The COVID-19 pandemic contributed to making national borders more visible and less permeable, reasserting the centrality of citizenship “as the ultimate marker of belonging and solidarity”, and reaffirming the distinction between citizens and non-citizens. In this context, citizenship and national belonging functioned as rigid categories for determining entitlement to protection and assistance. Many states failed to guarantee social rights to all residents, leading to forms of exclusion, particularly for non-citizens. Simultaneously, the crisis sparked the emergence of new forms of civic engagement and solidarity “from below,” enacted by civil society to fill the void left “from above.” Volunteerism flourished supporting those facing food insecurity, evictions, and economic hardship. In some cases, immigrants themselves became central protagonists of these initiatives. This paper contributes to debates on inclusive citizenship and solidarity by jointly analyzing the concepts of citizenship from below and solidarity from below, applying them to a case study of grassroots practices promoted by migrants and citizens in the city of Naples (Italy) during the pandemic. Drawing on long term ethnographic research, it examines how, through the creation of transversal alliances and mutual aid networks, these actors responded to systemic exclusion and economic marginality. Special attention is given to two intertwined pathways: migrant-led initiatives such as the S.E.E.D.S. project, and actions embedded in the urban commons (beni comuni), self-managed civic spaces that became material and symbolic infrastructures of proximity and care. Both trajectories fostered inclusive solidarity capable of contesting institutional boundaries and reimagining belonging. The paper shows how these practices reframed citizenship, challenging, and renewing how participants defined and enacted their civic roles through social relations. The analysis extends the theory of acts of citizenship by demonstrating how social and political participation during crisis—particularly by migrant actors—produced new grammars of recognition and belonging. These findings encourage a rethinking of solidarity, alliances, membership, borders, and citizenship in more inclusive and dynamic terms.
Eva Febria, Ibnu Phonna Nurdin, Khairulyadi Khairulyadi
et al.
Abstrak
Resiliensi merupakan kemampuan individu, komunitas, atau kelompok dalam beradaptasi terhadap guncangan atau bencana, menyesuaikan diri, serta bangkit kembali setelah mengalami dampak tersebut. Penelitian ini bertujuan mengetahui tingkat ketahanan masyarakat Desa Teluk Rumbia, Kabupaten Aceh Singkil terhadap bencana banjir yang kerap terjadi. Penelitian ini menggunakan teori resiliensi yang dikemukakan Susan L. Cutter, menekankan pentingnya interaksi antara kapasitas sosial, ekonomi, dan fisik dalam menentukan kemampuan komunitas menghadapi bencana. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan deskriptif kualitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data berupa observasi, dokumentasi, dan wawancara mendalam. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa masyarakat Desa Teluk Rumbia telah mengembangkan berbagai strategi adaptasi seperti : Membangun rumah panggung, memanfaatkan transportasi air saat banjir, serta mengandalkan pengetahuan lokal dalam membaca tanda-tanda alam. Strategi adaptasi tersebut tidak terlepas dari ikatan solidaritas sosial yang melekat sesama warga Desa. Ikatan solidaritas sosial yang terjalin pada masyarakat Desa Teluk Rumbia didasarkan pada ikatan kekerabatan, keterikatan adat dan budaya, serta senasib sepenanggungan dalam kehidupan.
Abstract
Resilience is the ability of individuals, communities, or groups to adapt to shocks or disasters, adjust, and bounce back after experiencing their impact. This research aims to determine the level of resilience of the community in Teluk Rumbia Village, Aceh Singkil Regency, to the frequent flood disasters. This research utilizes the resilience theory proposed by Susan L. Cutter, emphasizing the importance of the interaction between social, economic, and physical capacities in determining a community's ability to cope with disasters. This research uses a descriptive qualitative approach with data collection techniques including observation, documentation, and in-depth interviews. The research results show that the community of Teluk Rumbia Village has developed various adaptation strategies such as: building stilt houses, utilizing water transportation during floods, and relying on local knowledge to read natural signs. This adaptation strategy is inseparable from the strong social solidarity among the village residents. The social solidarity bonds that exist in the Teluk Rumbia village community are based on kinship ties, attachment to customs and culture, and shared experiences in life.
