Hasil untuk "International relations"

M. Hollis, Steve Smith

E. Hafner-Burton, M. Kahler, Alexander H. Montgomery

International relations research has regarded networks as a particular mode of organization, distinguished from markets or state hierarchies. In contrast, network analysis permits the investigation and measurement of network structures—emergent properties of persistent patterns of relations among agents that can define, enable, and constrain those agents. Network analysis offers both a toolkit for identifying and measuring the structural properties of networks and a set of theories, typically drawn from contexts outside international relations, that relate structures to outcomes. Network analysis challenges conventional views of power in international relations by defining network power in three different ways: access, brokerage, and exit options. Two issues are particularly important to international relations: the ability of actors to increase their power by enhancing and exploiting their network positions, and the fungibility of network power. The value of network analysis in international relations has been demonstrated in precise description of international networks, investigation of network effects on key international outcomes, testing of existing network theory in the context of international relations, and development of new sources of data. Partial or faulty incorporation of network analysis, however, risks trivial conclusions, unproven assertions, and measures without meaning. A three-part agenda is proposed for future application of network analysis to international relations: import the toolkit to deepen research on international networks; test existing network theories in the domain of international relations; and test international relations theories using the tools of network analysis.

David A. Lake

Dejan Marolov, Jordanka Galeva

This paper analyzes the security dilemma through a comparative qualitative study of three conflicts: Russia–Ukraine, Israel–Palestine, and Thailand–Cambodia. Despite differences in geography, scale, and actors, all three cases show how mistrust, misperceptions, and defensive actions perceived as offensive drive cycles of escalation. The Russia–Ukraine conflict illustrates a systemic dilemma, shaped by identity, sovereignty, spheres of influence, and NATO expansion. The Israeli–Palestinian case highlights the limits of the framework in asymmetric conflicts, where overt hostility reduces the role of misperception. The Thailand–Cambodia dispute demonstrates how symbolism and identity can escalate a minor territorial dispute into a broader national conflict. Overall, the study confirms the security dilemma as a valuable explanatory tool in International Relations, conditioned by identity, asymmetry, and hegemonic ambitions.

Krisman Heriamsal, Rivelda Pricilia Heatubun, Heyna Jekaisa et al.

The water scarcity crisis in Iraq has become a non-traditional security issue that threatens the country's social, political and economic stability. According to international data, water scarcity is predicted to worsen by 2030, affecting more than 700 million people worldwide. Iraq, which depends on the flow of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, is experiencing a decline in water quality and quantity that is worsening agricultural conditions, increasing social tensions and causing internal migration. This article analyzes the Iraqi government's efforts to address the water crisis through diplomacy by joining the Paris Agreement and the UN Water Convention, as well as organizing the Baghdad International Water Conference. This research uses a descriptive qualitative approach to explore the impact of water scarcity in Iraq and the diplomatic responses undertaken for mitigation. Although formal diplomacy has resulted in international aid and mitigation projects, climate change impacts and domestic governance issues, such as corruption, hamper the effectiveness of such efforts. This article also suggests the need for non-formal diplomacy involving non-state actors to improve the effectiveness of solving the water crisis in Iraq.

I. E. Magadeev

This article examines the role of two historical regions — Eastern Galicia and Subcarpathian Ruthenia — in French counter-Soviet strategies from early 1920 to late 1923. The novelty lies in considering these territories not only within the framework of bilateral relations between France and states where they were located (Poland for Eastern Galicia and Czechoslovakia for Subcarpathian Ruthenia), but also within a broader context of French conceptions about security architecture, including their relationship with Moscow. The relevance of this study is underscored by current heightened military-political tensions in contemporary Eastern Europe. Based on published French diplomatic and military documents as well as archival materials from both French and Russian repositories, the author concludes that Paris attached significant importance to Eastern Galicia and Subcarpathian Ruthenia as two echelons of an anti-Soviet frontline. It is demonstrated that French authorities recognized the vulnerability of these areas and their potential transformation into a strategic corridor for advancements by the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army towards Western Europe. However, it is emphasized that French calculations often diverged from local realities, thereby weakening the robustness of the socalled “sanitary cordon.”

