Hasil untuk "United States local history"

Arka Adhikari, Joscha Henheik, Marius Lemm et al.

The locality of thermal quantum states has emerged as a key input for applications to thermalization, response theory, and efficient simulability. Locality is either captured by the decay of correlations or by local indistinguishability, which allows to approximate local expectation values by those of local thermal states. Most techniques for deriving locality bounds deteriorate at small temperature, a physically highly relevant regime and so it is of interest to identify conditions for uniform-in-temperature bounds. Here we prove that a class of weakly interacting quantum Hamiltonians satisfies exponential decay of correlations and local indistinguishability uniformly in the temperature. The proof uses a low-temperature cluster expansion and a quantum version of a probabilistic swapping trick developed by the first author and Cao (Ann. Probab. 53, 2025) in the context of lattice gauge theories.

Lingkai Kong

This study is intended to conduct a comprehensive review of federalism. This study starts from the institutional aspect and analyzes how federalism, as a compound structure, divides power between the central and local governments. Then, this study mentions that federalism also has its normative connotations, which are traceable to the theological concept of a covenant. We also elaborate on how the success of the United States’ federalism strengthened its institutional aspect while overshadowing the older covenant tradition. Next, this study presents a typological framework of federalism, introducing concepts such as coming-together federalism and holding-together federalism; dual federalism and cooperative federalism; decentralization and non-centralization; and asymmetrical federalism, non-territorial autonomy, and consociationalism, presidential and parliamentary federalism, as well as democratic federalism and authoritarian federalism/facade federalism. Next, this study compares monist federalism with multinational federalism. Then, this study examines the specific applications of federalism in fiscal, environmental, health-care, and social-welfare policies. By reviewing the history, theoretical origins, institutional development, and contemporary manifestations of federalism, this study provides a roadmap for scholars in the field of federal studies. Finally, this study also puts forward several testable hypotheses, aiming to provide operational research agendas for future studies.

Caroline S. Wagner, Xiaojing Cai, Jeroen Baas

A review of researcher mobility between China and the United States shows overall growth in mobility between the two nations. A review based upon a scholar’s change of address from China to the United States or vice versa reveals mobility patterns. Between 2009 and 2018, an overall upward trend is noted for incoming scholars from China, as well as upward trends in those returning to China. Within the United States, researchers flow across states, but they are less likely to leave the larger, more R&D-rich states like California, New York, or Massachusetts. Chinese researchers are more likely to locate based upon reputation of research institutions than overall research spending or defense research locations. Mobility has a positive impact on China-U.S. collaboration numbers and citations.

Diana Alejandra Méndez Rojas

Societal Impact Statement Maize is one of the most consumed grains worldwide. Its production and international trade are expected to continue increasing because of its use as animal fodder and direct human food. Although maize's history spans millennia, in the last century it underwent significant changes due to genetic engineering, particularly during the Green Revolution. Due to maize's importance for current food security and energy production, it is fundamental to understand this engineering process to assess the implications of current styles of maize production for local and global landscapes, scientific institutions, and transnational networks of agricultural science. Summary This article aims to explain how Mexican agricultural expertise contributed to the development of cytogenetics as a specialized field in the study of the diversity of maize within the framework of the Green Revolution. To this end, the article follows the work of Mexican agronomist Takeo Ángel Kato Yamakake within the activities of the Inter‐American Maize Improvement Program (IMIP), formally established in 1960. By reconstructing the debate on the genetic implications of chromosomal structure and function, this study contributes to the historiography devoted to the role played by local experts in the classification, experimentation, and conservation of maize. The article is based on sources from Mexico and the United States, an interview with Kato, and the consultation of the database “Rockefeller Fellows. Individual Mobility Awards at Rockefeller‐endowed Organizations, 1914‐1970.” Kato's trajectory provides an overview of agronomy in Mexico and shows the relevance of transnational exchange in the establishment of plant cytogenetics. Kato's academic activity features collaborations with key figures such as Edwin Wellhausen, Albert Longley, Barbara McClintock, W. Gallinat, Czeslawa Prywer, and Almiro Blumenschein. A Green Revolution era quest to unravel the origin of maize as a way of perfecting its genetic manipulation fueled the interest in establishing cytogenetics in Mexico. However, the irruption of the molecular approach made the study of the position of chromosomal knobs less of a priority. Despite this, classical cytogenetics, under Kato's leadership, remains a field that contributed to the knowledge of the vegetal genome, even when the IMIP disappeared and the logic of the Green Revolution lost its centrality.

