive health education, facilities, and resources into refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar. This includes the introduction of menstrual cleanliness facilities and educational conversations. However, Rohingya women and male cultural leaders, or gatekeepers, remain reluctant to accept these resources and education.[5] The prevalence of gender-based violence against women and restrictive policies enforced by the Bangladesh government heighten the barriers to the effective introduction of sexual and reproductive health resources and services.[6]  A wealth of literature has pushed for the extension of clinical duties of beneficence and non-maleficence in the diagnosis and treatment of refugee and asylum-seeking communities.[7] Additionally, extensive research on Rohingya refugee communities has searched for ways to work around the complex social history and to accommodate power structures by integrating gatekeepers into SRH discussions.[8] However, as interventions have sought to overcome cultural and religious barriers, they have largely overlooked the protection of autonomy of sexual and reproductive health patients in Cox’s Bazar. This paper argues two points. First, attempts at improving outcomes in Cox’s Bazar ought to lead to Rohingya women’s autonomy and self-determination, both in mitigating control of male leaders over sexual and reproductive decisions and in ensuring the understanding and informed consent between patients and providers. Second, policy decisions ought to ensure post-treatment comprehensive care to shield Rohingya women from retribution by male community members. Self-determination theory offers guidance for state leaders and healthcare providers in pursuing these goals. l.     Barriers to Sexual and Reproductive Health Services for Rohingya Women As part of its anti-Muslim narrative, the Buddhist majority has painted Rohingya women as hyper-reproductive. False narratives “of a Rohingya plan to spread Islam by driving demographic shifts” and accusations against Rohingya women for having “unusually large families” have motivated violent behavior and discriminatory regulations against Rohingya communities.[9] In reality, demographic data shows that “the Rohingya population has remained stable at 4% since 1980.”[10] In 2013, the government of Myanmar imposed regulations on Rohingya families in the Rakhine state, the region with the highest population of Rohingya Muslims, enforcing a two-child limit and requiring that Rohingya women obtain government authorization to marry and take a pregnancy test before receiving such permission. The majority has also subjected Rohingya females to acts of sexual violence to ostracize them and “dilute” Rohingya identity.[11] As a result, Rohingya women in Cox’s Bazar experience unique illnesses and vulnerabilities requiring imminent treatment. Due to national policies in Bangladesh, “Rohingya [women] cannot receive HIV/AIDS testing and treatment in camps; birth control implants delivered by midwives; and comprehensive abortion care.”[12] Additionally, in accordance with patriarchal Rohingya community structure, male gatekeepers hold high authority over sexual and reproductive decisions of women, evidenced by the persistence of gender-based violence within refugee camps and traditional practices such as the marriage of minor girls to older Rohingya men.[13] Surveys of community members reveal that cultural and religious stigma against sexual and reproductive health care exists among these male gatekeepers as well as Rohingya women.[14] Due to their cultural and political position, Rohingya women are subject to unique power relations. This paper analyzes the ethical dilemmas that arise from two of those power relations: Rohingya women’s relationships with male gatekeepers and their relationships with interventionist healthcare providers. ll.     Ethics of Including Male Community Members in Decisions Affecting Women’s Healthcare Autonomy A November 2019 survey of Rohingya women in Cox’s Bazar that had married or given birth within the past two years found that “around one half of the female Rohingya refugees do not use contraceptives, mainly because of their husbands’ disapproval and their religious beliefs.”[15] There are widespread misconceptions such as the belief that Islam does not permit the use of contraceptives.[16] The existence of such misconceptions and the power husbands and male leaders hold over the delivery of treatment creates dilemmas for healthcare practitioners in conforming to ethical principles of care. lll.     Beneficence in Providing Care to Refugees While public health scholars and government officials hold divided opinions on the level of treatment required to fulfill refugees’ right to sexual and reproductive health care, most support enough care to ensure physical and psychological well-being.[17] Beneficence requires that healthcare providers and states “protect the rights of others[,] prevent harm from occurring to others[, and] remove conditions that will cause harm to others.”[18] Under the principle of beneficence, there is a duty to provide sexual and reproductive treatment to Rohingya women in Cox’s Bazar that is comparable to that received by citizens of the host state. In addition, the ethical principle of nonmaleficence may call for the creation of specialized care facilities for refugee communities, because a lack of response to refugees’ vulnerability and psychological trauma has the potential to generate additional harm.[19] In response to gendered power relations among the Rohingya community, husbands and male leaders are included in decisions surrounding maternal health and sexual and reproductive care for women. For example, healthcare professionals “have been found to impose conditions on SRH [sexual reproductive health] care that are not stated in the national… [menstrual regulation] guidelines, such as having a husband’s permission.”[20] The refugee healthcare community could do more to mitigate the potential of retribution taken by male community members against women that accept care by dispelling common misconceptions and precluding male community members from influencing female reproductive choices.