Liudmila V. Ponomarenko, Elena G. Zueva

The article commemorates the 100th anniversary of the birth of Patrice Emery Lumumba, a national hero of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), one of the most prominent leaders of the African anti-colonial movement, and the first Prime Minister of an independent country. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, his homeland became an arena for confrontation between the African liberation forces and the West, which was interested in maintaining its position in the mineral-rich country in Central Africa. In modern terms, as African countries strive to assert their sovereignty and security, strengthen their presence in the global economy and politics, it is crucial for them to rely on historical experience, taking into consideration the successes and failures of the period of struggle for independence and decolonization. Using the biographical method, the article undertakes a comprehensive analysis of the development of an individual’s life strategy as a social subject in interaction with society, examining how the environment and socio-cultural circumstances affect a person’s beliefs and behavior, and the subsequent manifestations of a unique and typical character. The research is grounded in a comprehensive examination of P. Lumumba’s speeches, correspondence, and published articles. Additionally, it draws upon annual collections of Belgian and Congolese documents on the situation in the country (1959-1961), published in Brussels. P. Lumumba’s personality was shaped by a specific system of the Belgian colonial administration. P. Lumumba was a highly intelligent individual hailing from a humble peasant background. He was a talented organizer and an excellent orator. Thanks to his natural abilities, hard work and self-education, he became one of the most respected politicians of the DRC on the eve of and in the first year of its independence. P. Lumumba founded a new political party, the Congolese National Movement, which was the only party to deviate from narrow ethnic interests. The main tenets of the program can be summarized as follows: the formation of an independent, unified, integral and indivisible Congo; the organization of the public sector, which controls the mining industry, to pursue an independent course in the economic field and in foreign policy; overcoming tribalism and regionalism; creating a just society without poverty and exploitation. In foreign policy, he focused on neutrality and Pan-Africanism. The article analyzes how, during the Cold War, such a radical policy and uncompromising stance of P. Lumumba turned the West and pro-Western forces inside the Congo against him, which caused a crisis in the country that led to the assassination of the Prime Minister. The different assessments of P. Lumumba’s activities primarily stem from the varying political positions of researchers and politicians, as well as from the contradictory worldview and the lack of formality of the politician’s own program.

V. V. Tsibenko

The article analyses the current state and development of International Relations research in Turkey, with an emphasis on the possible causes of its periphery status and the growth points for the formation of independent theoretical approaches. The author considers the features of the development of International Relations study and education and the reasons for the lack of attention given to local theories. The analysis uses official statistical data, results of surveys, biographical profiles of leading Turkish researchers in International Relations, and their reflections on the identified problem, as well as Turkish publications in the field of International Relations with theoretical novelty. The author concludes that the prospects for Russian-Turkish relations are determined, among other things, by the ability of the Turkish International Relations school to defend its independence and develop original theoretical approaches, or to begin with, adapt non-Western theories. At present, Turkey in theoretical terms still remains in the Western orbit, but demonstrates a strong political demand to overcome this dependence. The Turkish academic community has not yet overcome the phase of critical rethinking of Western-centrism; it is only preparing to show an interest in non-Western theories of International Relations, and searching for grounds for constructing theories based on their own local environment, history and culture. The underdevelopment of theoretical research in International Relations in Turkey, despite the negative influence of its pro-Western dependence, provides scope for cooperation and positive integration for the Russian and Turkish academic environment. The acquaintance of Turkish researchers with Russian traditions and approaches to International Relations is essential for the successful development of Russian-Turkish relations.