This article will present a very short discussion of the importance of economics to understanding and eliminating racial hierarchy. Its examples are primarily based on the African American experience. Because of its short length, many issues, groups, histories, and experiences will not be discussed. Readers should take the principles presented in this study and apply them to their specific concerns. Racist Ideology Is Shaped by the Economy Many people think of racism as an irrational hatred of other racial groups. Although this may accurately describe the views and actions of particular individuals, it is not helpful for understanding how racial beliefs and practices help to build and maintain the structure of racial inequality in a society. Consider the fact that white racists today would not be in favor of bringing hundreds of thousands of Africans to the United States, nor smuggling them into the country if it is not legal to do so. But in antebellum America, this is exactly what white racists did. Slaveholders imported hundreds of thousands of Africans at considerable expense, and when the slave trade was made illegal, occasionally, they would smuggle Africans into the country.1 Racism as hatred would lead us to expect that white racists would bar Africans from the United States, but this is the opposite of what occurred. Racist ideas and practices help to structure American society by being in dialogue with the economy of the society. The dominant racist ideologies of a society economically reliant on racial slavery will justify and support racial slavery. The economy of American society no longer rests on racial slavery, so there are no longer ideologies justifying the importation of Africans. A key part of racism is the creation of myths to justify economic hierarchies. Racial slavery was a profitable institution for slaveholders. When slavery was challenged, the historian Peter Kolchin reports, ?Southern spokesmen responded with elaborate arguments in defense of slavery, including pseudoscientific demonstrations that blacks were unfit for freedom, reminders that the nation's economic well-being depended on slave labor, assertions that the Bible itself sanctioned the enslavement of the ?sons of Ham,? and claims that slavery produced a more humane and harmonious social order than the exploitative free-labor system.?2 The desire to profit from racial slavery encouraged the development and dispersal of ideas to justify it. Looking at the broad history of racist ideologies in America, the historian Mia Bay notes that one sees ?ever-changing intellectual rationalizations? to justify racial economic hierarchy.3 Today, we are seeing a growing concentration of wealth among the rich in the American economy. In 1982, Forbes magazine first published its list of the richest Americans. The man who topped the list was worth $5.8 billion adjusted for inflation.4 Today, that amount of money is not enough to put someone in the top 100 richest Americans. Elon Musk was recently listed as the richest man with a net worth of $219 billion.4 The rich have gotten a lot richer. The rich have gotten richer due to a host of labor, tax, trade, and finance policies that have facilitated the upward distribution of income.5 Consequently, it is harder for average Americans to maintain their standard of living and even harder for them to be upwardly mobile. The economist Raj Chetty and his colleagues find that ?more than 90% of children born in the 1940s grew up to earn more than their parents,? but ?[t]oday, only half of children grow up to earn more than their parents.?6 For the economy to continue benefitting the rich, it is important that this growing class inequality does not receive too much public attention and analysis. As the rich have gotten richer, average white Americans have been encouraged to blame their economic stress and problems on people of color as opposed to the economic elites who are actually profiting. The scholars Michael I. Norton and Samuel Sommers find that white people believe that American society has become more biased against white people over time and less biased against black people over the same period. In their research, white people now say that there is more anti-white bias in society than anti-black bias.7 Other research has found that about 40% of supposedly non-racially-biased white people believe that white people experience as much or more racial discrimination than black people.8 A recent survey found that a majority of whites believe that there is discrimination against white people in American society.9 White people believe that they are one of the primary victims of racism. The white man, Tim Hershman of Akron, Ohio, captures some of these views well. He states, ?If you apply for a job, they seem to give the blacks the first crack at it, and, basically, you know, if you want any help from the government, if you're white, you don't get it. If you're black, you get it.?9 Hershman is correct to feel that there is something wrong with the American economy. For example, from 1973 to 2021, the real average wage for white men with a high school diploma declined.10 In earlier periods of American history, the wages of white male high school graduates would have increased significantly over a similar length of time. What no one is telling people like Hershman is that the average wage for black male high school graduates is declining also.10 In addition, the average wage for white male high school graduates is still higher than the wage for black male graduates.10 Hershman's comments also seem to be referencing affirmative action in employment, which is often mischaracterized as ?racial preferences? or ?reverse discrimination? by opponents to the program. Affirmative action in employment is needed because there is a strong white preference in the American labor market. When researchers present black and white job candidates with equivalent qualifications to employers, they consistently find that employers prefer the white candidates.11 In one shocking study, white men with a criminal record had similar odds of receiving a positive response from employers as black men without a criminal record.12 Affirmative action is needed to counteract the white preference in the labor market and to help to move us to equal opportunity. Unfortunately, affirmative action in employment has been designed to be a weak program and it is weakly enforced. It is extremely rare for firms to be subject to strong sanctions for violating affirmative action guidelines.13 A recent study of 108 firms found that some firms that were supposed to be following affirmative action guidelines were among the most discriminatory firms against black people.14 Apparently, because the program and its enforcement are so weak, firms that discriminate against black job applicants can still be deemed to be in compliance with affirmative action. It is a myth that black people have any economic advantages over white people. The black unemployment rate has been roughly twice the white unemployment rate for the entirety of Hershman's working life.15 The black poverty rate has been more than twice the white rate for the entirety of his working life also.15 On every economic measure, black people are worse off than white people, yet more and more white people are convinced that black people have tremendous economic advantages that they do not. As long as white people are convinced that people of color are the source of their economic problems, they will never address the real issues, and they will never be able to stop the upward flow of income to the rich. The false racial ideas spread to people like Hershman serve to enable increasing class inequality. Much of Racial Stratification Is Class Stratification A significant part of what we understand as racial differences are or stem from class differences. If one looks at specific economic measures, it is often the case that racial hierarchies are clearly visible. For example, the Census Bureau's Supplemental Poverty Measure for 2020 (which many analysts consider to be superior to the Official Poverty Measure) shows the non-Hispanic white population with the lowest poverty rate and the black population with the highest. The Latino population has the second highest rate, and the Asian American population has the third highest.16,17 Other economic measures are stratified similarly. When people refer to black neighborhoods as the ?ghetto? or the ?streets? or the ?hood,? they are referring to the class makeup of the neighborhood as much as the racial makeup. A black middle- or upper-class neighborhood far removed from the problems associated with poverty would not be considered the ?ghetto,? the ?streets,? or the ?hood.? However, because black people are so strongly and consistently disadvantaged economically, there are very few black neighborhoods that are removed from the problems associated with poverty.18,19 The black middle class is much more exposed to the black poor than the white middle class to the white poor.20 In a capitalist economy, one's ability to obtain economic resources is extremely important to one's quality of life and life opportunities. For example, one's life expectancy is positively correlated with one's socioeconomic status.21,22 American society limits black economic opportunities, and this limitation profoundly shapes black life in a wide variety of ways. Asian Americans and American Racial Economic Hierarchies Asian Americans are often misused to argue that America is post-racial. For this reason, it is useful to touch on a couple of issues regarding this population. The situation of Asian Americans is too complex for an adequate treatment in this brief document. Readers are strongly encouraged to go beyond this document and do some study of Asian American history and the sociology of Asian Americans and racial stratification if they are not already familiar with these issues. The book The Asian American Achievement Paradox by the sociologists Jennifer Lee and Min Zhou would be a good place for readers to start. As mentioned earlier, Asian Americans have a higher supplemental poverty rate than non-Hispanic whites, but they also have a higher median household income.23 The Asian American population is diverse in many respects, but they tend to be of a higher socioeconomic status. More than half of the Asian American labor force has a bachelor's or advanced degree compared with about a third for the rest of the U.S. labor force.24 Much of the apparent economic success of Asian Americans stems from this high educational attainment. The root of Asian American high educational attainment is the post-1965 bias in the U.S. immigration process in favor of Asian immigrants with college degrees.25 For example, in their analysis, Lee and Zhou found that half of Chinese immigrants had a bachelor's or higher degree, but only 4% of adults in China were similarly educated.26 The immigration process does not lead to a random sample of the Chinese population coming to the United States, it disproportionately selects Chinese immigrants with college educations. Parent's educational attainment is a powerful predictor of a child's educational attainment.26 Thus, the children of highly educated Asian immigrants are more likely to be also highly educated and, therefore, relatively economically successful. Economic Inequality Contributes to Racial Inequality Economic inequality has increased tremendously over recent decades. In 1967, the bottom 60% of households ranked by income earned only about 30% of all the income?half their population share. The richest 5% of households earned more than three times their share of the population?17.2%. There was significant income inequality in 1967, but it has gotten considerably worse today. In 2020, the bottom 60% only earned 25% of all income?less than half their population share. The richest 5% earned nearly as much as the bottom 60?23%?nearly five times their population share.27 Because the black population is disproportionately lower income, they are over-represented on the losing side of this widening income inequality. The economist Valerie Wilson conducted an analysis of black?white wage inequality that compares both the racial component and the class component. Looking at wage inequality from 1979 to 2015, she finds that eliminating the racial inequality component would increase black wages by about $5 per hour. Eliminating the class component would increase black wages by over $12 per hour.28 In other words, class inequality cost black workers more than twice as much as the racial wage inequality. Of course, the ideal situation is to address both racial and class inequality. But it is important to remember that if we ignore class inequality while pursuing racial equality, we will still leave black people significantly economically disadvantaged. Americans of All Races Prosper from Racial Equity Racial discrimination and economic inequality ultimately hurt the majority of people of all races. It only enriches economic elites. The economic policy expert Heather McGhee documents this in her book The Sum of Us: What Racism Costs Everyone and How We Can Prosper Together. For example, she reports that slavery underdeveloped the South. ?[C]ounties that relied more on slave labor in 1860 had lower per capita incomes in 2000,? she states, and ?[w]hen slavery was abolished, Confederate states found themselves far behind northern states in the creation of the public infrastructure that supports economic mobility, and they continue to lag behind today.?29 America today is not being held back by slavery anymore, but it is being held back by a host of labor, tax, trade, and finance policies that have accelerated economic inequality.5 Income given to the rich is often less economically productive than income given to the poor.30 Imagine that a black family living in poverty receives an extra $1000. This family will likely spend all of it, and that $1000 will circulate and generate additional economic activity. For example, the convenience store near that black family's home might receive a portion of that $1000 in exchange for goods, and, in turn, the store owner would use that income to buy more goods and to help pay a staff person's wages. What happens in the American economy if Elon Musk receives an additional $1000? Absolutely nothing. There is nothing that he wants for which an additional $1000 would make a difference. Musk's $1000 is much less economically productive than the $1000 going to the poor black family. As income inequality has increased in the United States and shifted more income to the rich, it has slowed U.S. economic growth and widened racial economic inequality.30 Racial segregation has also been shown to have a negative effect on economic growth, and racial integration a positive one. After analyzing metropolitan area segregation and economic growth, the economist Huiping Li et al. conclude, ?Residential segregation is thus detrimental to the welfare of all the people, both the poor and non-poor, in central cities and suburbs.?31 Mark Zandi, the chief economist at Moody's Analytics, and his colleagues concur. Analyzing segregation at the county level, they find a positive relationship between racial integration and economic growth. They conclude that ?the more racially integrated our society, the stronger our economy.? They add, ?Indeed, if communities across the country were to more fully integrate racially so that they were comparable with the nation's most integrated communities,? it ?would be an economic game changer.?32 The racial discrimination and political divisiveness that underlies racial segregation are the likely causes behind the weaker growth from racial segregation.33,34 Racism also prevents the country from protecting itself from economic threats and crises. McGhee gives the example of the predatory subprime mortgage crisis that caused the Great Recession. She states, ?Bank regulators and federal policymakers were well aware of what was happening in communities of color, but despite pleas from local officials and community groups, they did nothing to stop the new lenders and their new tactics that left so many families without a home.?29 She continues, ?predatory practices were allowed to continue until the disaster had engulfed white communities, too?and only then, far too late, was it recognized as an emergency.?29 If racism had not blinded policymakers and smothered their compassion, people of all races could have been saved from economic harm. The economists Anne Case and Angus Deaton provide us with another example in their book Deaths of Despair and the Future of Capitalism. ?Deaths of despair? refers to the rising death rates for the white working class. Case and Deaton argue that this crisis is rooted in the weakened labor market for individuals without college degrees. They also argue that signs of this problem first emerged in black communities 30 years earlier. They state, deaths of despair among whites would not have happened, or would not have been so severe, without the destruction of the white working class, which, in turn, would not have happened without the failure of the health care system and other problems of the capitalism we have today?particularly the upward redistribution through manipulation of markets [emphasis added].35 They add, African Americans have not escaped the crisis but rather experienced their own version first, thirty years earlier?. African Americans, long the least-favored group, were the first to suffer, but less educated whites were next in line.35 Again, if racism had not prevented policymakers from addressing labor market problems when it affected black communities 30 years earlier, the white working class would have been spared devastation. As long as we allow racial fictions to lead us to ignore the fact that we, regardless of race, live in the same nation and rely on the same economy, this pattern of preventable economic disasters that hurt all will continue. A growing number of economic analyses show that an American society committed to equity would be a more prosperous society for all. For example, the economist Lisa Cook's research shows that ?riots, lynchings and Jim Crow laws? between 1870 and 1940 cost the nation a number of African American patents for inventions and innovations equivalent to that produced by a medium-sized European country.36 Although we are beyond Jim Crow, there is still not equal opportunity to invent and innovate. Looking at America today, the economist Raj Chetty and his colleagues find that ?becoming an inventor relies upon two things in America: excelling in math and science and having a rich family.?37 Children who excel in math and science from low-income or racial minority families are unlikely to become inventors, they add.37 Today, class inequality, which is intertwined with racial inequality, stifles U.S. economic innovation and growth by denying opportunity to those who are not rich. The entire country is worse off due to these ?lost Einsteins.?38 The management consulting firm McKinsey & Company estimates that closing the black?white wealth gap could grow the U.S. economy by $1 to $1.5 trillion by 2028.39 Other similar analyses produce similar very large dollar figures.40,41 If we are committed to a more equitable America, these additional dollars would benefit Americans of all races. Racism is a powerful force, but we will all gain if we are able to defeat it.

