Hasil untuk "Political science (General)"

D. Alexander

Abstract. This paper examines the development over historical time of the meaning and uses of the term resilience. The objective is to deepen our understanding of how the term came to be adopted in disaster risk reduction and resolve some of the conflicts and controversies that have arisen when it has been used. The paper traces the development of resilience through the sciences, humanities, and legal and political spheres. It considers how mechanics passed the word to ecology and psychology, and how from there it was adopted by social research and sustainability science. As other authors have noted, as a concept, resilience involves some potentially serious conflicts or contradictions, for example between stability and dynamism, or between dynamic equilibrium (homeostasis) and evolution. Moreover, although the resilience concept works quite well within the confines of general systems theory, in situations in which a systems formulation inhibits rather than fosters explanation, a different interpretation of the term is warranted. This may be the case for disaster risk reduction, which involves transformation rather than preservation of the "state of the system". The article concludes that the modern conception of resilience derives benefit from a rich history of meanings and applications, but that it is dangerous – or at least potentially disappointing – to read to much into the term as a model and a paradigm.

L. Hooghe, G. Marks

J. Gold, M. Shadlen

J. Habermas, T. Burger, Frederick P. Lawrence

J. Gerring

L. Hooghe, G. Marks

M. Cacciatore, Dietram A. Scheufele, S. Iyengar

S. Lewandowsky, Gilles E. Gignac, K. Oberauer

Background Among American Conservatives, but not Liberals, trust in science has been declining since the 1970's. Climate science has become particularly polarized, with Conservatives being more likely than Liberals to reject the notion that greenhouse gas emissions are warming the globe. Conversely, opposition to genetically-modified (GM) foods and vaccinations is often ascribed to the political Left although reliable data are lacking. There are also growing indications that rejection of science is suffused by conspiracist ideation, that is the general tendency to endorse conspiracy theories including the specific beliefs that inconvenient scientific findings constitute a “hoax.” Methodology/Principal findings We conducted a propensity weighted internet-panel survey of the U.S. population and show that conservatism and free-market worldview strongly predict rejection of climate science, in contrast to their weaker and opposing effects on acceptance of vaccinations. The two worldview variables do not predict opposition to GM. Conspiracist ideation, by contrast, predicts rejection of all three scientific propositions, albeit to greatly varying extents. Greater endorsement of a diverse set of conspiracy theories predicts opposition to GM foods, vaccinations, and climate science. Conclusions Free-market worldviews are an important predictor of the rejection of scientific findings that have potential regulatory implications, such as climate science, but not necessarily of other scientific issues. Conspiracist ideation, by contrast, is associated with the rejection of all scientific propositions tested. We highlight the manifold cognitive reasons why conspiracist ideation would stand in opposition to the scientific method. The involvement of conspiracist ideation in the rejection of science has implications for science communicators.

S. Lewandowsky, K. Oberauer

Juan David Gutiérrez, Sarah Maria Muñoz-Cadena, María Carolina Corcione

Este artículo analiza cómo participan e inciden las agencias reguladoras en el ciclo de las políticas públicas en Colombia. La investigación desarrolla un caso de estudio comparativo de la Superintendencia de Industria y Comercio (SIC) y la Comisión de Regulación de Comunicaciones (CRC). El artículo estudia cómo la SIC y la CRC participan e inciden en procesos de formación de la agenda, formulación, implementación y evaluación de políticas públicas. El caso de estudio comparado se realizó a partir de tres tipos de fuentes primarias documentales: instrumentos jurídicos, documentos producidos por las agencias y archivos de prensa. En resumen, reportamos tres hallazgos: (i) las dos agencias comparadas participan activa y directamente en procesos de agendamiento e implementación de política pública; (ii) sus esfuerzos en materia de evaluación de políticas es relativamente bajo; y, (iii) su rol en materia de formulación de políticas públicas diverge: mientras que la CRC diseña y adopta periódicamente instrumentos de política pública, la participación de la SIC en la formulación es más indirecta pues se enfoca en analizar proyectos regulatorios de otras entidades públicas para realizar recomendaciones cuando considera que puede haber afectaciones a la competencia.

