Hasil untuk "Private international law. Conflict of laws"

Alessandro Serpe

Being characterised by the centrality of legislation, one may say that Western legal theories have been grounded on a sort of Kahneman’s System 2 rational thinking. In his researches on the nature of thought, choice and decision, Kahneman has outlined how two different mental processes (heuristics-fact System 1; deliberate-slow System 2) interact within reasoning and decision-making (Kahneman 2011). Over the past decades, a number of inquiries on normative practical reasoning has grown widely. For instance, in the field of moral psychology, it has gone from views of morality based on abstract rules to perspectives emphasising the coexistence of additional factors in moral deliberation (Haidt 2001; Greene 2004). Brought to the legal domain, such inquiries have shown that the judicial-decision process is more alive to the influence of heuristics and cognitive social biases, then generally admitted. Indeed, since the early decades of 20th century, realist legal scholars such as Jerome Frank (1949a, 1949b) and Alf Ross (1946, 1959) explored the psychological grounds of judicial decision-making. Reassessed with new sensitivity, their insights prove that a realist view is the most viable alternative in both theories of legal sources and judicial adjudication, by keeping pace with the latest advancements afforded by cognitive science.

Federico Pablo Notrica

Both the legislation and the doctrinal and jurisprudential creation have begun to recognize the notion of socio-affectivity as a structuring element of family relationships among its members, often granting it primacy over the biological bond or relationships derived from kinship. Although affection has always been a constitutive component of human relations, the classical approach refused and refuses to recognize in it a source of Law and, as such, share the halo of legitimacy that kinship ties have enjoyed since ancient times. This resistance was able to generate many problems in reality, since the lack of legal recognition in some of the figures ruins the advances in the field of human rights. A clear example in Argentine legislation turns out to be the contents of articles 611, 643 and 657 of the Civil and Commercial Code on the prohibition of de facto guardians except the kinship bond between parents and guardians; or the delegation of the exercise of parental responsibility and the granting of custody of a child or adolescent, limiting it only to a relative. Well, while this legal limit occurs, reality prevails and, in some cases, the affective bond overlaps the biological one, owing value to the guiding principle of the best interest of the child to solve the problem raised. From this, the present work will try to demonstrate, through the analysis of the jurisprudence, the solutions reached that combine said guiding principle with the notion of socio-affectivity.

Francisco Campos da Costa

O Conhecimento de Embarque Marítimo (Bill of Lading - B/L) é um documento multifuncional essencial no transporte internacional de cargas, possuindo funções de contrato, recibo e título de crédito impróprio. Este estudo investiga sua evolução histórica, desde as origens no período romano até sua forma moderna, além de analisar a regulação brasileira em comparação com normas internacionais, como as Regras de Haia e Hamburgo. O problema de pesquisa busca compreender os desafios jurídicos e operacionais do B/L no Brasil e sua adequação às demandas do comércio global. O objetivo geral é avaliar sua relevância histórica, jurídica e prática, enquanto os objetivos específicos incluem: explorar suas origens, examinar sua regulação no Brasil, identificar suas funções e natureza jurídica tríplice e avaliar os desafios em sua aplicação no transporte marítimo e aduana. A metodologia utilizada é qualitativa, baseada em pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, com análise de legislações e estudos de caso relevantes. A pesquisa demonstra que, apesar de sua evolução significativa, o B/L enfrenta desafios no Brasil devido a lacunas normativas e questões práticas que impactam a segurança jurídica e eficiência no comércio internacional.