Joshua Dietz, Bulin Li, Ernesto Castañeda

The rate of people moving within the United States is at one of its lowest points in U.S. history, while China has experienced unprecedented levels of domestic migration. While both are world-leading economies, these countries demonstrate stark contrasts in geographic mobility, urbanization, and economic growth. Despite these differences, social factors affect migration capabilities in both places, with some people more mobile than others. This study assesses internal migration and highlights the structural and social determinants of mobility in both countries. This article’s analysis reveals an accentuated downturn and the longest annual decline recorded in the U.S. Evidence shows declining internal migration in the U.S. primarily occurring at the local level and amongst renters. Large and expensive American cities have had significant losses of residents in recent years. By contrast, China’s “floating population” has increased as migrants move to cities. This study examines trends from 2010 to 2020 to compare the two countries regarding internal migration, urbanization, housing, social mobility, and economic growth. However, rather than simply comparing them, the paper argues that the internal migration dynamics in both countries are, to a degree, connected.

S. Deser

I describe the early, from the nineteen sixties, history of attempts at quantizing General Relativity.

I. Belyaev, G. Carboni, N. Harnew et al.

In this paper we describe the history of the LHCb experiment over the last three decades, and its remarkable successes and achievements. LHCb was conceived primarily as a b-physics experiment, dedicated to CP violation studies and measurements of very rare b decays, however the tremendous potential for c-physics was also clear. At first data taking, the versatility of the experiment as a general-purpose detector in the forward region also became evident, with measurements achievable such as electroweak physics, jets and new particle searches in open states. These were facilitated by the excellent capability of the detector to identify muons and to reconstruct decay vertices close to the primary pp interaction region. By the end of the LHC Run 2 in 2018, before the accelerator paused for its second long shut down, LHCb had measured the CKM quark mixing matrix elements and CP violation parameters to world-leading precision in the heavy-quark systems. The experiment had also measured many rare decays of b and c quark mesons and baryons to below their Standard Model expectations, some down to branching ratios of order 10-9. In addition, world knowledge of b and c spectroscopy had improved significantly through discoveries of many new resonances already anticipated in the quark model, and also adding new exotic four and five quark states.

Bogatov Egor, Korenev Artem, Mikhailov Ilya

One of the variants for systematizing the activities of the historian of mathematics is proposed, as well as a scheme for organizing research and search work in the preparation of scientific articles and reports on the history of science.