[21] However, some current practices allow the infiltration of male community leaders and husbands into the diagnosis, decision-making, and treatment spaces. Deferring decisions to male leaders for the sake of expediency risks conditioning women’s access to care on male buy-in and diminishes Rohingya women’s autonomy over their sexual and reproductive health. lV.     Male Influence and Female Autonomy Ensuring patients control their own treatment decisions is an essential component of the ethical obligation of healthcare professionals to respect patients’ autonomy. While patients can exercise their autonomy to accept the direction of the community, their autonomy is undermined when “external sources or internal states… rob [such persons]… of self-directedness.”[22] Sexual and reproductive health research on Rohingya women revealed that the presence of male family members during conversations “made female respondents uncomfortable to speak openly about their SRH [sexual and reproductive health]related experiences.”[23] The same study found that when male family members were absent, Rohingya women were more transparent and willing to discuss such topics.[24] These findings indicate that the mere presence of male family members exerts control over Rohingya women in conversations with practitioners. Male involvement also stalls conversations between providers and Rohingya women which may harm the achievement of understanding and informed consent in diagnosis and treatment spaces.[25] Women do have the option of bringing their male community leaders and family members into sexual health discussions. Yet healthcare providers ought to monitor patients individually and avoid programmatic decision making regarding male involvement in the treatment space. While it is the ethical imperative of health interventionists and the state of Bangladesh to fulfill the duties of care required by the principles of beneficence and non-maleficence, the sole prioritization of expanding sexual and reproductive health care in Cox’s Bazar risks ignoring autonomy. V.     Ethics of Paternalism in Provide-Patient Relations Rohingya women’s negative beliefs about contraceptives, such as the belief that they cause irreversible sterilization, are the second largest factor inhibiting their use.[26] To an extent, the Rohingya are justified in their skepticism. Prior to the 1990’s, Bangladesh used nonconsensual sterilization as a mechanism of population control to attain access to international aid. Though the international conversation surrounding reproduction shifted its focus towards reproductive rights following the 1994 UN International Conference on Population and Development, delivery of reproductive care in the global South is frequently characterized by lack of transparency and insufficient patient understanding of the risks and consequences of treatment. Additionally, women’s lack of control impacts follow-up care and long-term contraception. For example, when women seek the removal of implantable contraceptives, healthcare professionals often refuse to perform the requisite operation.[27] Patients must understand the risks of treatment in their own culture and circumstances where societal views, misconceptions, or fears may influence healthcare practices. Healthcare providers need to recognize the coercive potential they hold in their relations with patients and guard against breaches of patient autonomy in the delivery of treatment. In accordance with the principle of beneficence, healthcare providers treating refugees or individuals seeking asylum ought to abide by the same fiduciary responsibilities they hold toward citizens of the host state.[28] When patients show hesitancy or refusal toward treatment, healthcare providers ought to avoid achieving treatment by paternalistic practice such as “deception, lying, manipulation of information, nondisclosure of information, or coercion.”[29] Although well-intentioned, this practice undermines the providers’ obligation to respect patients’ autonomy.[30] The hesitancy of Rohingya women to accept some sexual or reproductive health care does not justify intentional lack of transparency, even when that treatment furthers their best health interests. However, paternalistic actions may be permissible and justified during medical emergencies.[31] Vl.     Informed Consent Respecting Rohingya women’s autonomy also places affirmative duties on healthcare providers to satisfy understanding and informed consent. However, language barriers and healthcare providers’ misconceptions about Rohingya religion and culture impede the achievement of these core conditions of autonomy for Rohingya women.[32] In an interview, a paramedic in Cox’s Bazar described the types of conversations healthcare providers have with Rohingya women in convincing them to accept menstrual regulation treatment, a method to ensure that someone is not pregnant after a missed period: “We tell them [menstrual regulation] is not a sin… If you have another baby now, you will get bad impact on your health. You cannot give your children enough care. So, take MR [menstrual regulation] and care for your family.”[33] This message, like others conveyed to Rohingya women in counseling settings, carries unvalidated assumptions regarding the beliefs, needs, and desires of clients without making a proper attempt to confirm the truth of those assumptions. Healthcare providers’ lack of cultural competence and limited understanding of Bangladesh’s national reproductive health policy complicates communication with Rohingya women. Additionally, the use of simple language, though recommended by the WHO’s guideline on Bangladesh’s policy, is inadequate to sufficiently convey the risks and benefits of menstrual regulation and other treatments to Rohingya women.[34] For informed consent to be achieved, “the patient must have the capacity to be able to understand and assess the information given, communicate their choices and understand the consequences of their decision.”[35] Healthcare providers must convey sufficient information regarding the risks, benefits, and alternatives of treatment as well as the risks and benefits of  forgoing treatment.[36] Sexual and reproductive health policies and practices must aim to simultaneously mitigate paternalism, promote voluntary and informed choice among Rohingya women, and foster cultural and political competency among healthcare providers. Vll.     