Tayyaba

The NPT, once considered a cornerstone of arms control and disarmament, is under increasing strain as the Third Nuclear Age dawns, characterized by technological developments, doctrinal changes, and renewed great-power competition among nuclear-weapon states. From a realist perspective, the paper aims to contend that the core commitment of NPT regarding disarmament pledges, cooperative security, and peaceful nuclear technology sharing as nuclear-weapon states pursue nuclear modernization amidst a relative power struggle. The credibility and effectiveness of NPT have been undermined in the Third Nuclear Age amid strategic mistrust, power asymmetries, and states' technological hedging. The NPT was negotiated and evolved into a discriminatory treaty, and the P5 countries have exhibited bias in their responses when any state has challenged the NPT provisions. Nevertheless, the P5 states have prioritized their national interests over treaty commitments. The deadlock in the NPT review conferences also highlights the growing strategic mistrust between nuclear haves and have-nots. In this context, this paper will adopt a qualitative approach, drawing on both primary and secondary data, to examine key state behaviors, particularly those of P5 countries, vis-à-vis their disarmament pledges and nuclear modernization. The paper uses a case study approach to assess the shift in commitment of nuclear-weapon states during the recent 12-day war in the Middle East. The paper aims to explore the relevance of the NPT in the New Nuclear Age as states witness technological shifts and growing strategic mistrust between P5.

Samuel Moyn

Rabiat Akande's article, “An Imperial History of Race-Religion in International Law,” draws attention to the gap in frameworks of protection from religious discrimination, on the compelling rationale that much contemporary discrimination continues to work through racialization. And she provides a genealogy to show that this gap is not there by accident—it presupposes a specific set of histories that excluded the racialization of religion from protection, because such protection was devised to respond to some kinds of wrongs (especially those of concern to white Christians) rather than others. In this essay, I would like to draw out much more explicitly than she does Akande's momentous point that Jews—racialized by white Christian Europeans—once experienced and fought this very same protection gap. This story is of great historical interest in its own right, but it also redoubles the familiar lesson that colonialism never just ends. Instead, it endures in complex ways and facilitates ongoing cycles of suffering and unfreedom.

Matiangai Sirleaf

With the expansion of European imperialism, public health concerns became globalized, necessitating cooperation with other imperial powers for the treatment and prevention of diseases. This essay traces the role of race and racism in the development of global public health law. It explores the connections, legacies, vestiges, and important disjunctions between tropical medicine and global public health, and considers the primacy given to white health as one of the animating purposes behind the emergence of the global public health regime. The centrality of protecting the health and interests of white people then and now continues to inform the global health agenda. This essay surfaces the role of international law through omission and commission in structuring and reifying racialized hierarchies of care and concern. It concludes that transformational reforms aimed at addressing this legacy are necessary.

Radu Bogdan Bobei

The country of origin principle can be contemplated in the light of the scholars’ debates relating to the rise or fall of the conflict of laws concept. This paper is an invitation to scholars to assess the notion of ‘comity’ as a genuine premise of the mutual recognition principle. The said notion reminds us all that international law and the conflict of laws are twin instruments; these instruments are conceptually designed to manage the transnational realities from nowadays. The nation-States, regional organizations of (economic) integration, international organizations, private actors are learning again how to exercise the notion of ‘comity’.

Gustavo de la Orden

El artículo analiza el impacto de la Corte Interamericana en los procesos de justicia transicional de los seis países del Cono Sur tras los gobiernos de dictadura de las décadas de 1970 y 1980. El objetivo es determinar la relevancia de la reconstrucción del contexto histórico en la jurisprudencia interamericana con relación a la erradicación de la violencia institucional practicada por los regímenes de facto. El estudio se realiza sobre diez sentencias condenatorias: se identifica su común denominador y se determinan cuáles han sido las medidas adoptadas por los Estados frente a tales condenas, especialmente aquellas que han supuesto reformas estructurales y sistémicas. Este análisis propone demostrar que la reconstrucción de los contextos históricos, estatales y regional, en las sentencias de la Corte Interamericana ha sido una herramienta fundamental para extender los alcances de su jurisprudencia a los procesos de justicia transicional de toda la región, más allá de los casos individuales denunciados y de los Estados condenados.