Chairman Hastings, Chairman Wicker, commission members, and our audience, thank you for holding this important briefing. I am honored to testify on methodologies that can unify and heal societies across the globe that have been divided by war, genocide, and other traumas reflecting a belief in a hierarchy of human value. My name is Gail C. Christopher. I am the founder of the Ntianu Center for Healing and Nature, the chairperson of the Trust for America's Health, and the architect and implementor of more than $1 billion in efforts spanning four decades to facilitate racial healing and jettison racism from American society. Research reveals that the inequities caused by racism cost our nation almost $2 trillion annually in lost purchasing power, reduced job opportunities, and diminished productivity. Research also documents the extent that the conscious and unconscious belief in a racial hierarchy fuels the reluctance of political leaders and policymakers to acknowledge the inequities and devote adequate resources to addressing them. Our democracy, like others around the world, is based upon full human engagement and action on shared interests of the population. In order to move forward, this nation must heal the wounds of our past and learn to work together with civility, and indeed, with love. We must build the individual and collective capacity to ?see ourselves in the face of the other.? Our country has a history of enslaving people, committing genocide among Indigenous people, and embracing centuries of institutionalized racism. Yet, unlike other countries that have endured war, sectarian or racial strife, the United States has never undertaken a comprehensive Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) effort to heal divisions and bring equal opportunities to all communities. Thus, America experiences a significant wealth gap between white families and families of color, the persistence of government-incentivized residential segregation, unequal access to quality health care and affordable housing, achievement gaps in education, and discrimination in hiring practices. Throughout the world, extreme nationalism, racism, anti-Semitism, and other forms of ethnic and religious bias are often sustained by an antiquated notion that the human family can be divided and ranked based on physical characteristics and ascribed traits. These ill-conceived beliefs ossify, becoming hardened barriers among populations. This belief is alive today, as is the racism it has perpetuated and ingrained in America and other nations. The planet has more refugees today than at any time on record, and the impacts of human conflict related to weakening multilateral institutions and rapid climate change will only increase the number. Across the globe, societies struggling with growing inequality and demographic changes are being offered scapegoats instead of solutions. It has proven far too easy for citizens to turn against families seeking a safer home, because anti-immigrant demagoguery taps into a well of beliefs that cast racialized Others and people in poverty as inferior and criminal. These are false beliefs. The truth is that, managed well, immigration makes societies stronger?and we never know when any of us will need welcome from a stranger. When we uproot the false belief in a hierarchy of human value, we will be on firmer ground to face the challenges ahead. Together with other healing thought leaders, we have plotted a new course, one that can transform our nation as well as serve as a blueprint for other nations facing legacies of racism and discrimination. The Rx Racial Healing National Mobilization Campaign is a movement that aims to generate a critical mass of people committed to working together and healing the wounds of the past as we seek to end racism and the inequities it has created. Remember architect and systems thinker Buckminster Fuller once said: ?You never change things by fighting the existing model. You must create a new model that makes the existing model obsolete.? By redefining racism as the embedded and entrenched belief system it is, Rx Racial Healing provides a needed on-ramp for launching a new model of relatedness that is grounded in the knowledge of our interconnected and equal worth as human beings. With this foundational idea in place, we can create new ways of living, policing, and governing, as well as ways of distributing resources more equitably because we see our collective common interests. This campaign is empowering organizations reaching millions of people in every sector of nearly every community in our country to transform our society by going beyond just treating the symptoms of racism. Using a Rx Racial Healing methodology to create empathetic and compassionate support, our objective is to facilitate local action coalitions to jettison racial hierarchy and implement long-term policies and practices that address the impact of racial equity on health, education, housing, and economic opportunity. The Rx Racial Healing vision identifies five imperatives for transforming communities: Leaders in the philanthropic, public, and private sectors should leverage media and technology to disseminate the new narrative about human origins and connectedness, informed by 21st century genomic science, to repudiate the false 17th century belief in separate and unequal human races. This public historical correction should include authentic narratives and experiences of diverse people who will provide previously untold historical and contemporary perspectives, fuel new understanding, and enhance capacity for self-compassion and empathy. We are already training a critical mass of facilitators in all disciplines, geographic areas, and organizations. They will provide Rx Racial Healing experiences for diverse groups to enhance skills and capacities for empathy, self-compassion, resilience, and perspective taking. My final three recommendations are for policymakers. Congress and states should aim to overcome institutionalized racial separation patterns by implementing new approaches to land use, zoning, housing and transportation policies, mortgage finance, and resource development. Congress should review its public policies and administrative practices to ensure that they are honoring the humanity of all, and particularly redress past and current inequities in civil and criminal justice systems. Economic policymakers at every level of government should implement investment strategies that result in a more equitable economy that closes racial and ethnic income and wealth divides. Rx Racial Healing is a 21st century approach to collective healing. It is the work of positively influencing the consciousness of a people to help create a world without the effects of racism and religious bias. While we are applying it to the inequities in the United States, it can be applied globally to address the various manifestations of the belief in human hierarchy in any society. E pluribus unum! Out of many, one. If America is to survive and to thrive as a democracy, we must begin to truly believe that we are one people, one human family. We must muster the courage to unlearn human hierarchy and act to redress the consequences of adhering to that false belief for centuries. We must learn to love one another, to show compassion and grace. The prescription for what ails us is racial healing. Rx Racial Healing Begins with a Change in Consciousness By consciousness, I mean our beliefs and our states of awareness, both conscious and unconscious; particularly awareness and appreciation about the human family, our origin, and our sense of belonging and inter-relatedness. The idea of an interconnected human family is thwarted by the persistent belief in a hierarchical taxonomy of humanity; and the systemic vestiges of that antiquated belief that still mold our societal infrastructure and systems of democracy. Consciousness is not just thoughts. Consciousness encompasses emotions and feelings, as well as perceptions and attitudes that shape our beliefs and behaviors. The Rx Racial Healing campaign is based on inter-related strategies: building a national organizational network and activating local action to promote racial healing and racial equity. At the national level, national partner organizations are using their leadership positions to engage others in their sectors to become champions for racial healing and equity. Organizations throughout the education, health, housing, economic development, philanthropic, faith, and nonprofit communities make up a second sphere of collaborating entities. The goal is to help a critical mass of people work together to eradicate the false ideology of a hierarchy of human value and its harmful consequences. This is the change we are creating. We want to reach a critical mass, the minimal number of people needed to sustain a consciousness shift in our society away from permitted hatred, indifference, and lovelessness, toward unity and systemic human compassion for all. As such, the goal is education or re-education. Rx Racial Healing enables people to conceptualize and experience a new model for relating as an extended human family, one that is capable of perspective taking and seeing ourselves in the face of the perceived ?other,? feeling empathy, and demonstrating compassion with one another. This outcome is achieved by engaging people in communities and organizations throughout the nation. Rx Racial Healing is a conceptual framework for action in communities and organizations which includes a specific racial healing circle methodology, which guides people from diverse backgrounds and perspectives through a story-telling process that leads them to recognize and embrace each other's humanity. It is past time for calling out and eradicating the 17th century obsolete construct and belief in a hierarchy of human worth and value. It is now time to replace that old mental model with an accurate awareness and understanding of our common human ancestry and our equal interconnected humanity. This is the missing link needed for generating and sustaining an equitable social infrastructure in America and for realizing our aspirational vision for the promise of democracy. When implemented on a large and comprehensive scale throughout the nation, Rx Racial Healing will help move us beyond needless divides toward the wholeness upon which a viable democracy depends. Why is this change so badly needed? Our inability as individuals and as a society to value all human beings equally, or as Albert Einstein once said to ?see ourselves in the face of the other,? is making us sick, literally. Even more broadly speaking, the incapacity to value all human beings equally keeps us from experiencing optimal well-being and happiness. Our hearts and brains are designed to resonate with harmonious relationships. The opposite?fear and anxiety, separation, alienation, and hate?induces stress and distress. Distress causes a cascade of illness-related changes within our very cells in our physical bodies and within our body politic. This inability is not unlike the design flaw in the Boeing 737 Max Jet airliner that is believed to have contributed to two plane crashes causing the needless tragic deaths of hundreds of passengers. Researchers estimate that 265 people die every day from racial health disparities in the United States. This is the equivalent of a 747 Jet crashing on a daily basis. But it is not just people of color that suffer and die prematurely. The U.S. population, as a whole, lives shorter lives and has poorer health than our peer nations. Our residual belief in a false taxonomy and hierarchy of humanity?of human value or worth?is a major contributing factor to our poor health outcomes. Distress responses related directly and indirectly to racial fear, anxiety, and to its attendant social conditions contribute to hypertension and cardiovascular disease, glucose intolerance, and insulin resistance, and diabetes and its precursor metabolic syndrome. Dr. Jonathan Mezl's 2019 book Dying of Whiteness calculates the impact of public policies increasingly supported by white Americans and viewed through a white identity lens?such as the refusal to expand Medicaid in Tennessee or the loosening of gun laws in Missouri in the wake of Ferguson protests?on the population-level health of white Americans. Dr. Mezl finds that these two policies resulted in 10,506 lost years of productive white male life in Missouri and every single white resident in Tennessee 14.1 days of life.1 Researchers at Stanford University surveyed voters in the 2016 presidential election. Results showed that the majority of white Republican voters indicated fear of diversity was the primary reason for their vote. The undergirding belief system?racism?that devalues people based on perceived differences in physical characteristics like skin color, hair texture, and facial features is a foundational idea in America. Our nation has so much to overcome. The institution of slavery lasted throughout the formative centuries of the United States, 1619?1865 and officially ended because of the Civil War and the 13th Amendment to the U.S. constitution. However, former slave owners, state and local governments, and corporations created new ways to maintain the system of racial hierarchy. Journalist and author, Douglas Blackmon, wrote a Pulitzer Prize winning book on this in 2008, Slavery by Another Name: The Re-Enslavement of African Americans from the Civil War to World War II. Blackmon explores the brutal systems of convict leasing, share cropping, and peonage. These were all oppressive economic strategies to exploit and control emancipated African Americans. The undergirding belief in a hierarchy of human value continued to define the culture of America well into the Twentieth Century. Other systemic manifestations included Jim Crow laws used to humiliate and deny social contact, residential and school segregation, overt discrimination across all public and private opportunity avenues; lynching and terror through racial violence perpetrated by hate filled individuals and organizations such as the Ku Klux Klan and White Citizen's councils. Beliefs die hard. Cultural norms die even harder, especially when they are embedded within all perceived authority, educational, protection, and survival mechanisms. Such is the case for the fallacy of human hierarchy. This antiquated way of seeing and being with one another is a fossil formed during the 14th century and crystallized in the 18th century by Carl Linnaeus, Swedish Botanist, known as the father of taxonomy. But unlike other fossils, the belief in a hierarchy of human value still lives deeply in the hearts and mind of far too many people today. This idea must end and take its place in the museums like other historic relics. The idea of a human value hierarchy must die now, before it kills us all! Linnaeus first codified the scientific frame of human hierarchy and listed human ?races? based on physical appearances and on continents of origin. He placed people like himself, Europeans, at the top of this hierarchy and other so called races in descending order of humanness?placing Africans at the very bottom of his hierarchical system. Blackmon's book illustrates the lasting impact of the hierarchy created by Linneaus in the 1700s. Blackmon creates a new narrative by filling in decades of missing history about just how the belief in racial hierarchy was enforced well into the 20th century. It provides previously hidden information about an important albeit painful and tragic period in our nation's history. Yet, when he tells the stories in public forums, he leads with affirmation and context. He shows photos and reminds audiences that it was largely the unpaid labor of black men and women that cleared the dense forests to make way for railroads, highways, and metropolitan areas. The protracted history of enslavement of African Americans and its aftermath often leads people to view racial hierarchy as only a black?white issue. To do so is a mistake. Linneaus' taxonomy reduced all people perceived as different from Europeans to the status of ?less than? and the ?other.? Pigmentation or the lack there of are levers for social rejection or acceptance throughout the world. A dear colleague from India once told me that the first question families ask about the intended bride or groom is ?How dark is the skin?? Skin lightening products are a multibillion-dollar global industry. Racial hierarchy beliefs have spawned colorism, prejudice, and discrimination against individuals with dark skin the world over. Often colorism manifests within racial and ethnic communities. Twenty-first century science has ushered in a fresh awareness and understanding about human origins and genetic commonality. We all are 99.9 percent the same, having originally descended from a common human ancestry. This science should be the final nail in the coffin of belief in white superiority and its racialized hierarchy of human value. Instead, there is a resurgence in assertions of racist ideas under cover of legitimacy as nationalism and populism. According the Children's Defense Fund's 2016 report, ?The State of America's Children,? most of the children in our nation under age five are now children of color. In spite of this demographic reality, according to a 2019 Pew Research Center poll, 68 percent of Americans think race relations are getting worse in the United States. Hate crimes based on race, xenophobia, and religious intolerance are rising. Civility is declining at a time when our diversity is increasing. The Rx Racial Healing Mobilization Campaign builds upon the Truth, Racial Healing, and Transformation (TRHT) process that I designed and launched with the W.K. Kellogg Foundation in 2017. The Rx Racial Healing campaign takes the next step?coupling the TRHT process and principles with a new over-reaching framework that enables the population to conceptualize and experience a new model for relating as an extended human family. The Rx Racial Healing framework is an adaptation of international TRCs that have been instrumental in resolving deeply rooted conflicts around the world, and underscoring the transformational power in healing the wounds of the past before progress can be made. The TRC process is varied, but typically involves public and private activities designed to uncover and deepen the understanding of tragedies and/or human rights violations. Prior TRC efforts have been initiated by litigation, by government mandate, and by calls from activists. The TRC methodology is an international 20th century development involving public and private experiences for uncovering and deepening understanding of recent tragedies and human rights violations. The approach has been used previously to address historic wrongs in Australia, Canada, and a few communities in the United States. Personal Reflections on Racial Healing I remember as a 15-year-old first beginning to understand the power of racism, and the need for healing. Fate, luck, and talent took me from my all African American community in Cleveland and plopped me down into an all-white enclave, a summer arts encampment in Chautauqua, New York. Away from home for 6 weeks, I would have a roommate of a different race and be the only one-of-two people of color in the entire town. Everyone seemed very nice and treated me well, but I did not even have a word for the sense of separation and alienation that I felt. I woke up very early every morning and walked, alone, to the wooded area in the small town. It was there that I discovered my love of nature and learned to appreciate the simple beauty of trees. I would sit on the picnic table listening to the sound of water flowing in a nearby brook, staring up at the oddly pale sky between the treetops for what seemed like hours. Decades later, I would understand the science about the healing effects of nature, and how being within forested areas can actually help the body reduce levels of the stress hormone cortisol. I would become a champion for the global movement for engaging children with nature and open the Ntianu Center for Healing and Nature on a three-acre forested location in southern Maryland fed by an artesian spring. Heavily scheduled days and evenings filled with concerts and shows made the weeks pass very quickly. Soon the once-in-a-lifetime summer arts experience drew to its end. On one of the camp's last days, as I walked past all the quaint Victorian houses on our little street, an ambulance appeared in front of our yellow house. Hurrying to see what was going on, I reached the front stairs in time to see my roommate being carried out on a stretcher. She was unconscious. I asked our house parents what had happened, and they told me that she had taken pills in an attempted suicide. I ran up to our room, which suddenly seemed unbearably small. There I found a note she had written: ?I don't want to go home. My father has taught me to hate black people. I now know that is a lie. I don't want to live like that anymore.? She had tried to take her own life. The summer ended and I was never to learn her fate, but assumed they saved her life that day. I never forgot how it felt to have lived a brief moment within an innocent and authentic friendship which, unbeknownst to me, had pierced the veneer of racial hatred. Having come of age during the Civil Rights Movement era and having lived with both forced and de facto segregation, I, like so many of my peers, succeeded, in spite of the odds. That summer long ago when, as a young girl, I came face to face with my roommate's deep pain, the child within me wanted to know why people believed in, taught, and acted upon hate. The adult and eventually the healer in me learned the answer to that question. I came to see, believe in, and know the power of love as a healing force. I've spent the last 40 years translating that understanding into programs and social interventions to help make our lives, communities, and nation whole. I had experienced both the consequences of racial hatred and the courage to stand up for freedom that summer in Chautauqua. Racism Flows Like a River Whether describing the Nile, Amazon, or Yangtze River, historians know that large rivers became the centers around which civilizations and nation states have flourished. This is true for the Mississippi river, named by the Indigenous dwellers of the Algonquin native tribes as the Father of Waters, the Mississippi River is one of the world's longest rivers. It touches 32 states in America. It is not an exaggeration to say that it is the river that became the center around which the United States flourished. Still today in the 21st century, the Mississippi river and its many tributaries drive up to 75% of the U.S. economy. This mighty river provides a good metaphor for the power of a single phenomenon to shape our life and lives?the belief in a hierarchy of humanity value that flows through the American psyche and society like the Father of Waters, the Mississippi. It drove the slavery economy and became the center around which 18th, 19th, 20th, and even today's 21st century America flourishes. Every river has a delta, a landform created from the earth and rocks along the banks that it touched while moving rapidly to the ocean beckoning its waters. The river carries this sediment and debris to an end place where movement slows to stagnation in the delta. The human body has become the delta for the metaphorical river of racism. Sediment and debris from exposures have become socially embodied. Landforms?islands of separation, including residential segregation characterized by political and economic disinvestment?create adverse and toxic experiences for some, and fear of perceived ?others.? These deltas help generate chronic stress and traumatic body responses which cause excess vulnerability to disease, and premature death. But unlike rivers, whose existence and flow are vital for sustaining geographic and human life, racism is manmade. This antiquated belief system and way of seeing/being can be undone. Racism flows like a river, but it is not a river. Racism can and must be eliminated and its harmful consequences healed. When implemented on a large and comprehensive scale throughout the nation, Rx Racial Healing will help move us beyond needless divides toward the wholeness upon which a viable democracy depends.