Konstantin S. Kondratenko

The article introduces a new concept designed to describe the social and sociotechnical processes that were triggered by digital transformation and, in their turn, resulted in Industry 5.0. The author described and modelled egocentric, communicative, convergent, and cause-and-effect rational-semantic networks, in which rationality relies on the semantic model of the system and forms some rational concern for its values and meanings to be implemented in behavior. The theoretical side of the research could be represented as a pyramid of conceptual levels that concentrate from philosophy and general science to particular research with statistical, network, and other methods. The author introduced the term of rational-semantic system to study the network contexts of behavior, including that of social network users. The term was also applied to the phenomena and effects of network interaction, e.g. the legitimacy of network power and its effect on user behavior patterns. The methodological character of this research allows for a broader study of social and political networks. The network context revealed some congruence issues, i.e., compatibility of rational-semantic systems. The author believes that eventually all systems can be combined into a single whole.

Clarisa Eugenia Pedrotti

La presencia de copistas musicales en instituciones religiosas puede documentarse desde tiempos medievales. El relevamiento de sus rasgos caligráficos particulares ha sido utilizado en función de datar las obras, indicar su procedencia y posibles vías de circulación. En este artículo propongo analizar la figura de los copistas de música de instituciones religiosas en Córdoba (Argentina), durante el siglo XIX, a la luz del concepto de “passeurs culturels”, postulado por Ares Queija y Gruzinski (1997), que posibilita dotar de espesor teórico al conocimiento de la labor de estos individuos. El análisis estará enfocado en el perfil social de los copistas y su intervención como “mediadores” en el complejo entramado que presentaron las prácticas culturales en su conjunto –y musicales en particular– en un contexto urbano, en las estrategias de participación y la visibilización que les otorgó el oficio de músicos-copistas.

A. McCright, Chenyang Xiao, R. Dunlap

J. Kerr, Marc S. Wilson

Previous research has highlighted how ideological factors such as political self-identification, religiosity and conspiracy thinking influence our beliefs about scientific issues such as climate change and vaccination. Across three studies (combined N = 9,022) we expand on this line of inquiry to show for the first time that the ideological attitudes relating to authoritarianism and group-based dominance predict disagreement with the scientific consensus in several scientific domains. We show these effects are almost entirely mediated by varying combinations of ideological (political ideology, religiosity, free-market endorsement, conspiracy thinking) and science-specific (scientific knowledge, trust in scientists) constructs, depending on the scientific issue in question. Importantly, a general distrust of science and scientists emerges as the most consistent mediator across different scientific domains. We find that, consistent with previous research, the ideological roots of rejection of science vary across scientific issues. However, we also show that these roots may share a common origin in ideological attitudes regarding authority and equality.

Martina Caramaschi, A. Cullinane, Olivia Levrini et al.

ABSTRACT The article describes the analysis of the Italian physics curriculum documents in terms of the coverage of nature of science (NOS). NOS is not explicitly presented as part of the Italian high-school physics curriculum. The article focuses on analysing the implicit aspects of the curriculum documents. The Family Resemblance Approach (FRA) to NOS was used as an analytical lens. FRA was chosen because of the broad range of categories that it provides to trace curriculum content. Curriculum documents were analysed using the FRA categories as well as an Epistemic Network Analysis (ENA) which has shown important limitations in the FRA categories ‘Political Power Structures, Scientific Ethos, Professional Activities’. These aspects of NOS belong to the social-institutional aspects of the FRA framework. There were also some inconsistencies between the general section and the specific sections of the curriculum. The study elaborates on how FRA and ENA can be used to analyse NOS content in a science curriculum. The epistemic networks provide concrete illustrations of where curriculum revision can best be carried out to promote underrepresented aspects of NOS. Implications for future research and recommendations for curriculum reform internationally are suggested.

