In response to a traditional museology that considered ethnological and anthropological museums as mere storage warehouses for objects from the colonial era, a new form of museology emerged, focusing more on people than objects, with a component of social commitment and dialogue with other communities, and with strong criticism of official institutions. It was Jacques Hainard (1943-), director of the Museum of Ethnology in Neuchâtel (Switzerland), who initiated this critical movement with his proposal of museology of rupture, particularly significant in the way exhibitions were conceived. This article aims to focus on Fernando Estévez González (1953-2016), professor of Anthropology at the University of La Laguna (Spain), considered the main representative of this museology in Spain, though he has not been widely recognised and valued by Spanish museologists. Starting from the same ethnographic philosophy of rupture that Hainard used in Neuchâtel, Estévez set out to apply it to the Anthropological Museum of History of Tenerife, organising a series of exhibitions in which he attempted to analyse tourism and its interaction with natives through souvenirs, delved into dialogue with contemporary art and his commitment as an ethnographer to break with scientific neutrality, and championed narrating and defending the memory of social minorities and indigenous cultures.
Elena Díaz Martínez, Gregorio J. Ramírez Zarzosa, Alberto Arencibia Espinosa
et al.
This work aims to evaluate students’ opinions on the materials normally used in anatomy practical classes (fixed and plastinated) compared to 3D anatomical prints. For this purpose, students of anatomy enrolled in the Degree in Veterinary Medicine from the University of Murcia filled out a satisfaction survey about both kinds of material. The students rated the fixed material with a satisfaction percentage close to 100% and the plastinated material with a percentage higher than 75%. Regarding the 3D prints, the percentage obtained was consistently higher than 50% except for two issues: the identification of the vascular structures of the dolphin’s head and the usefulness for surgery of the viscera and vascular structures of the cat, both of which scored less than 50%. This could be related to the lesser knowledge of dolphins of the veterinary students as well as the complexity of these structures. However, the other questions, such as usefulness for learning and exam preparation, the quality of the anatomical piece, the identification of the feline spleen and kidneys, etc. obtained a satisfaction percentage between 58 and 90.40%. This reflects the good acceptance by students of the 3D prints and may allow for a reduction in the number of cadavers used.
The professional trajectory of Étienne de Groër provides the opportunity to follow the development of town planning theories in the inter-war period which was marked by the gradual affirmation of the regional scale and the strengthening of the combination of the urban plan and regulations. His career also reveals the difficulties and wanderings of the town planning profession, which in the 1930s was facing the still emerging public commission and the competition from other professions. In this context, the close collaboration with a renowned urban planner, Donat-Alfred Agache, and the international mobility played a key role in Étienne de Groër’s professional affirmation. Lisbon and other major Portuguese cities gave him the opportunity to implement and refine his town planning ideas, in which the concept of the garden city figured prominently.
Begoña Galián, Mª Ángeles Hernández-Prados, José Santiago Álvarez-Muñoz
Smart schools prioritise work in the educational community, identifying the participation of families as an opportunity, rather than a form of intrusiveness. There are currently a multitude of ways of sharing education with families, ranging from communication to training, with teachers being the driving force in promoting the different roles that families can assume. In this respect, the aim of this cross-sectional, evaluative, non-experimental and quantitative study is to establish the family participation facilitation profiles of 542 teachers working in schools in a multicultural municipality in the autonomous community of the Region of Murcia, in south-eastern Spain. They completed a validated questionnaire with 91 items regarding the different dimensions of family participation, carrying out a cluster analysis to determine the teacher facilitation profiles. The results obtained from the application of the questionnaire show two statistically differentiated teaching profiles. The first of these, with a smaller number of teachers, with fewer years of experience and linked to the pre-primary and secondary stages in public schools, shows less participation in all the modalities considered. In contrast, the profile with the greatest commitment to promoting participation is characterised by having a greater number of teachers, predominantly from state-subsidised centres, that are experienced and linked to the primary stage. In relation to the previous literature, it was possible to confirm the presence of a differentiated profile, finding, on the one hand, teachers interested in the involvement of families and, on the other hand, teachers who do not identify the family–school relationship as a priority. This highlights the need to improve the prior and ongoing training of teachers to raise awareness and sensitise them to the inclusion of families in the educational community.