M. B. Hastings

This is a personal history of the Hastings-Michalakis proof of quantum Hall conductance quantization.

Peter J. Pekins

Moose (Alces alces) have evolved to store adequate body fat to emerge from winter in adequate nutritional condition that is key to annual productivity and neonatal survival. Blood consumption by winter ticks (Dermacentor albipictus) affects survival and productivity of moose, often resulting in marked local and regional die-offs of calves. Concurrent with an unprecedented frequency of winter tick epizootics (>50% calf mortality) in the northeastern United States, productivity but not mortality of adult female moose also has declined because of low rates of twinning and calving. Chronic blood loss to winter ticks in late winter-early spring negatively affects pregnant cows in their energy- and protein-costly 3rd trimester of pregnancy that will eventually calve and lactate initially in an environment low in digestible energy and protein. To describe this dynamic, I calculated the endogenous fat balance of different-sized pregnant cows by developing energy-balance equations that accounted temporally for gestation, winter tick infestation, and lactation under two consumption levels. The analysis revealed the critical importance of body mass and body fat as only large cows (25% pre-winter body fat) were immune from depletion of body fat at birth in all scenarios. Mid-sized cows (20% body fat) depleted fat reserves during gestation in most scenarios, and small cows (15% body fat) in all scenarios. The infestation and forage- consumption levels influenced the predicted date of fat depletion up to several weeks, and failed calving or mortal mass loss associated with rapid loss of endogenous protein was possible in mid-sized and small cows. The continual decline in demographic parameters points to reduced body mass and body fat over time, or increased numbers of mid-sized and small cows in the population with lower reproductive potential. This regional population is confronted with a unique and sustained combination of environmental and parasitic conditions associated with a warming climate that markedly affects its survival and reproduction in quality habitat, a unique occurrence in their evolutionary history.

Weaving insightful analysis into a brief biography of gospel icon John P. Kee, Claudrena N. Harold explores gospel music\'s essential place as an outlet for African Americans to express their spiritual and cultural selves. Excerpted from <a href=\"https://www.press.uillinois.edu/books/catalog/83gwa2fy9780252043574.html\"><i><span class=\"markw8b30bzur\" data-markjs=\"true\" data-ogac=\"\" data-ogab=\"\" data-ogsc=\"\" data-ogsb=\"\">When</span> <span class=\"markf39dk0s6g\" data-markjs=\"true\" data-ogac=\"\" data-ogab=\"\" data-ogsc=\"\" data-ogsb=\"\">Sunday</span> <span class=\"mark2cjbw6swm\" data-markjs=\"true\" data-ogac=\"\" data-ogab=\"\" data-ogsc=\"\" data-ogsb=\"\">Comes</span>: Gospel Music in the Soul and Hip-Hop Eras</i></a> by <span class=\"markwh3st48ja\" data-markjs=\"true\" data-ogac=\"\" data-ogab=\"\" data-ogsc=\"\" data-ogsb=\"\">Claudrena</span> N. <span class=\"markrxo1rqyl5\" data-markjs=\"true\" data-ogac=\"\" data-ogab=\"\" data-ogsc=\"\" data-ogsb=\"\">Harold</span>. Copyright 2020 by the Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois. Used with permission of the University of Illinois Press.