Correlates of War (COW), an ongoing project initiated in the United States to monitor all the wars around the globe, covers the Estonian and Latvian wars of independence, and the war between Poland and Russia, but does not represent the Lithuanian War of Independence in detail. It only includes one episode of the war, the Polish-Lithuanian war. The article points out that this is partly correlated with the lack of a single term for these events in Lithuania. The author assesses the names of the war or wars of independence circulating in Lithuania, asking to what extent their differences have had an impact on the external (non)recognition of the War of Independence. After reviewing the paradoxical situation with war names circulating in Lithuania, the essay concludes with a reflection on what caused the establishment of the plural name in Lithuania. Despite this, the author argues that, from the perspective of external recognition, a singular name would better represent the nature of the processes that occurred in 1919 and 1920, and would contribute more to the consolidation of the national identity.
Nurhayati Sinaga, Kamaruddin Hasan, Meera Nacia
et al.
This research was conducted to analyze the role of social media that discusses political communication towards the 2024 election. Political communication towards elections with social media is one of the channels of political communication to reach voters, especially the public. Much research contributes to digital campaigns, but it remains unclear how candidates use social media platforms as a form of digital campaigning during elections. This research will focus on discussing the role of social media ahead of the Presidential election in Indonesia in 2024 and the political strategies used by each candidate. Through four social media platforms Facebook, Tiktok, Twitter, and Instagram. This research will also examine the issues, conflicts and obstacles discussed in the four media platforms we have mentioned earlier. This research uses a qualitative approach and the data is analyzed using qualitative methods. A qualitative approach is used to analyze data obtained from various social media and other reliable sources. With the existence of social media, various news has been prepared as an official source in disseminating programs and ideas to voters through available social media platforms. In this analysis we will examine whether social media has a big influence if hoaxes or news that spread can influence people to remain committed to their choices or even believe in what is seen on social media. The results of this study will provide ideas or memories about the journey to the General Election and the results of this study will also include various moments that often occur on social media ahead of the 2024 election. That way, this research contributes to telling or giving a better understanding in social media.
Serious concerns about public distrust of scientific experts and the spread of misinformation are growing in the US and elsewhere. To gauge ideological and psychological variability in attitudes toward science, we conducted an extensive analysis of public opinion data based on a nationally representative survey of U.S. adults (N = 1,500) and a large replication sample (N = 2,119). We estimated the unique effects of partisanship, symbolic and operational forms of political ideology, right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), social dominance orientation (SDO), and general system justification (GSJ), after adjusting for demographic factors. Multiverse analyses revealed that (a) conservatism and SDO were significant predictors of distrust of climate science in > 99.9% of model specifications, with conservatism accounting for 80% of the total variance; (b) conservatism, RWA, religiosity, (male) sex, (low) education, (low) income, and distrust of climate science were significant predictors of skepticism about science in general (vs. faith) in > 99.9% of model specifications; (c) conservatism, RWA, (low) education, and distrust of climate science were significant predictors of trust in ordinary people (over scientific experts) > 99.9% of the time; and (d) GSJ was a significant predictor of trust in scientific experts (over ordinary people) 81% of the time, after adjusting for all other demographic and ideological factors. Implications for the role of science in democratic society are discussed.
Penelitian ini menguraikan tentang pelanggaran netralitas yang dilakukan oleh Kelompok Penyelenggara Pemungutan Suara (KPPS) pada Pemilihan Kepala Daerah (Pilkada) di Kota Tangerang Selatan (Tangsel) tahun 2020. Dalam menganalisis fenomena yang terjadi, penulis menggunakan teori electoral management bodies dari International Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA, 2015) untuk mengidentifikasi dan menguraikan berbagai standarisasi tata kelola manajemen penyelenggara pemilu yang berintegritas. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan mencari berbagai data dari sumber pemberitaan cetak maupun elektronik dan berbagai sumber yang kredibel berkaitan dengan fenomena yang dikaji. KPPS sebagai lembaga ad-hoc yang memiliki peranan penting dalam menyelenggarakan pemilu maupun pilkada. Berdasarkan kewenangan yang dimiliki oleh KPPS, justru menjadi aktor utama dalam terciptanya malpraktik pemilu khususnya yang terjadi pada Pilkada Kota Tangsel tahun 2020. Temuan dari penelitian ini KPPS terbukti tidak independen, kurang efektifnya bimbingan teknis yang dilakukan oleh KPU, tidak profesional dan tidak transparannya kasus malpraktik ini diselesaikan mengenai prosedur substansial pelaksanaan pemilu.
International relations, Political science (General)
A családon belüli erőszak szankcionálására természetesen korábban is volt lehetőség, azonban 2013. július 1. napjától a magyar Btk. önálló bűncselekményi tényállásban és kibővített tartalommal rendelkezik a hozzátartozók sérelmére elkövetett bántalmazásokról. Jelen tanulmány bemutatja a szabályozás lényegét, az elmúlt tíz év statisztikai adatait, illetve a jogalkalmazás során felmerült nehézségeket és jó gyakorlatokat.