Self-Determination Theory Self-determination theory is a psychological model that focuses on types of natural motivation and argues for the fulfillment of three conditions shown to enhance self-motivation and well-being: autonomy, competence, and relatedness.[37] According to the theory, autonomy is “the perception of being the origin of one’s own behavior and experiencing volition in action;” competence is “the feeling of being effective in producing desired outcomes and exercising one’s capacities;” and, relatedness is “the feeling of being respected, understood, and cared for by others.”[38] Bioethicists have applied self-determination theory to health care to align the promotion of patient autonomy with traditional goals of enhancing patient well-being. Studies on the satisfaction of these conditions in healthcare contexts indicate that their fulfillment promotes better health outcomes in patients.[39] Like principlism, self-determination theory in Cox’s Bazar could allow for increased autonomy while maximizing the well-being of Rohingya women and behaving with beneficence Fostering self-determination requires that healthcare professionals provide patients with the opportunity and means of voicing their goals and concerns, convey all relevant information regarding treatment, and mitigate external sources of control where possible.[40] In Cox’s Bazar, health care organizations in the region and the international community can act to ensure women seeking health care are respected and able to act independently. A patient-centered care model would provide guidelines for the refugee setting.[41] Providers can maximize autonomy by utilizing language services to give SRH patients the opportunity and means to voice their goals and concerns, disclose sufficient information about risks, benefits, and alternatives to each procedure, and give rationales for each potential decision rather than prescribe a decision. They can promote the feeling of competence among patients by expressly notifying them of the level of reversibility of each treatment, introducing measures for health improvement, and outlining patients’ progress in their SRH health. Finally, they can promote relatedness by providing active listening cues and adopting an empathetic, rather than condescending, stance.[42] Healthcare organizations ought to provide training to promote cultural competency and ensure that practitioners are well-versed on national regulations regarding sexual reproductive health care in Bangladesh to avoid the presumption of patients’ desires and the addition of unnecessary barriers to care. Increased treatment options would make autonomy more valuable as women would have more care choices. Given the historical deference to international organizations like the UN and World Bank, multilateral and organizational intervention would likely bolster the expansion of treatment options.  International organizations and donors ought to work with the government of Bangladesh to offer post-treatment comprehensive care and protection of women who choose treatment against the wishes of male community members to avoid continued backlash and foster relatedness.[43] CONCLUSION Rohingya women in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh face unique power relations that ought to be acknowledged and addressed to ensure that when they seek health care, they are able to act autonomously and decide freely among available options. While providers have duties under the principles of beneficence and non-maleficence, patient well-being is hindered when these duties are used to trump the obligation to respect patient autonomy. Current approaches to achieving sexual and reproductive health risk the imposition of provider and communal control. Self-determination theory offers avenues for global organizations, Bangladesh, donors, and healthcare providers to protect Rohingya women’s autonomous choices, while maximizing their well-being and minimizing harm. DISCLAIMER: As a male educated and brought up in a Western setting, I acknowledge my limitations in judgement about Rohingya women’s reproductive care. Their vulnerability and health risks can never be completely understood. To some extent, those limitations informed my theoretical approach and evaluation of Rohingya women's SRH care. Self-determination theory places the patients’ experiences and judgement at the center of decision-making. 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Chingis Ts. Tsyrenov

Introduction. The southern Chinese empire of Eastern Jin, which lost its northern lands in 316, did not lose hope of reclaiming its territories. The East Jin commander Huan Wen undertook three military expeditions to Northern China: the first campaign of 354 (against the northwestern “barbarian” kingdom of the Di clan — Former Qin), the second campaign of 356 (against the rebellious Northern Chinese barbarian general Yao Xiang), and the third campaign of 368 (against the Xianbei kingdom of Former Yan). The purpose of the article was to give a general overview and a brief analysis of the events associated with the three campaigns, as well as to identify the causes and consequences of the victories and defeats of the Chinese side. Materials and methods. The main research methods were historical-genetic, historical-biographical, and historical-geographical analysis of relevant events and personalities. The major source of information about the events associated with Huan Wen’s three campaigns to the North is the official dynastic history “History of the Jin [Dynasty]” (“Jin Shu”), namely the Zaiji section and the Liezhuan biographical section. Results. The unsuccessful outcome of the initially successful campaigns of Huan Wen may be explained by the factional struggle between the capital (Yangzhou) and regional (Jingzhou) groupings of the ruling elite of the Eastern Jin state, as well as the general degradation of the central government apparatus. The crushing defeat of the third northern campaign led to the loss of the territories in Central China previously conquered by the Jin army and the decline of the court career of Huan Wen himself. But his clan remained an influential power in the Jingzhou region.