Gyan Moorthy

Photo by Daniel Schludi on Unsplash The debate regarding the limits of individual liberty and the state’s obligation to promote the common welfare and to protect its citizens is too important to be left to extremists. As more vaccines make their way through Phase III trials[1] and the question of compulsory vaccination presents itself, leaders must address the short- and long-term implications of requiring a specific medical intervention (vaccination) as a condition of community membership[2] versus as a condition of participation in school, work, or other activities. Transparency and openness to compromise are paramount. Broad buy-in on policy which touches such a fundamental human interest, the right of individuals to control their own bodies, is crucial to restore or ensure continued trust in science and American institutions and to prepare the country to combat future problems. This paper argues that universal compulsory vaccination (by state or county) should be implemented only as a policy of last resort. Public health officials must first weigh all reasonable alternatives, including educational initiatives, tax credits (rather than penalties), and variously-formulated requirements for vaccination of subsets of the population as a condition of participation in public activities. HISTORY In 1902, the Board of Health of Cambridge, Massachusetts, using authority delegated to it by the state legislature, required smallpox vaccination or revaccination for all healthy residents above the age of 21. Those who refused were subject to a five dollar per day fine. A pastor by the name of Henning Jacobson was prosecuted, fined, and ultimately ordered committed for refusing to pay that fine. In Jacobson v. Massachusetts, Justice John Marshall Harlan wrote the majority opinion for a seminal 7-2 Supreme Court decision upholding the right of the state to compel vaccination under certain circumstances. Underpinning the Court’s conclusion was a tense and uncertain compromise between the tenets of social-compact theory and theories of limited government.[3] Although Harlan wrote that the constitution guaranteed no “absolute right in each person to be, at all times and in all circumstances, wholly freed from restraint,”[4] he underscored that the state’s police powers were limited. The state must always (1) consider the necessity of their exercise, defining its objective as narrowly as is feasible, (2) use “reasonable means” to pursue that objective, (3) impose only burdens that are proportionate to the expected benefit, and (4) avoid inflicting “cruel and inhuman harm” on any person.[5] Harlan implied that state legislatures were to have wide discretion to deliberate these issues and perform benefits/burdens calculations themselves. Jacobson legitimized compulsory vaccination legislation then on the books in 11 states, but such legislation was seldom used. Most states vigorously promote vaccination for various diseases through educational initiatives or require it for students seeking to enroll in public school (always with medical and usually with religious or philosophical exemptions) or for certain subsets of the population, like healthcare professionals working in select hospitals and nursing homes.[6] Mandatory public school vaccination has withstood court challenge,[7] but mandatory vaccination of healthcare professionals, when no non-medical exemptions are granted, is of ambiguous legal status.[8] Since 2000, some states have passed versions of the Model State Emergency Health Powers Act (MSEHP), granting their governors the authority to declare public health emergencies and thereafter to compel vaccination of the public, using the National Guard if necessary.[9] However, no qualifying crisis scenario presented itself until this year. Governors contemplating COVID-19 vaccination requirements are likely first to develop plans which would make vaccination a condition of participation in various activities, a strategy that, although still controversial, is not the primary subject of this paper. It is unlikely that the federal government would get involved. Though it imposes some vaccine requirements for those wishing to immigrate or join the military, it has never established broader vaccination policy, and it is unclear whether it could use its authority, e.g., under the constitution’s Commerce Clause, to do so.[10] PRACTICAL AND ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS After FDA approval of a vaccine for COVID-19, it is conceivable that some states, or some legislators within them, spurred on by medical and other commentators,[11] will wish to compel vaccination not only of children in public schools or of healthcare professionals working in certain settings, but of at-risk groups or of all citizens under their jurisdiction. While it is extremely unlikely that they would authorize the use of force, they might impose fines or tax penalties, as the Board of Health of Cambridge, Massachusetts did at the turn of the 20th century. Such moves are likely to be challenged in court, and if they make their way to the Supreme Court, it is not altogether clear how the Court would rule or whether its ruling will be delivered in time to be relevant. Compulsory vaccination of specific groups, e.g., the elderly or those living in crowded housing or in high-spread neighborhoods, who might be disproportionately Black or Hispanic, [12] could be struck down on the basis of the 14th Amendment’s guarantee of equal protection, which Jacobson never addressed. Although Jacobson has been cited in more than seventy other cases, most dealing with other non-health- or health-related uses of police powers,[13] and is well-established precedent, the Court has acknowledged several other rights in the intervening years which might lead it to overturn Jacobson. These include a right to privacy[14] and a right to refuse unwanted medical treatment.[15] Although it has always balanced these rights against state interests,[16] which certainly include preventing the spread of disease, the communitarian spirit of the Progressive Era has given way to a polarized electorate that includes growing numbers of uncompromising liberty enthusiasts. All fifty states have vaccination mandates for school attendance and several states mandate vaccines for healthcare workers demonstrating Jacobson’s precedent has survived the development of privacy rights and rights to be free from unwanted bodily intrusions in the healthcare context. The issue of whether Jacobson has survived legal progress to the degree that universal compulsory vaccination (rather than school or workplace mandates) would be acceptable remains unanswered. The Court now includess several self-described staunch defenders of individual liberty and autonomy who may not give as much weight to public health measures that are seen to infringe upon fundamental freedoms.[17] But even if the Court were to uphold the essence of Jacobson, the particulars of the case before it would determine whether compulsory COVID-19 vaccination could proceed. The current Court might defer less to the determinations of state or local public health agencies and apply higher or different standards for necessity, reasonable means, proportionality, and avoidance of “cruel and inhuman harm” than did Harlan’s majority. On the basis of fairness and minimizing individual burden, it could determine that compulsory vaccination is  permissible only when the vaccine is offered at no expense at properly-spaced clinics or other centers, which would be infeasible for many states. The Court’s recent backing of a religious challenge to limits on gatherings that New York imposed in response to a second surge of COVID-19 infections in October is a tangible indication that the Court might require states to offer religious or philosophical exemptions.[18] The Court may strike down a universal compulsory vaccination policy if it does not believe that a state has done enough to promote voluntary vaccination first, especially considering the additional tools states have at their disposal today. Given the probable impact on public order or possible setbacks for vaccines if something should go terribly wrong, a decision against broad compulsory vaccination on the grounds that other policies were not exhausted first may be beneficial to social stability. It is also important to remember that vaccines do carry some risks – hence the existence of a National Vaccine Injury Compensation Program.[19] Many bioethicists downplay the risks of vaccination for the non-immunocompromised. Alberto Giubilini goes further. He has compared the decision not to be vaccinated to tax evasion and has justified compulsory vaccination on the basis of fairness: shared risk for shared reward, rather than harm prevention.[20] But even if his argument demonstrated that compulsory vaccination were morally permissible or even morally obligatory, it does not show that compulsory vaccination is good public policy, especially when the vaccine in question is  new. I argue that the consequences (loss of social cohesion and trust in the scientific community) would outweigh the benefit of reduced viral spread. That opposition to vaccination is growing[21] and that more than 40 percent of Americans indicate they would not consent to receive even a cost-free COVID-19 vaccine[22] should be the starting point for government vaccination policy. While the state has a responsibility to educate its citizens on issues pertinent to the public welfare and to override them when the consequences of not doing so are likely to be disastrous, it must first make good-faith attempts to address all concerns voiced by its citizens, making accommodations when possible. A minority should not be ignored simply because it is a minority, and if it is a large minority, the implications of overriding it for social cohesion and for democracy, must be given attention. Some warn that the country is more polarized now than at any time since the Civil War,[23] and in the age of mass media and social media, compulsory vaccination is likely to become a flashpoint, like mask mandates and social distancing before it.[24] But unlike those mandates, universal compulsory vaccination threatens or comes close to threatening a fundamental liberty interest and is likely to encounter even fiercer resistance, especially if the mandate comes from the federal government. Although Joe Biden’s victory in the presidential election may improve public confidence in a vaccine and in the FDA, it is possible that some will still be uncomfortable with how quickly a COVID-19 vaccine was developed relative to other vaccines.[25] They may prefer others take it before they do, particularly if the vaccine receives emergency use authorization.[26] Pluralism and democracy are virtues, and it would be unethical to disregard the concerns of this group, especially as they are not altogether unreasonable. Circumstances may enable broad circumvention of this issue. Vaccine roll-out will not be instantaneous, and demand for it may be high enough that governments must use distribution prioritization schemes (granting access to healthcare workers, the elderly, other essential workers, etc. first). Over time, if these populations do well, others may become convinced and choose to be vaccinated. Alternatively, individual states or the federal government might attempt to push them along, e.g., by denying them access to post offices, schools, or other public property or requiring them to quarantine if they travel but have not received a vaccine, that is, requiring vaccination as a condition of participation in public activities. Whether this will bring the total number of vaccinated people up to the level necessary to achieve herd immunity will depend on how effective the vaccine is and whether its protection is permanent.[27] Paradoxically, if the vaccine is less effective or boosters must be given, more people will need to receive it, but the courts, performing a risk/benefit analysis, are less likely to uphold a mandate. It would also be less ethical for them to do so, as the potential for harm and burden imposed would be greater. Finally, many people who support or are ambivalent to vaccination in general will oppose  compulsory vaccination for COVID-19, either because they oppose the exercise of this type of state power in principle or because they do not believe the necessary threshold has been met. These people may worry that the state will begin to implement measures like compulsory vaccination when no crisis exists or fail to appropriately circumscribe the limits of what constitutes a crisis. As a recent example of executive overreach, President Trump once declared a national emergency over immigration at the southern border in order to bypass the legislature and free up spending for a wall (a campaign promise).[28] Although the WHO, itself not immune from political influence, publishes parameters for staging pandemics,[29] it does not (and cannot) describe a uniform policy on what precise levels of spread, hospitalization, or mortality merit what type of response.  