Cél: A tanulmány célja a kapcsolati erőszak bűncselekmény országos joggyakorlatának és tanulságainak első összegző ismertetése.
Módszertan: A tanulmány hátterét képező kutatások módszertanát kriminálstatisztikai és jogszabályelemzés, kerekasztal, fókuszcsoport, mélyinterjúk és iratvizsgálatok képezték.
Megállapítások: Számos teendő fogalmazódik meg a jövőre nézve, többek között: utóvizsgálat lefolytatása, egységes joggyakorlat kialakítása, ORFK utasítás népszerűsítése, gyermekvédelmi jelzőrendszer felelősségvállalásának növelése, célirányos oktatások és képzések szervezése, szakmai együttműködések és a sértetti felvilágosítás erősítése, a büntetéskiszabási gyakorlat szigorítása, valamint a kommunikációs irányok megváltoztatása szükséges.
Érték: A bűncselekményi tényállás első tíz évének számos aspektusból történő összefoglaló elemzése segít levonni a következtetéseket és megtalálni a követendő irányokat.
Political institutions and public administration (General)
Governments create advisory committees and arm’s-length agencies and then delegate responsibilities and powers, sometimes merely to provide policy advice but sometimes to implement regulation. Interest groups, and especially groups representing private businesses, are often appointed to such committees. As a result, they proactively seek appointment to policy advisory committees and boards established by government, believing that this offers one route amongst several to promote their interests to government and to influence public policy. But little is known about whether they are then successful in influencing policy outcomes. This paper addresses that gap – specifically by reviewing interest groups’ perceptions of their effectiveness, given the challenges of assessing actual effectiveness, in policy advisory committees in Kenya. Whilst it is possible that the policy outcomes simply reflect the policy preferences of the interest groups, these groups believe that they exert some influence on the committees on which they sit – through the provision of research evidence, clearly articulated opinion, and reasoned argument – and they further believe that the committees exert some influence on government policy.
Political institutions and public administration (General)
O artigo relaciona os estudos da socióloga francesa Liora Israël com a teoria da legística. Por meio de estudo bibliográfico, compreende-se a legitimidade da lei e suas crises, que levam à ascensão dos direitos humanos e propiciam o pluralismo jurídico. Disso surge a ambivalência do direito, que opera tanto como arma quanto como escudo e pertence tanto ao Estado quanto à sociedade. Identifica-se a possibilidade de grupos de resistência se valerem dessa característica para utilizar o direito como recurso em lutas sociais. A legística, por sua vez, demonstra que uma elaboração legislativa com ampla participação popular gera leis mais eficazes e com maior impacto. As lutas sociais, portanto, têm a elaboração legislativa como cenário estratégico para mobilização do direito, em movimentos que não apenas contribuem para a criação do próprio direito como também facilitam mobilizações pela sua devida aplicação.
Political institutions and public administration (General), Political science (General)
This article reviews the changing status of single-country research in comparative politics, a field defined by the concept of comparison. An analysis of single-country research published in top general interest and comparative politics journals reveals that single-country research has evolved from an emphasis on description and theory generation to an emphasis on hypothesis testing and research design. This change is a result of shifting preferences for internal versus external validity combined with the quantitative and causal inference revolutions in the social sciences. A consequence of this shift is a change in substantive focus from macropolitical phenomena to micro-level processes, with consequences for the ability of comparative politics to address many substantive political phenomena that have long been at the center of the field.
Social media data is widely analyzed in computational social science. Twitter, one of the largest social media platforms, is used for research, journalism, business, and government to analyze human behavior at scale. Twitter offers data via three different Application Programming Interfaces (APIs). One of which, Twitter’s Sample API, provides a freely available 1% and a costly 10% sample of all Tweets. These data are supposedly random samples of all platform activity. However, we demonstrate that, due to the nature of Twitter’s sampling mechanism, it is possible to deliberately influence these samples, the extent and content of any topic, and consequently to manipulate the analyses of researchers, journalists, as well as market and political analysts trusting these data sources. Our analysis also reveals that technical artifacts can accidentally skew Twitter’s samples. Samples should therefore not be regarded as random. Our findings illustrate the critical limitations and general issues of big data sampling, especially in the context of proprietary data and undisclosed details about data handling.
A lo largo del último tercio del siglo XVIII el crecimiento económico y la incertidumbre se conjugaban en Buenos Aires, cuya interacción comercial continuaba apoyándose en distintas prácticas de endeudamiento, tal como sucedía desde la emergencia de la ciudad.