Nathan Brown, Saïd Amir Arjomand

The understanding of law in the Middle East requires not simply different disciplinary perspectives but bringing disciplines into dialogue with each other. It also requires analysis that crosses historical periods in order to understand legal systems as ones that develop over time based on longstanding traditions and earlier transformations, not simply European intrusion. We present a series of analyses by scholar who, while anchored in their own discipline, historical focus, and geographical specialization consciously work to address a broad social scientific audience.

Joana Setzer, Lisa Benjamin

New scholarship has identified trends, constraints, and opportunities for climate litigation in the Global South. While countries in the Global South tend to experience a lack of capacity within government agencies, civil society, and the judiciary, the Global South is not a homogenous group. Where climate litigation has been identified, the judiciary is often implementing government policy prescriptions in the absence of detailed climate legislation or filling enforcement gaps. But there are also a number of countries where climate litigation is not taking place or where gaps exist between ongoing litigation and traditional definitions of climate litigation. The scholarship is yet to further explore the relationship between climate legislation and litigation in the Global South, in particular in circumstances where ripe policy and legislative conditions for climate litigation exist. Taking into account different regional and national experiences, this essay explores that relationship.

Sergio Puig

The United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) differs in a few important ways from prior trade deals signed by the United States but reveals a glimpse of the infrastructure for a new era in international economic governance. This new “Geoeconomic World Order,” will be characterized by great power rivalry between the United States and China, the intense use of protectionist tools to achieve strategic and political goals, and the diminished role of legal adjudication. This approach to trade policy will likely outlast the autocratic and/or nationalistic governments emerging around the world, including the current Trump administration. While international trade law will recover, it will look different in key respects—it will be less multilateral, predictable, justiciable, and enforceable. This more transactional view of international trade law implies a limit on the role of law and an increase in the use of power. It may force a retrenchment of international interdependence and a revival of zones of influence prevalent during the Cold War era.

Mehdi Naser, hossein sadeghi

Smart contracts are electronic contracts concluded in public ledgers such as Blockchain, and are supervised by the governing body and artificial intelligence between the time of concluding and final approval. Until the contract is finalized , parties and artificial intelligence, at the time of concluding, may receive any information about the transaction or the parties to the contract by Oracles which are the systems that establish the communication between Blockchain and the foreign world. These contracts are considered in accordance with any legal system relating to the contract, taking into account the essential conditions of the transactions and the unique features, such as self-execution of the effects of the contract and transparency. Formation of these contracts depends on the existence of digital signatures and license to own virtual currencies. Smart contracts, after being approved by the parties and artificial intelligence, are registered in the public ledger and they are then placed in the space of public ledger to be observed. Rules on international contracts are encountering challenges, and a solution to those challenges will lead to an improvement in the implementation of these contracts in the legal system concerned.

محمد ویسی چمه, ستار عزیزی

پاسخ به مسئله مشروعیت جدایی یکجانبه، در حقوق بین‌الملل قراردادی یافت نمی‌شود. ازاین­رو باید حکم این موضوع را در حقوق بین‌الملل عرفی جستجو کرد. به علت اختلاف­نظر جدی در رویه دولت‌ها و نظریات علمای حقوق، به نظر می‌رسد که باید از رویه‌قضایی داخلی (به‌عنوان یکی از مظاهر برجسته عملکرد دولت‌ها) و رویه‌قضایی بین‌المللی استفاده کرد. بررسی آرای داخلی و رویه کمیسیون آفریقایی حقوق بشر و مردم، حاکی از پذیرش نظریه جدایی چاره‌ساز در پاسخ به مشروعیت جدایی یکجانبه است. در خصوص آستانه موردنظر جهت تحقق جدایی چاره‌ساز نیز میان دولت‌ها و حقوق‌دانان اختلاف‌نظر وجود دارد. رویه‌قضایی از میان دو آستانه بالا و متوسط، آستانه اخیر را پذیرفته است و ملهم از شرط محافظ مندرج در اعلامیه روابط دوستانه، انکار نظام‌مند مشارکت «مردم» را در اداره امور محلی و ملی و تبعیض گسترده علیه آن‌ها برای ایجاد حق جدایی کافی می‌داند. در هر حال، جدایی یکجانبه باید آخرین راه چاره باشد. در این مقاله، مشروعیت و آستانه لازم جهت حصول حق جدایی چاره‌ساز بررسی می­شود.