Jonathan K. Hanson, R. Sigman

State capacity is a core concept in political science research, and it is widely recognized that state institutions exert considerable influence on outcomes such as economic development, civil conflict, democratic consolidation, and international security. Yet researchers across these fields of inquiry face common problems involved in conceptualizing and measuring state capacity. In this article, we examine these conceptual issues, identify three core dimensions of state capacity, and develop the expectation that they are mutually supporting and interlinked. We then use Bayesian latent variable analysis to estimate state capacity at the conjunction of indicators related to these dimensions. We find strong interrelationships between the three dimensions and produce a new, general-purpose measure of state capacity with demonstrated validity for use in a wide range of empirical inquiries. It is hoped that this project will provide effective guidance and tools for researchers studying the causes and consequences of state capacity.

Philip Ball

The global COVID-19 pandemic of 2020–2021 required politicians to work alongside and depend on scientists more closely than any other event in recent times. It also saw science unfold in real time under intense public scrutiny. As a result, it highlighted as never before the ways in which science interacts with policy-making and with society, showing with sometimes painful clarity that science does not operate in a social or political vacuum. With the advent of vaccines against the coronavirus that has caused the pandemic, science has come to be seen as something of a saviour. But at other times and in other contexts it has also been cast as a villain and an inconvenience, and has run into stark conflict with political leadership. In this article, I consider these issues with particular reference to the situation in the UK—which, as with any nation, illustrated some considerations of more general applicability but also had aspects unique to this country. I argue that there are many lessons to be learnt, and that, as this is surely not the last infectious-disease crisis of such magnitude that the world will face, we must hope they will be heeded.

Maria Bevz

This paper aims to highlight some issues, challenges and trends caused by the COVID-19 pandemic in the drug scene and the system of drug prevention in Ukraine. This article is based on the official statistics, available qualitative and quantitative studies conducted by the Institute for Psychiatry, Forensic Psychiatric Examination and Drug Monitoring of the Ministry of Health of Ukraine (Ukrainian National Focal Point), the European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA) and Ukrainian researchers. Of course, some studies are not representative of the general population; however, they give some information on the drug scene in Ukraine during the pandemic. The data used in the article were collected mainly in 2019–2020. Every actor on the drug scene had to adapt to the new reality caused by anti-pandemic measures. Drug sellers proposed “stable work” during lockdown; drug dealers dropped ordered substances closer to the customer’s place. At the same time, OST facilities implemented home-treatment, and many private facilities appeared. OST patients misused methadone and sold it on the illicit market, while drug users started to find substitutes of their main drug and notably increased drug-related deaths.

M. Mann, C. Schleifer

Abstract:The decline in trust in the scientific community in the United States among political conservatives has been well established. But this observation is complicated by remarkably positive and stable attitudes toward scientific research itself. What explains the persistence of positive belief in science in the midst of such dramatic change? By leveraging research on the performativity of conservative identity, we argue that conservative scientific institutions have manufactured a scientific cultural repertoire that enables participation in this highly valued epistemological space while undermining scientific authority perceived as politically biased. We test our hypothesized link between conservative identity and scientific perceptions using panel data from the General Social Survey. We find that those with stable conservative identities hold more positive attitudes toward scientific research while simultaneously holding more negative attitudes towards the scientific community compared to those who switch to and from conservative political identities. These findings support a theory of a conservative scientific repertoire that is learned over time and that helps orient political conservatives in scientific debates that have political repercussions. Implications of these findings are discussed for researchers interested in the cultural differentiation of scientific authority and for stakeholders in scientific communication and its public policy.

Stefano DellaVigna, Devin G. Pope, Eva Vivalt

Systematic collection of predictions of research findings can provide many benefits Many fields of research, such as economics, psychology, political science, and medicine, have seen growing interest in new research designs to improve the rigor and credibility of research (e.g., natural experiments, lab experiments, and randomized controlled trials). Interest has similarly grown in efforts to increase transparency, such as preregistration of hypotheses and methods, that seek to allay concerns that improved research designs do not address per se, such as publication bias and p-hacking. Yet, although these efforts improve the informativeness and interpretation of research results, relatively little attention has been paid to another practice that could help to achieve this goal: relating research findings to the views of the scientific community, policy-makers, and the general public. We suggest below three broad ways in which systematic collection of predictions of research results will prove useful: by improving the interpretation of research results, mitigating bias against null results, and improving predictive accuracy and experimental design.