Anatoly A. Kanunnikov

The article examines the positions of non-governmental organizations before the 2024 parliamentary elections in the European Union. The author shows that the European Union has created quite effective mechanisms that encourage the transformation of public spaces into civic self-expression, such as «Public Consultations», «Open Requests» and «European Citizens’ Initiatives». The article notes that there is clearly expressed dissatisfaction with the activities of the previous composition of the European Parliament in society, in connection with which, during the preelection period, strict demands of civil society to the authorities in the social sphere were outlined. The requirements of leading non-governmental organizations in the field of ecology are considered. It is also noted that public organizations are concerned about the «increasing militarism» in the countries of the European Union. In the run-up to the parliamentary elections, they demanded that the European Union «defend human rights against the militarization» of society. These organizations make a clear choice in favor of «a commitment to peace, cooperation, human rights, and not to rearmament, militarization and war». The author concludes that since the three main proEuropean groups – the European People’s Party, the Socialists and Democrats and the Renewal of Europe – retained their majority in the European Parliament, there is every reason to believe that the European Parliament will take into account the interests of civil society, expressed by its organizations during the election campaign, in its legislative work.

Larissa Aguiar Albuquerque, Liliana Ramalho Froio

A obra “The United States' Subnational Relations with Divided China: A Constructivist Approach to Paradiplomacy” de Czeslaw Tubilewicz e Natalie Omond investiga as relações paradiplomáticas entre entes subnacionais dos Estados Unidos (EUA) com a China e Taiwan durante o período de 1949 a 2020. Com onze capítulos, sendo os dois primeiros teóricos e os demais estudos de caso, o livro oferece uma nova perspectiva sobre o envolvimento dos EUA no conflito China-Taiwan. O enfoque construtivista da obra aprofunda a compreensão da dimensão interna do Estado, apresentando que interesses e identidades subnacionais são relevantes para suas ações na dinâmica da paradiplomacia, além de moldar papéis em política externa. Ao examinar as relações entre os entes subnacionais dos EUA e os países asiáticos, o texto revela a complexidade das interações internacionais e do papel que os governos subnacionais podem desempenhar internacionalmente.

J. Gaddis.

George-Florin BĂIȚAN

  The physical training of the military must be extremely hard, as it is a support for military training programs. Moreover, it must prepare the military to deal with any situation they may encounter on the battlefield: from climbing a 3-meter-high wall under enemy fire to running on the varied ground, with a 30 kg backpack and individual weapons in his hands. In addition, maintaining or improving the physical performance of professional military personnel in various military settings is crucial to general military training. When we start a military-specific training program, we are confident that we are on the fastest track to serious results. The military will become stronger, with great physical strength, having a robust and harmonious physical constitution. In this article, we will briefly present two of the physical training methods specific to military training (plyometrics and calisthenics), which military physical education specialists should use on a permanent basis, so that fighters reach a higher level of physical training.  

Lyubov N. Shishelina

The author attempts to trace the development of the eastern direction of Hungary’s foreign policy, which received the name «Opening to the East» with the return in 2010 to the Hungarian policy of Viktor Orban’s cabinet. The reason for the study of this aspect was the recent visit of the Hungarian Prime Minister to Moscow on February 1, 2022. In our country, especially after the crisis of 2014, these visits are seen as a breakthrough event, a success of politics and diplomacy. The European Union does not share such a degree of pragmatism of Viktor Orban’s foreign policy, seeing in his trips primarily a political component, which forces him to precede and conclude visits to Moscow with a cascade of meetings with leading Western politicians. The same thing happens before and after the visits of the Russian leader to Budapest. In Hungary, relations with Moscow are viewed exclusively from a pragmatic standpoint, since their economic component allows to achieve real results in overcoming the crisis phenomena affecting the daily lives of citizens (gas, gasoline, electricity, etc.). In addition, the Russian direction is a component of a broader direction of «Opening to the east»” policy. This program, where the Turk element is a significant factor, also separately includes relations with specific Muslim republics of central Russia, with the states of the Caucasus and Central Asia, with Turkey, China, etc.

Yusep Ginanjar

Cyber security has become a priority issue for all countries in the world since information and communication technology is used in various aspects of life, both in social, economic, legal, organizational, health, education, culture, government, security, defense, and other aspects. In direct proportion to the high level of utilization of information and communication technology, the level of risk and threat of misuse of information and communication technology is also getting higher and more complex. In response to these events, Indonesia then formed the National Cyber and Crypto Agency (BSSN) as a model for national cyber security institutions. This study uses a qualitative method with a descriptive approach. The purpose of this research is to find out how Indonesia's strategy in establishing cyber security in dealing with the threat of cyber crime through the National Cyber and Crypto Agency.