There is no law requiring governors or presidents to declare public health emergencies only when case-specific WHO or similar criteria are met. SUMMARY & RECOMMENDATIONS It would be difficult to formulate a sustainable, cost-effective universal compulsory vaccination policy that stands up to court scrutiny and strikes a balance between autonomy, respect for bodily integrity, and public health that most people will accept and that does not further marginalize disadvantaged groups. In light of this, I argue that states should have tiered goals for vaccination and use interventions of varying strength and scope to achieve each, communicating transparently to the public and giving heavy weight to people’s concerns. The marginal benefit of pursuing each, more ambitious goal decreases as the less ambitious goals that are subsumed into them are realized. The harms associated with pursuing them may be great. The goal of preventing the overwhelming of medical infrastructure is the most clearly ethical. Next, herd immunity is also justifiable if achieved with proper measures. Near-universal vaccination would be the most difficult to justify based both on a decreasing marginal value of moving beyond herd immunity and the significant level of government intrusion. The goals represent a paradox: the least ambitious but most widely-accepted goal (flattening the curve) warrants the most intrusive government policy, yet the most intrusive policy would go beyond the stated goal and should not be implemented because it is ethically imperative that the state use the least restrictive means to achieve the goal. The most ambitious goal (near-universal vaccination) does not justify universal compulsory vaccination despite being out of reach absent a universal mandate. The support of the public is crucial as a check on government authority and to ensure that the least restrictive means are used to pursue legitimate ends. The public’s input for precisely tailoring vaccination policy to ensure that it is both successful in achieving its goal and ethical will be paramount. What follows is a general framework based on a careful consideration of the issues outlined in the preceding sections of this paper. 1. Most ambitious and most controversial: a near-universal vaccination rate This goal is ethical insofar as it prevents the most deaths, which is a proper government interest. However, to achieve it, intrusive policies, including any sort of mandate, are not warranted because a) the marginal benefit of moving past herd immunity is low, b) the goal overreaches widely-accepted government action and so puts government too far out of step with citizens, and c) they would undermine public trust and autonomy. In order to achieve this goal, to minimize morbidity and mortality, the state (individual US state or local governments) should restrict its activities to the active promotion of vaccination in the public school system or via “community conversations” and media campaigns. It should take steps to minimize misconceptions about vaccine safety, including describing the robust vaccine monitoring and approval process. The state must be careful to expend a proportionate amount of resources on this effort, not shifting funding away from other important functions. The federal government should restrict its activity to moral leadership and funding these educational initiatives and vaccine development. 2. Moderately ambitious and less controversial: herd immunity To reduce “community spread” to near zero, it is ethical for the state also to implement well-precedented coercive measures like vaccination requirements for school enrollment and for certain healthcare professionals (granting standard exemptions). During a crisis, it may consider eliminating these exemptions, subsidizing vaccination, and establishing honor-system quarantine requirements for those unvaccinated citizens who travel to other states and return. This is in addition to mask mandates or curfews which reduce spread and, because of their unpopularity, may encourage citizens to choose to be vaccinated to bring the crisis to a speedier end. The federal government should ideally restrict its activity to adding to the vaccination requirements for new or continued military service, regulating industries which receive federal funds, imposing international travel bans, as well as providing moral leadership, funding for state initiatives, and guidelines for regional response uniformity. However, depending on the nature of the crisis, the federal government may assist in regulating interstate travel. Herd immunity is a realistic and ethically justified goal, yet it is closer to the limit of tolerable government authority. Because the public might not accept it, it would be best for social cohesion if it were achieved without a universal compulsory mandate (which would also overshoot the goal). 3. Least ambitious and widely accepted: immunity levels sufficient to prevent the overwhelming of medical infrastructure Partially because this is the most widely-accepted goal, government should be able to use more intrusive means to achieve it. It balances government interests, autonomy, economic interests, and liberties, and it would add to social cohesion and represent respect for myriad views on what is beneficent. As such, it would warrant the most intrusive policies, including universal compulsory vaccination, yet the government must always use the least restrictive means to achieve an end. If, once it has made vaccines available free of charge (and provided tax credits as an incentive), the state has not met this goal, it is ethical for it to consider implementing more coercive tactics. These range from permitting insurance companies to charge higher premiums for those who refuse vaccination to establishing “immunization cards” (attending to the associated privacy and discrimination concerns) and requiring the presentation of such cards before use of state facilities or services, like public transportation, or for avoiding enforceable quarantine after travel. Presentation of an immunization card should not be a requirement for welfare eligibility, including Medicaid nursing home assistance. If, after some significant period, these tactics fail, the state may consider compulsory vaccination. States should solicit expert and public input for the design of the policy, which may be rolled out from county-to-county based on infection and hospitalization rates. Such a policy should have broad opt-out provisions, at least to begin with, and there should be a mechanism to overturn it by referendum. Imprisonment should not be one of the considered penalties, but, in accordance with Jacobson, paying a fine for failure to become vaccinated should be an option. The federal government should avoid attempting any vaccine mandate of its own, though it may consider withholding highway or other funds from states which refuse to implement even the most basic measures to control the disease’s spread. Once the goal of preventing the overwhelming of the medical infrastructure is met, the compulsory vaccination policy should be reconsidered with an eye to limiting it to school or sector-specific mandates, as these have widespread public acceptance. CONCLUSION Universal compulsory vaccination should be part of the conversation on COVID-19 now only insofar as the purpose is informing citizens that it may eventually be a necessity and that pertinent plans must be developed in advance. Despite rising case counts, it is inappropriate for the release of a vaccine to be immediately accompanied by policies requiring members of the general public to receive that vaccine. Every reasonable alternative must be exhausted before such policies are implemented, not only because they touch an issue so central in a free society, the right of individuals to make decisions about what is done to their bodies, but also because of the practical obstacles, including inevitable legal challenges and widespread anger and resentment that could undermine the country’s ability to effectively combat this crisis and the crises that lie ahead. [1] Corum, Jonathan, Sui-Lee Wee, and Carl Zimmer. 2020. “Coronavirus Vaccine Tracker.” The New York Times, November 13, 2020, sec. Science. https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2020/science/coronavirus-vaccine-tracker.html. [2] This paper uses “compulsory vaccination” to apply to vaccination mandated for all in the community with fines as an enforcement tool and not to vaccination of a narrower group as a requirement for participation in school, the workplace, or other public spaces and activities. [3] Gostin, Lawrence O. 2005. “Jacobson v Massachusetts at 100 Years: Police Power and Civil Liberties in Tension.” American Journal of Public Health 95 (4): 576–81. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2004.055152. [4] See Jacobson v. Massachusetts, 197 U.S. 11, 25 S. Ct. 358 (1905). [5] Gostin, Lawrence O. 2005. [6] Cole, Jared P, and Kathleen S Swendiman. 2014. “Mandatory Vaccinations: Precedent and Current Laws.” Congressional Research Service. https://fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/RS21414.pdf. [7] See Zucht v King, 260 U.S. 174, 43 S. Ct. 24 (1922) [8] Cole, Jared P, and Kathleen S Swendiman. 2014. [9] Institute of Medicine (US) Forum on Emerging Infections, Stacey L. Knobler, Adel AF Mahmoud, and Leslie A. Pray. 2002. The Model State Emergency Health Powers Act. Biological Threats and Terrorism: Assessing The Science and Response Capabilities: Workshop Summary. National Academies Press (US). https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK98412/. [10] Ibid. [11] Lederman, Michael, Maxwell Mehlman, and Stuart Youngner. 2020. “Defeat COVID-19 by Requiring Vaccination for All. It’s Not Un-American, It’s Patriotic.” USA Today, August 6, 2020. https://www.usatoday.com/story/opinion/2020/08/06/stop-coronavirus-compulsory-universal-vaccination-column/3289948001/. [12] Artiga, Samantha, Bradley Corallo, and Olivia Pham. 2020. “Racial Disparities in COVID-19: Key Findings from Available Data and Analysis.” Kaiser Family Foundation. https://www.kff.org/racial-equity-and-health-policy/issue-brief/racial-disparities-covid-19-key-findings-available-data-analysis/. [13] Gostin, Lawrence O. 2005. [14] Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479, 85 S. Ct. 1678 (1965) [15] Cruzan v. Director, Missouri Department of Health, 497 U.S. 261, 280 (1990) [16] See Mills v Rogers, 457 U.S. 291, 102 S. Ct. 2442 (1982), Washington v. Harper, 494 U.S. 210, 110 S. Ct. 1028 (1990), among others. [17] Amy Coney Barrett, Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh, to name a few. See Schaff, Erin. 2020. “Legal Scholar Warns of Potential Supreme Court Changes.” The Harvard Gazette, October 15, 2020, sec. National & World Affairs. https://news.harvard.edu/gazette/story/2020/10/legal-scholar-warns-of-potential-supreme-court-changes/. [18] Liptak, Adam. 2020. “Splitting 5 to 4, Supreme Court Backs Religious Challenge to Cuomo’s Virus Shutdown Order.” The New York Times, November 26, 2020. https://www.nytimes.com/2020/11/26/us/supreme-court-coronavirus-religion-new-york.html. [19] Health Resources & Services Administration. 2020. “National Vaccine Injury Compensation Program.” HRSA.Gov. November 2020. https://www.hrsa.gov/vaccine-compensation/index.html. [20] Giubilini, Alberto. 2020. “An Argument for Compulsory Vaccination: The Taxation Analogy.” Journal of Applied Philosophy 37 (3): 446–66. https://doi.org/10.1111/japp.12400. [21] Hoffman, Jan. 2019. “How Anti-Vaccine Sentiment Took Hold in the United States (Published 2019).” The New York Times, September 23, 2019, sec. Health. https://www.nytimes.com/2019/09/23/health/anti-vaccination-movement-us.html. [22] Reinhart, RJ. 2020. “More Americans Now Willing to Get COVID-19 Vaccine.” Gallup. November 17, 2020. https://news.gallup.com/poll/325208/americans-willing-covid-vaccine.aspxh [23] Kleinfeld, Rachel. 2020. “Perspective: The U.S. Shows All the Signs of a Country Spiraling toward Political Violence.” Washington Post, September 11, 2020. https://www.washingtonpost.com/outlook/america-political-violence-risk/2020/09/11/be924628-f388-11ea-999c-67ff7bf6a9d2_story.html. [24] Reiss, Dorit R., and Y. Tony Yang. 2020. “Why a COVID-19 Vaccine Shouldn’t Be Mandatory.” Bill of Health: Examining the Intersection of Health, Law, Bioetechnology, and Bioethics (blog). September 15, 2020. http://blog.petrieflom.law.harvard.edu/2020/09/15/covid19-vaccine-mandate-compulsory/. [25] Thompson, Stuart A. 2020. “Opinion: How Long Will a Vaccine Really Take?” The New York Times, April 30, 2020, sec. Opinion. https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2020/04/30/opinion/coronavirus-covid-vaccine.html. [26] Hermes, Clint. 2020. “Opinion: Covid-19 Vaccines Shouldn’t Get Emergency-Use Authorization.” MIT Technology Review, November 13, 2020. https://www.technologyreview.com/2020/11/13/1012098/covid-19-vaccines-fda-emergency-use-authorization-opinion/. On December 2, 2020, the UK approved Pfizer and BioNTech SE’s vaccine for emergency use. Medicines and Healthcare Products Regulatory Agency, UK, press release, “UK medicines regulator gives approval for first UK COVID-19 vaccine,” December 2, 2020. https://www.gov.uk/government/news/uk-medicines-regulator-gives-approval-for-first-uk-covid-19-vaccine [27] Aschwanden, Christie. 2020. “The False Promise of Herd Immunity for COVID-19.” Nature 587 (7832): 26–28. https://doi.org/10.1038/d41586-020-02948-4. [28] Vazquez, Maegan, and Priscilla Alvarez. 2020. “White House Extends National Emergency on the Southern Border.” CNN, February 14, 2020. https://www.cnn.com/2020/02/13/politics/southern-border-national-emergency-continuation/index.html. [29] WHO. 2009. The WHO Pandemic Phases. Pandemic Influenza Preparedness and Response: A WHO Guidance Document. World Health Organization. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK143061/.