1- Abstract
The arrival of Britain in India under the cover of the East India Company at the beginning of the 17th century led to the country’s gaining access to the legendary financial resources in the subcontinent. However, with the British presence in India, the Zoroastrian community of this country, known as the Parsis, also underwent a significant economic transformation. Evidence of the increase in the wealth of the Parsis after the establishment of the British East India Company in the subcontinent is that in the 19th and 20th centuries, with the capital possessed, they set up numerous and large factories in India. Were there any special relations in the economic and professional field between the Parsis of India and the company? This is the question that the present study seeks to answer. In this study, using related historical sources, including works about the Parsis of India as well as compilations about the beginning and implementation of the British East India Company, the reasons for the positive perception of the company leaders of the Parsis are examined using a descriptive-analytical approach. Then, by reviewing the professional life of the Parsis, in two important ports of Surat and Bombay, which were the main points of contact with the company’s employees, examples of the Parsis services to the British East India Company and the privileges donated to the Persis leaders by the British are recounted and analyzed. The results show that the Parsis cooperation with the British government representatives in India was not limited to economic fields and that the British also had the assistance of the Zoroastrian community in the political arena.
2- Introduction
The followers of Zoroastrianism have been known in India from past times as “Farsi” or “Parsi”. In fact, since the annexation of the western parts of India to the Achaemenid Empire, Iranians travelled to these areas. Also, Iranian Zoroastrians, especially their clerics, travelled to India before Islam to propagate this religion for business. But the issue of their migration to India after Islam is mainly based on a poetic story called "Qeṣṣe-ye Sanjān" composed in 1008 AH (1600 AD). The narrator of the story events has been a trusted Zoroastrian priest to Bahman Keyqubad, the story’s composer. Based on this source, after the Arab invasion of Khurasan during the conquest of Iran, the Zoroastrians of a village called Sanjan in north-eastern Iran took refuge in the nearby mountains and spent a hundred years there. Then, they travelled to the island of Hormuz and lived there for fifteen years. "Dib" on the southern shores of the Indus was their next destination, where they remained for nineteen years. Then, they moved to Gujarat and settled in an area that was reminiscent of the former land of Sanjan, where they also spent five hundred years. Therefore, this group of immigrants left India in the middle of the second century AH. The question is, how did the narrator get these exact time intervals?
The editor of Qesse in the introduction of the book indicates the existence of sufficient references to prove the truth of this story. One of the documents he presents is the narration of Baladhuri in "Futuh al-Buldan" in which the people of Kerman fled from the Arab army. But this narration is not applicable to the story of Sanjan. The narration of Baladhuri indicates the escape of a number of people of Kerman in the first half of the first century AH from the Arab army and their departure to Hormuz and the conflict with the Arabs on this island. Baladhuri's words in this regard end with this report: many people of Kerman fled by sea. The existence of many ambiguities in the story caused its rejection by some contemporary Zoroastrian scholars.
However, the story says the adventure of the Parsis refugees in which they asked the Hindu ruler of the region to stay in Gujarat, and he agreed to live there under certain conditions. Among his conditions was: In the language, domination, and clothing of women, the Hindu customs should be considered, and also the means of war should be avoided. Accordingly, the Parsis accorded themselves perfectly to the culture and customs of the environment; this point was probably one of the reasons for the British approach toward them. Karaka writes in this regard: “It is a characteristic of the Persis that they have behaved appropriately to other peoples, even though their beliefs and customs are different, and they have adjusted themselves to the conditions, although the conditions were not according to their desire”. Jonathan Duncan, the British ruler of Mumbai at the beginning of the 19th century, criticized Muslims in a conversation with Abdul Latif Shushtari, comparing them to the Parsis, who easily adapted themselves to the custom and culture of the superior people: “What is the reason that wherever the monarchy of the Muslim exists or a sect of Muslims resides, their work is on the harshness ... unlike other religions which are smooth and gentle?"
On the events of 986 AH / 1587 AD, Badayuni, the historian of the court of Jalaluddin Akbar has reported the presence of Zoroastrians from the city of Navsari in the Gujarat region in the court of this ruler and writes that this powerful ruler ordered that the fire always be kept lit in a certain place. The report shows that in the late 16th century, the city of Navsari near Surat was the main settlement of Zoroastrians in India and since the agricultural conditions of the region met their job and economic needs, they had not migrated to Surat. Although the Parsis lived in this port before the arrival of the Europeans, the increase in their number was closely related to the arrival of European companies in this city.
The endeavour of European countries to penetrate east by sea led the Portuguese Vasco da Gama to become the first European sailor to set foot on Indian soil. Nehru reminds us that this first step was taken after the end of the Muslim rule over Andalusia in 1492 AD. Perhaps from the view of the new Iberian rulers, this move was revenge to conquer the East and spread Christianity in the face of the spread of Islam in Spain. Wasn't that the Portuguese paid special attention to the spread of Christianity in the East, and their violence of the Muslim merchants whom they called the Moors (Spanish Muslims) was unexampled? It is said that the intensity of the Portuguese violence was due to the superiority of the Muslims in trade, while part of it must be attributed to their dissatisfaction with the long Muslim rule in southwestern Europe.