Para afrontar los riesgos inherentes a la interacción crediticia, los actores podían depositar su crédito en tomadores confiables, cuya correspondencia se presumía asegurada por la proximidad relacional entre las partes. Pero el caso de Buenos Aires también ha dado cuenta de la existencia de transacciones que no se circunscribían a acreedores y deudores pertenecientes a un mismo círculo de sociabilidad: el crédito podía depositarse, asimismo, en un mediador cuya fiabilidad atenuase el riesgo de la distancia relacional entre acreedor y deudor. Y esa mediación habría de apoyarse, por lo tanto, en la capacidad del intermediario para gestionar eficientemente la información crediticia sobre el deudor y, con ello, los riesgos de la operación.
El presente artículo tiene por objetivo indagar el rol que los escribanos porteños tuvieron como intermediarios financieros en el mercado de créditos durante el último tercio del siglo XVIII. Se realiza un análisis estadístico sobre los abecedarios de cada protocolo notarial y se evalúa la importancia de la información en su desempeño.
Latin America. Spanish America, Political science (General)
Despite the importance that the media has in regard to influencing people’s perceptions of wrongdoing, organizational scholars have paid little attention to how the media reports wrongdoing. This article starts to address this gap by considering how the media frames corporate scandals. We empirically examine how four different German newspapers reported on the Volkswagen diesel scandal. We inductively identify the constitutive elements of a general corporate scandal frame. Then, we analyze how each newspaper framed the scandal through combinations of different elements. We identify from our dataset four frames of corporate scandals that newspapers applied: legalistic, contextual, reputational, and scapegoating. Our article testifies to the importance of cross-fertilization between research on mass communication and political science on one side, and organizational research on the other side and, more generally, it calls for more attention to be given to the media in the study of scandals and organizational wrongdoing.
In this article, we intend to shed light on social and territorial dynamics that take place into a conflicted urbanism - looking at the case of the construction of a new football stadium in Nantes (France). Urban planning project or urban infrastructure projects nowadays present themselves with an important number of opposition, mobilizations, which are time to time highly mediatized. This assessment of the situation leads us to reflect upon the issue of conflit in urban and territorial planning. We will look at the production of meanings in the project, in terms of contradictory referents and representations that nourishes the project as well as the conflict. Drawing from a thematic analysis of interviews with the actors of the conflict surrounding the new stadium in Nantes, we see that the arguments put forward by the developers and the metropolis are questioned and contested through the production of counter-expertise regarding many aspects of the project (namely legal, architectural, technical) and through the mobilization of an alternative vision of what can be a stadium and an urban project in phase with the neighbors and the supporters.
O presente artigo tem a pretensão de examinar a conexão epistemológica multidisciplinar que une o direito e a geopolítica, disciplinas que se imbricam de tal maneira que acabam desaguando na garantia de direitos fundamentais do cidadão comum. Isso significa dizer que a busca pelo desenvolvimento nacional deve ser feita sem se afastar dos pilares de sustentabilidade de um verdadeiro Estado Democrático de Direito. É nesse diapasão, portanto, que este artigo aspira contribuir para a abertura de novos espaços de reflexão científica dentro da teoria constitucional, fazendo-a alçar voo mais elevado em direção a um constitucionalismo dito estratégico, que se junta ao constitucionalismo principialista pós-positivista.
Law in general. Comparative and uniform law. Jurisprudence, Political science (General)
Abstract This paper empirically evaluates the idea that individual level political tolerance is influenced by the overall tolerance in a given society. The expectation is that more tolerant attitudes would be developed as a consequence of exposure to a social environment in which people in general are more inclined to accept freedom of speech, also when a specific message challenges one’s own values and beliefs. A theoretical learning model is formulated, according to which more broad-minded and permissive attitudes, from a democratic point of view, are adopted as a result of (1) an adjustment stimulated by mere observation of an overall high-level of political tolerance in society (‘passive learning’), and (2) an adjustment due to cognition and interaction within important spheres in society (‘active learning’). Using survey data, we explore empirically how length of residence among immigrants in the high-tolerance country of Sweden is related to measures of political tolerance. Further, we examine to what extent a time-related effect is mediated through participation in a set of ‘learning institutions’—focusing on activities related to education, working-life, civil society and political involvement. In concert with expectations, the empirical findings suggest that a positive effect of time in Sweden on political tolerance may be explained by a gradual adoption of the principle that political rights should be recognized. Importantly, however, such an adoption seems to require participation in activities of learning institutions, as we find that passive learning in itself is not sufficient.