John Alexander Arredondo García, Camilo Ramírez Maluendas

In this paper, we chronologically recount several situations that have contributed to the development and formalization of the objects known as imaginary or complex numbers. We will begin by introducing the earliest documented knowing for calculating the square root of a negative quantity, attributed to the Greek mathematician Heron of Alexandria. From there, we will progress through history to explore the formal concept of complex numbers given by William Rowan Hamilton.

Liliane Ableitner, Arne Meeuw, Sandro Schopfer et al.

Prosumers in many regions are facing reduced feed-in tariffs and currently have no possibility to influence the level of remuneration for the locally produced solar energy. Peer-to-peer communities may offer an alternative to the feed-in tariff model by enabling prosumers to directly sell their solar energy to local consumers (possibly at a rate that is beneficial for both consumer and prosumer). The Quartierstrom project investigates a transactional energy system that manages the exchange and remuneration of electricity between consumers, prosumers and the local electric grid provider in the absence of intermediaries. This whitepaper describes the prototypical real-world system being implemented in the town of Walenstadt, Switzerland, with 37 participating households. The community members of this pilot project pay a reduced tariff for grid usage if the electricity produced by a prosumer is sold to another community member, which is located on the same voltage or grid level downstream a substation1. Such a tariff structure incentivizes local balancing, i.e. locally produced energy can be consumed locally whenever possible to avoid costs from higher grid levels. The blockchain is a novel technology suitable to log the produced and consumed units of energy within a community, making it possible to implement market places. In those marketplaces, both prosumers and consumers can indicate a price at which they are willing to sell / buy locally produced solar energy without the intermediation of a utility. The key goals of this project are the assessment of A) the technical, economical and ecological feasibility of a blockchain-based community energy system regarding local utilization of solar energy, grid quality and energy efficiency and B) resulting dynamics regarding local market prices and user acceptance.

Gaetana Spedalieri, Stefano Pirandola, Samuel L. Braunstein

Consider two bosonic modes which are prepared in one of two possible Gaussian states with the same local energy: either a tensor-product thermal state (with zero correlations) or a separable Gaussian state with maximal correlations (with both classical and quantum correlations, the latter being quantified by quantum discord). For the discrimination of these states, we compare the optimal joint coherent measurement with the best local measurement based on single-mode Gaussian detections. We show how the coherent measurement always strictly outperforms the local detection strategy for both single- and multi-copy discrimination. This means that using local Gaussian measurements (assisted by classical communication) is strictly suboptimal in detecting discord. A better performance may only be achieved by either using non Gaussian measurements (non linear optics) or coherent non-local measurements.

Mitali Sisodia, Anirban Pathak

Recently, Zhao et al., (Int. J. Theor. Phys. 57, 516-522 (2018)) have proposed a scheme for quantum teleportation of an eight-qubit quantum state using a six qubit cluster state. In this comment, it's shown that the quantum resource (multi-partite entangled state used as the quantum channel) used by Zhao et al., is excessively high and the task can be performed using any two Bell states as the task can be reduced to the teleportation of an arbitrary two qubit state. Further, a trivial conceptual mistake made by Zhao et al., in the description of the quantum channel has been pointed out. It's also mentioned that recently a trend of proposing teleportation schemes with excessively high quantum resources has been observed and the essence of this comment is applicable to all such proposals.

Patrik Nystedt

We gather some classical results and examples that show strict inclusion between the families of unital rings, rings with enough idempotents, rings with sets of local units, locally unital rings, s-unital rings and idempotent rings.

Chaitanya Poolla, Abraham K. Ishihara

With the recent interest in net-zero sustainability for commercial buildings, integration of photovoltaic (PV) assets becomes even more important. This integration remains a challenge due to high solar variability and uncertainty in the prediction of PV output. Most existing methods predict PV output using either local power/weather history or global weather forecasts, thereby ignoring either the impending global phenomena or the relevant local characteristics, respectively. This work proposes to leverage weather data from both local weather history and global forecasts based on time series modeling with exogenous inputs. The proposed model results in eighteen hour ahead forecasts with a mean accuracy of $\approx$ 80\% and uses data from the National Ocean and Atmospheric Administration's (NOAA) High-Resolution Rapid Refresh (HRRR) model.