From the Europeans’ point of view, the port of Surat, in the south of Gujarat and on the bank of the navigable Tapi or Tapti River, about 30 km far from the Arabian Sea, was suitable for their ships to travel to India. The knowledge of European capitalists of the geographical location of Surat, which was connected with the Far East countries on the one hand and with the Iranian and Arab ports, on the other hand, encouraged them to build several factories in this port from the second decade of the 17th century. Also, the relative proximity of Surat to Deccan and Gujarat, the centers of cotton cultivation and production in India made the Europeans eager to build factories there. Then, the Portuguese, the Dutch, the French, and the British came to this port and each established a trading company in their own name. The location of Surat made this port the most commercially productive one in the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries and was distinguished among Indian ports. This supremacy continued until the rise of Mumbai in the commercial arena, and then Surat was ignored.
Although the British East India Company arrival in Surat after Portugal managed to repel the enemy with military force, the French financial bankruptcy in Surat automatically led to their removal from the port. The company, which ostensibly bore the name of the company and was in fact the British government with shareholders (mainly military personnel), after a while, took over the country's political destiny in addition to monopolizing India's trade.
In this study, the reasons and methods of the East India Company's use of the Parsi society of India, as one of the tools to increase their influence in this land, as well as the type of cooperation of the Parsis with the British and its results for them are discussed. So far, no specific research has been done on this topic; however, numerous works related to the history of the Parsis, as well as writings related to the emergence and decline of the East India Company, contain scattered materials on the subject of this study. The manuscript of “Waqaye-i Hind” by Abdul Latif Shushtari at the beginning of the 19th century, which deals with the events in India, especially the island of Mumbai, has useful and relevant information in this regard. Shushtari, who was on behalf of the company, overseeing the affairs of Iranian businessmen in Mumbai, met daily with the island's Parsi leaders and recorded valuable notes of their relations with the company's leaders. The History of the Parsis, a work from the second half of the 19th century, also contains useful information on the subject of this article, due to the proximity of the author's era to the period of intimate relations between the Persians and the British. An article with the title Pyarsis and the British also contains notes on the relations between the Parsis and the East India Company which Hinnells published in 1978 in the journal of Kama Institute.
3- Materials and Methods
have been the main sources of the author for writing this descriptive-analytical article.
4- Discussion of Results and Conclusions
The British East India Company made its way to India later than Portugal, the Netherlands, and France in the early 17th century, but soon overtook European rivals and pursued its capitalist goals singly. In the meantime, the British needed the help of the natives of India to achieve their goals. People with abilities in business, sea voyages, knowledge of local products and facilities, knowledge of local leaders and celebrities, skills in intermediary in transactions and linguistics were among the characteristics of Parsis. On the other hand, the Zoroastrian community of India was eager to cooperate with the East India Company in order to be more successful in business, obtain various goods, and receive support during business trips. Although Parsis did not gain a high position in the company and even export goods directly to Europe, and the company's leaders viewed them as instrumental and a means of profit, in order to continue their cooperation, they were constantly provided with business opportunities and more income. The British acquisition of advanced technology in the textile industry, their progress in land and sea transportation, and entry into Asian markets, relying on the military in the 19th century, also had a positive impact on Parsis business. Their cooperation with the British for more than three centuries provided them with more wealth than they had imagined. The wealth they accumulated in the 18th century and the first half of the 19th century through various means, especially trade, was invested in the industry from the second half of this century. In the second half of the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century, they held half of the managerial and regulatory positions of Mumbai factories. They owned India's first steel plant. Some of them violated some of the moral limitations of Zoroastrianism and followed the British way of life to earn more money. At this time, Britain was their homeland. But the Parsis’ dependence on British capitalists also caused them some harm. In the late 19th century, the center of India's foreign trade was moved from the west of India, the center of Parsis’ gathering and life, to the east by the heads of companies; thus Parsis’ role in trade diminished. Opium exports from India to China also declined. New industries entered the world of Indian industry in 1900, and Parsis paid less attention to these industries due to the continued focus on cotton and fabric production. Together, these factors halted the economic growth of Parsis in the second half of the 20th century compared to the previous century. The Parsis’ close and intimate relations with the British also caused them cultural damages such as the loss of religious identity which has been considered and protested by some followers of this religion.