Бекирова Фатима Султановна

Статья посвящена современному толкованию такого понятия, как государственный суверенитет в условиях глобализации. Интеграционные процессы, развитие цивилизации, открытость стран к взаимодействию с другими странами, установление межгосударственных связей, взаимозависимость стран и их народов в политической, общественной и международной жизни обусловили необходимость новых трактовок понятия государственного суверенитета, отличающегося от его первоначального значения и понимания, в связи с чем встает вопрос о целесообразности сохранения прежнего понимания государственного суверенитета. В настоящей статье указано, что глобализация в целом способствует изменению и ограничению суверенитета, и при этом сам процесс имеет две стороны: вопервых, усиливаются внешние факторы, изменяющие государственный суверенитет; во-вторых, существует ряд государств, добровольно идущих на ограничение суверенитета, что приводит к переменам в политике таких государств.

Knut S. Vikor

Not Sunnis and not Shi’is, the Ibāḍī Muslims of Oman and some areas of North Africa form a “third branch” of Islam, with their own version of the Sharīʿa law. The development of this law displays many interconnections with the political history of the Ibāḍīs, which spanned from an independent sultanate in Oman, through minority status under Sunni rule in Tunisia and Libya, to isolated desert communities in Algerian Sahara. This article gives an overview over such interconnections between the political (state authority) and the legal, through history and in contemporary North Africa, with some examples of legal discussions from the “Ibāḍī renaissance” (nahḍa) in the twentieth-century Saharan oasis of Mzab.