Ян Станіслав Цехановський

The article highlights Poland’s foreign policy in 1918-1921 and emphasizes that the key role in the restoration of independent Poland was played by Józef Piłsudski, a moderate socialist leader of the independent forces of Poland, and the conservative Polish National Committee in Paris led by Roman Dmowski. At the beginning of 1919, a new Polish government was formed, which included members of both these political parties. The decision on Poland’s western borders was made at the Paris Conference. The new Bolshevik Russia and its imperialism became the most terrible threat to the newly created Polish state, as it was demonstrated in 1920 during the Polish-Bolshevik war. The idea of a friendly Ukrainian independent state in the East was not achieved, despite efforts in this direction. Another threat was associated with German revisionism. However, Poland defended its independence, and new borders of the country were established. Relations with other neighbours, Czechoslovakia and Lithuania, were strained due to border disputes. The exceptions were Romania and Latvia.

Claudia Victoria Mandel Gallardo

Las ideas en torno a la universidad y a la sociedad expuestas por Raúl Roa García en sus textos constituyen una vívida narración del contexto histórico. Procesos como el auge de los movimientos estudiantiles en América Latina y La Habana, su pertenencia y accionar dentro de la Generación del 30, su papel como profesor y decano de la Facultad de Ciencias Sociales y Derecho Público y el apogeo del gansterismo en la colina a partir de 1948 determinaron sus concepciones acerca del estudiantado universitario. La idea medular en los escritos consultados es la concepción de la universidad como ente que provee una utilidad social y que está obligada a inmiscuirse en los problemas de la sociedad. Por ello, es una institución que debe de estar a la altura de su tiempo y contribuir a la construcción de la nación. También, destaca la exaltación de los valores morales que deben distinguir a los hombres a través de un examen de conciencia oportuno. 

Orfeo Fioretos

Hemerson Luiz Pase

Kristin Haugevik

Viktor Larin

In the first decade of the 21st century, Moscow and Beijing made two strategic decisions to expand and deepen bilateral economic relations. The first one was to endorse diversified energy partnership. The second was centered on cross-border area and has been offered in the program of regional cooperation between Russian and Chinese border regions. However, basic methodological illogicality between estimations and expectations in Russia–China economic relations has smashed the good intentions of both sides. Recommendations for the governments to develop economic relations were theoretically correct, but mostly generalized and abstract in nature. Subsequently, these relations had not found a stable ground and were undermined by numerous internal and outside factors, positive and negative. A narrow range of trade articles made Russian–Chinese exchange dependent on the demand and prices for these goods, and small mutual investments slightly influenced an economic exchange between two countries. In spite of a number of decisions related to cross-border and inter-regional relations accepted at the top level, these relations are still the weakest link in bilateral ties. Mutual investments and modern forms of economic cooperation did not flourish along the border also. Moreover, economic troubles in Russia of 2014–2016 have hampered the cross-border relations seriously, while Heilongjiang Province being the intermediary between many Chinese territories and Russia has become the biggest loser on the Chinese side. In spite of all problems in economic cooperation between Russia and China, today, China is the no. 1 trade partner of Russia and Russia is the no. 1 supplier of oil to China. Their energy alliance has strengthened both countries’ statuses in their economic interaction: the position of raw material supplier for Russia and the exporter of manufactured goods to Russia for the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Western sanctions amplified the Chinese high-tech goods export to Russia; China’s share in Pacific Russia’s foreign trade increased from 29.2% in 2014 to 33.4% in 2017 and the peoples’ mood in this region moved in favor of China. However, by the end of second decade of the 21st century, Russia’s and China’s favorable “economic complementarities” and geographic proximity happened to remain a virtual product of academic’s intellectual exercises and have not transformed into the genuine economic cooperation. This is because, on the one hand, the philosophy, political and cultural infrastructures of Russia–China economic relations did not change much since 1990s, and, on the other hand, of some domestic and international factors that prevented this transformation.