History (General) and history of Europe, History of Asia
In 1990 a publication by Pedro Calahorra reported a unique musical notation of a <i>Salve</i> on the walls of the Sanctuary of Nuestra Señora del Pueyo in Villamayor de Gállego, Zaragoza. The contributions offered in this article have enhanced research in this area through a revised study of this musical epigraphy. The analysis of the palaeography of notation reveals the dating of the work and, therefore, a possible collation with the Spanish polyphonic sources belonging to the white mensural notation, determining that it is the <i>Salve Regina</i> in four by Cristóbal de Morales. This study aims to recognize musical epigraphies as historiographic-musical sources of information capable of intervening in the reconstruction of a musical past, so they must be restored, preserved, catalogued and displayed like any historical document, regardless of their physical support. The <i>Salve Regina</i> written on the walls of the Villamayor de Gállego sanctuary is the witness of a Christian tradition of devotion to the Virgin Mary. Within the Rite of <i>Salve</i> this chant was the most popular in the Iberian Peninsula during the Renaissance.
Adrián Martínez-Fernández, Enrique Serrano, Alfonso Pisabarro
et al.
The detailed description of processing workflows in Structure from Motion (SfM) surveys using unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) is not common in geomorphological research. One of the aspects frequently overlooked in photogrammetric reconstruction is image characteristics. In this context, the present study aims to determine whether the format or properties (e.g., exposure, sharpening, lens corrections) of the images used in the SfM process can affect high-detail surveys of complex geometric landforms such as rock glaciers. For this purpose, images generated (DNG and JPEG) and derived (TIFF) from low-cost UAV systems widely used by the scientific community are applied. The case study is carried out through a comprehensive flight plan with ground control and differences among surveys are assessed visually and geometrically. Thus, geometric evaluation is based on 2.5D and 3D perspectives and a ground-based LiDAR benchmark. The results show that the lens profiles applied by some low-cost UAV cameras to the images can significantly alter the geometry among photo-reconstructions, to the extent that they can influence monitoring activities with variations of around ±5 cm in areas with close control and over ±20 cm (10 times the ground sample distance) on surfaces outside the ground control surroundings. The terrestrial position of the laser scanner measurements and the scene changing topography results in uneven surface sampling, which makes it challenging to determine which set of images best fit the LiDAR benchmark. Other effects of the image properties are found in minor variations scattered throughout the survey or modifications to the RGB values of the point clouds or orthomosaics, with no critical impact on geomorphological studies.
This paper analyzes some of the modalities acquired by endogenous or exogenous bilingualism through the methodology of the case study. I present some linguistic biographies of poets from the historical communities of Spain, as well as from Italy and Latin America interviewed for this research: Fabio Morábito (Italy-Mexico), Gigliola Zecchin (Italy-Argentina), Yolanda Castaño (Spain: Galicia), Josep Maria Rodríguez (Spain: Catalonia) and Vanna Andreini (Italy-Argentina). Also included are comments by the Catalans Joan Margarit and Mireia Vidal-Conte and the Argentines Sylvia Molloy and Adrián Bravi. The study is completed with some reflections on vertical and horizontal self-translation, the role of schooling in bilingual competence and the impact of linguistic contact on the poetic idiolect (code switching, loanwords, calques, allusions, or intertextual quotations) as well as the coining somatic metaphors to describe one’s own bilingualism.
Abstract Modern Spain has remained largely absent from the debates and narratives of global history. In sharp contrast to the early modern period, the case of Spain in the nineteenth century has been overwhelmingly studied from regional and national perspectives. Fortunately, valuable efforts to integrate this country into wider frames of analysis have emerged in the last decade. Building on these writings, this article will argue that connections and entanglements represent two valuable perspectives, which allow the insertion of the Spanish experience into contemporary narratives of global history. The article has two aims. First, it seeks to ‘decentre’ modern Spain, by moving beyond its territorial borders within the Iberian Peninsula, and by examining its global dimensions, through connections with territories, colonies, and nations on several continents. Second, it aims to reveal valuable insights for current debates on global history, which arise from a focus on a country that is usually considered to have been both marginal and peripheral.
This article aims to highlight the history of life of three spanish anarchistic activists exiled in Limousin. Those portraits have been developed from the direct testimonies of two of them, the third one was compiled from the detailed telling given by the son of the late man. Three men's portraits, two Catalans, one aragonese, young actors of the Spanish civil war whose life stories have been collected at the twilight of their existences. From those late testimonies, in a particular context, emerge varied portraits, differentiated, passed through the filter of my own subjectivity.
El artículo parte de la década de los ochenta, necesaria para una transición progresiva de ciertos regímenes dictatoriales a las nuevas democracias, para analizar la solidez de la democracia en América Latina, los nuevos procesos de crecimiento económico y la justicia social que late (o no) bajo los mismos.