Giammaria Milani

La questione di genere occupa una posizione importante nello studio de processi di transizione e di rivoluzione che si sono sviluppati in diversi paesi dell’Africa del Nord e del Medio Oriente e che sono generalmente conosciuti come “primavere arabe”. È possibile affermare che il rafforzamento del ruolo della donna e la loro partecipazione allo sviluppo politico, economico e sociale è, a un tempo, una causa e una conseguenza delle “primavere arabe”. In questo contesto, l’Algeria ha ottenuto dei risultati insufficienti quanto al progresso e al riconoscimento della pari dignità della donna. In questo articolo sarà ripercorsa l’evoluzione algerina in materia, analizzando tanto il quadro costituzionale, quanto l’attuazione che ne è stata fatta a livello legislativo. / 𝑇ℎ𝑒 𝑔𝑒𝑛𝑑𝑒𝑟 𝑖𝑠𝑠𝑢𝑒 𝑝𝑙𝑎𝑦𝑠 𝑎𝑛 𝑖𝑚𝑝𝑜𝑟𝑡𝑎𝑛𝑡 𝑟𝑜𝑙𝑒 𝑖𝑛 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑠𝑡𝑢𝑑𝑦 𝑜𝑓 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑡𝑟𝑎𝑛𝑠𝑖𝑡𝑖𝑜𝑛 𝑎𝑛𝑑 𝑟𝑒𝑣𝑜𝑙𝑢𝑡𝑖𝑜𝑛 𝑝𝑟𝑜𝑐𝑒𝑠𝑠𝑒𝑠 𝑡ℎ𝑎𝑡 ℎ𝑎𝑣𝑒 𝑑𝑒𝑣𝑒𝑙𝑜𝑝𝑒𝑑 𝑖𝑛 𝑠𝑒𝑣𝑒𝑟𝑎𝑙 𝑐𝑜𝑢𝑛𝑡𝑟𝑖𝑒𝑠 𝑖𝑛 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑁𝑜𝑟𝑡ℎ 𝐴𝑓𝑟𝑖𝑐𝑎 𝑎𝑛𝑑 𝑀𝑖𝑑𝑑𝑙𝑒 𝐸𝑎𝑠𝑡 𝑎𝑛𝑑 𝑡ℎ𝑎𝑡 𝑎𝑟𝑒 𝑔𝑒𝑛𝑒𝑟𝑎𝑙𝑙𝑦 𝑘𝑛𝑜𝑤𝑛 𝑎𝑠 "𝐴𝑟𝑎𝑏 𝑆𝑝𝑟𝑖𝑛𝑔𝑠". 𝑇ℎ𝑒 𝑠𝑡𝑟𝑒𝑛𝑔𝑡ℎ𝑒𝑛𝑖𝑛𝑔 𝑜𝑓 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑟𝑜𝑙𝑒 𝑜𝑓 𝑤𝑜𝑚𝑒𝑛 𝑎𝑛𝑑 𝑜𝑓 𝑡ℎ𝑒𝑖𝑟 𝑝𝑎𝑟𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑖𝑝𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑜𝑛 𝑖𝑛 𝑝𝑜𝑙𝑖𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑎𝑙, 𝑒𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑜𝑚𝑖𝑐 𝑎𝑛𝑑 𝑠𝑜𝑐𝑖𝑎𝑙 𝑑𝑒𝑣𝑒𝑙𝑜𝑝𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑠 𝑐𝑎𝑛 𝑏𝑒, 𝑎𝑡 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑠𝑎𝑚𝑒 𝑡𝑖𝑚𝑒, 𝑣𝑖𝑒𝑤𝑒𝑑 𝑏𝑜𝑡ℎ 𝑎𝑠 𝑎 𝑐𝑎𝑢𝑠𝑒 𝑎𝑛𝑑 𝑎𝑠 𝑎 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑠𝑒𝑞𝑢𝑒𝑛𝑐𝑒 𝑜𝑓 𝑡ℎ𝑒 "𝐴𝑟𝑎𝑏 𝑆𝑝𝑟𝑖𝑛𝑔𝑠". 𝑊𝑖𝑡ℎ𝑖𝑛 𝑡ℎ𝑖𝑠 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑡𝑒𝑥𝑡, 𝐴𝑙𝑔𝑒𝑟𝑖𝑎 ℎ𝑎𝑠 𝑟𝑒𝑎𝑐ℎ𝑒𝑑 𝑖𝑛𝑠𝑢𝑓𝑓𝑖𝑐𝑖𝑒𝑛𝑡 𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑢𝑙𝑡𝑠 𝑖𝑛 𝑡𝑒𝑟𝑚𝑠 𝑜𝑓 𝑝𝑟𝑜𝑔𝑟𝑒𝑠𝑠 𝑎𝑛𝑑 𝑟𝑒𝑐𝑜𝑔𝑛𝑖𝑡𝑖𝑜𝑛 𝑜𝑓 𝑤𝑜𝑚𝑒𝑛'𝑠 𝑒𝑞𝑢𝑎𝑙 𝑑𝑖𝑔𝑛𝑖𝑡𝑦. 𝑇ℎ𝑖𝑠 𝑎𝑟𝑡𝑖𝑐𝑙𝑒 𝑤𝑖𝑙𝑙 𝑙𝑜𝑜𝑘 𝑎𝑡 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝐴𝑙𝑔𝑒𝑟𝑖𝑎𝑛 𝑒𝑣𝑜𝑙𝑢𝑡𝑖𝑜𝑛, 𝑎𝑛𝑎𝑙𝑦𝑧𝑖𝑛𝑔 𝑏𝑜𝑡ℎ 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑐𝑜𝑛𝑠𝑡𝑖𝑡𝑢𝑡𝑖𝑜𝑛𝑎𝑙 𝑓𝑟𝑎𝑚𝑒𝑤𝑜𝑟𝑘 𝑎𝑛𝑑 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑖𝑚𝑝𝑙𝑒𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑜𝑛 𝑡ℎ𝑎𝑡 ℎ𝑎𝑠 𝑏𝑒𝑒𝑛 𝑚𝑎𝑑𝑒 𝑎𝑡 𝑡ℎ𝑒 𝑙𝑒𝑔𝑖𝑠𝑙𝑎𝑡𝑖𝑣𝑒 𝑙𝑒𝑣𝑒𝑙.

Anthony Amatrudo

This paper argues that both criminologists and lawyers need a far more philosophically robust account of joint action, notably as it relates to technical matters of intentionality and responsibility when dealing with joint criminal enterprise cases. Criminology seems unable to see beyond the superficiality of cultural explanations ill-suited to understanding matters of action. Law seems wedded to mystical notions of foresight. As regards the law there seems common agreement that joint enterprise prosecutions tend to over-criminalise secondary parties. This paper suggests that the current discussions around joint criminal enterprise will benefit from a critical engagement with analytical philosophy. The paper will examine a series of technical accounts of shared commitment and intention in order to explain the problems of joint criminal enterprise (multi-agent criminal activity). Este artículo defiende que tanto criminólogos como abogados necesitan ofrecer una acción conjunta más robusta, desde el punto de vista filosófico, especialmente en lo que se refiere a aspectos técnicos de intencionalidad y responsabilidad, al tratar casos de colaboración criminal. La criminología parece incapaz de ver más allá de la superficialidad de las explicaciones culturales, inadecuadas para entender cuestiones de acción. El derecho parece aliado con nociones místicas de previsión. En lo que respecta al derecho, parece que existe un consenso en que los fiscales de asociaciones de malhechores tienden a penalizar en exceso a los cómplices. Este artículo sugiere que el debate actual sobre asociaciones criminales se beneficiará de un compromiso crítico con la filosofía analítica. El artículo analiza un conjunto de explicaciones técnicas de compromiso e intención compartidos para explicar los problemas de las asociaciones criminales (actividad criminal multi-agente). DOWNLOAD THIS PAPER FROM SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2847796

Christine Toppin-Allahar

<p>The Caribbean islands share a history of plantation economy in which the "1%" not only controlled the natural resources and economies of the region, but also owned the majority of the "99%" who were enslaved. This disparity in wealth approximated a racial divide in the society, as the wealthy minority was predominantly "white" while the dispossessed majority was mainly non-whites. While the coastlands were always of importance in these export-oriented agricultural colonies, beach and backshore lands unsuitable for agriculture were less so, often being utilized for boatyards/fishing depots, cemeteries and "tenantries" or squatter settlements housing the landless.</p> <p>Since World War II, and particularly since the Cuban revolution in 1960, beach-oriented tourism has become the leading economic activity in most Caribbean countries. Competition for coastal resources has generally been resolved in favour of foreign currency, transferring much coastal property to foreign ownership and increasingly shutting off the local population's access to the sea. As the majority of foreign investors and tourists are white, this also has racial connotations. This paper examines the legal and administrative responses to the challenges that this situation presents which have been adopted by the Anglo-Caribbean Small Island Developing States (SIDS), with particular reference to the islands of Jamaica, Barbados, Tobago and some of the member countries of the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS).</p> <hr /><p>Las islas del Caribe comparten una historia de econom&iacute;a basada en plantaciones, en el que el 1% de la poblaci&oacute;n controlaba los recursos naturales y la econom&iacute;a de la regi&oacute;n, y al 99% restante, que viv&iacute;a esclavizado. Esta diferencia en la riqueza tra&iacute;a consigo una divisi&oacute;n racial en la sociedad, ya que la minor&iacute;a rica era principalmente "blanca", mientras que la mayor&iacute;a despose&iacute;a era principalmente "no blanca". Mientras que las tierras costeras ten&iacute;an siempre importancia en estas colonias agr&iacute;colas orientadas a la exportaci&oacute;n, las playas y terrenos inadecuados para la agricultura lo eran menos, utiliz&aacute;ndose muchas veces como astilleros o almacenes de pesca, cementerios o asentamientos ilegales para los sintierra.</p> <p>Desde la Segunda Guerra Mundial, y en particular desde la revoluci&oacute;n cubana de 1960, el turismo de playa se ha convertido en la principal actividad econ&oacute;mica en la mayor&iacute;a de los pa&iacute;ses del Caribe. La competencia por los recursos costeros se ha resuelto en general a favor del capital extranjero, transfiriendo muchas propiedades costeras a due&ntilde;os extranjeros y, cada vez m&aacute;s, cerrando a la poblaci&oacute;n local el acceso al mar. Como la mayor&iacute;a de los inversores extranjeros y turistas son blancos, esto tambi&eacute;n tiene connotaciones raciales. Este art&iacute;culo analiza las respuestas legales y administrativas a los desaf&iacute;os surgidos por esta situaci&oacute;n, que se han adoptado por Anglo-Caribbean Small Island Developing States (SIDS) (Peque&ntilde;as Islas y Estados en Desarrollo Anglo-Caribe&ntilde;os), con especial referencia a las islas de Jamaica, Barbados, Tobago y algunos de los pa&iacute;ses miembros de la Organizaci&oacute;n de Estados del Caribe Oriental (OECO).</p><p><strong>DOWNLOAD THIS PAPER FROM SSRN</strong>: <a href="http://ssrn.com/abstract=2571281" target="_blank">http://ssrn.com/abstract=2571281</a></p>

Carrie Joan Menkel-Meadow

This paper explores some of the misalignment in the legal profession in terms of allocation to particular parts of the profession. The paper suggests that there are not “too many lawyers,” but that lawyers could and should be doing other things, beyond conventional forms of legal representation, both for access to justice, and for transformations of the legal system and human problem solving. Lawyers can perform different roles in dispute resolution (mediating, arbitrating, negotiating, as well as litigating), including performing design functions for organizations and other sites of iterated disputes, advising individuals and entities about how to handle and “manage” conflict in order to actually reduce the need for conventional legal services. The paper explores issues of what constitutes “legal knowledge and expertise” and how such knowledge might be deployed to solve complex social and legal problems outside of conventional legal professional boundaries. Contrasts are made with other areas of expertise and the restructuring of professional knowledge in other fields such as business consulting and architecture. The paper concludes by suggesting that lawyers and legal educators need to proactively reframe what is considered to be legal work and legal education for new ways of legal and human problem solving to be studied and learned. Este artículo analiza algunos desajustes en la distribución de determinadas partes de la abogacía. Se sugiere que no hay "demasiados abogados", sino que los abogados podrían y deberían estar haciendo otras cosas, más allá de los sistemas convencionales de representación legal, tanto en el acceso a la justicia, como en las transformaciones del sistema jurídico y la resolución de conflictos humanos. Los abogados pueden asumir diferentes papeles en la resolución de conflictos (mediación, arbitraje, negociación, o defensa jurídica), incluyendo el diseño de funciones para organizaciones y otras instituciones dedicadas a las disputas, aconsejando a individuos y entidades sobre cómo manejar y “gestionar” los conflictos, con el fin de reducir de forma real la necesidad de los servicios jurídicos convencionales. El artículo explora los asuntos relacionados con "el conocimiento y la experiencia jurídica" y cómo se puede utilizar este conocimiento para resolver problemas sociales y legales complejos que quedan fuera de los límites profesionales jurídicos convencionales. Se comparan con otras áreas de conocimiento y con la reestructuración de los conocimientos profesionales en otros campos, como las empresas consultoras y de arquitectura. El artículo concluye sugiriendo que abogados y profesores de derecho deben replantear de forma proactiva lo que se considera trabajo legal y educación jurídica, para estudiar y aprender nuevas formas de resolver conflictos humanos y legales. DOWNLOAD THIS PAPER FROM SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=2269818

Ángel G. Chueca Sancho