Clark Barrett, Swarat Chaudhuri, Fabrizio Montesi
et al.
We introduce CSLib, an open-source framework for proving computer-science-related theorems and writing formally verified code in the Lean proof assistant. CSLib aims to be for computer science what Lean's Mathlib is for mathematics. Mathlib has been tremendously impactful: it is a key reason for Lean's popularity within the mathematics research community, and it has also played a critical role in the training of AI systems for mathematical reasoning. However, the base of computer science knowledge in Lean is currently quite limited. CSLib will vastly enhance this knowledge base and provide infrastructure for using this knowledge in real-world verification projects. By doing so, CSLib will (1) enable the broad use of Lean in computer science education and research, and (2) facilitate the manual and AI-aided engineering of large-scale formally verified systems.
The emergence of large language models (LLMs) is reshaping how people engage in political discourse online. We examine how the release of ChatGPT altered ideological and emotional patterns in the largest political forum on Reddit. Analysis of millions of comments shows that ChatGPT intensified ideological polarization: liberals became more liberal, and conservatives more conservative. This shift does not stem from the creation of more persuasive or ideologically extreme original content using ChatGPT. Instead, it originates from the tendency of ChatGPT-generated comments to echo and reinforce the viewpoint of original posts, a pattern consistent with algorithmic sycophancy. Yet, despite growing ideological divides, affective polarization, measured by hostility and toxicity, declined. These findings reveal that LLMs can simultaneously deepen ideological separation and foster more civil exchanges, challenging the long-standing assumption that extremity and incivility necessarily move together.
The science of science is an emerging field that studies the practice of science itself. We present the first study of the cybersecurity discipline from a science of science perspective. We examine the evolution of two comparable interdisciplinary communities in cybersecurity: the Symposium on Usable Privacy and Security (SOUPS) and Financial Cryptography and Data Security (FC).
Fatema Tuj Johora Faria, Mukaffi Bin Moin, Rabeya Islam Mumu
et al.
Sentiment analysis is the process of identifying and categorizing people's emotions or opinions regarding various topics. Analyzing political sentiment is critical for understanding the complexities of public opinion processes, especially during election seasons. It gives significant information on voter preferences, attitudes, and current trends. In this study, we investigate political sentiment analysis during Bangladeshi elections, specifically examining how effectively Pre-trained Language Models (PLMs) and Large Language Models (LLMs) capture complex sentiment characteristics. Our study centers on the creation of the "Motamot" dataset, comprising 7,058 instances annotated with positive and negative sentiments, sourced from diverse online newspaper portals, forming a comprehensive resource for political sentiment analysis. We meticulously evaluate the performance of various PLMs including BanglaBERT, Bangla BERT Base, XLM-RoBERTa, mBERT, and sahajBERT, alongside LLMs such as Gemini 1.5 Pro and GPT 3.5 Turbo. Moreover, we explore zero-shot and few-shot learning strategies to enhance our understanding of political sentiment analysis methodologies. Our findings underscore BanglaBERT's commendable accuracy of 88.10% among PLMs. However, the exploration into LLMs reveals even more promising results. Through the adept application of Few-Shot learning techniques, Gemini 1.5 Pro achieves an impressive accuracy of 96.33%, surpassing the remarkable performance of GPT 3.5 Turbo, which stands at 94%. This underscores Gemini 1.5 Pro's status as the superior performer in this comparison.
In an era where language models are increasingly integrated into decision-making and communication, understanding the biases within Large Language Models (LLMs) becomes imperative, especially when these models are applied in the economic and political domains. This work investigates the impact of fine-tuning and data selection on economic and political biases in LLMs. In this context, we introduce PoliTune, a fine-tuning methodology to explore the systematic aspects of aligning LLMs with specific ideologies, mindful of the biases that arise from their extensive training on diverse datasets. Distinct from earlier efforts that either focus on smaller models or entail resource-intensive pre-training, PoliTune employs Parameter-Efficient Fine-Tuning (PEFT) techniques, which allow for the alignment of LLMs with targeted ideologies by modifying a small subset of parameters. We introduce a systematic method for using the open-source LLM Llama3-70B for dataset selection, annotation, and synthesizing a preferences dataset for Direct Preference Optimization (DPO) to align the model with a given political ideology. We assess the effectiveness of PoliTune through both quantitative and qualitative evaluations of aligning open-source LLMs (Llama3-8B and Mistral-7B) to different ideologies. Our work analyzes the potential of embedding specific biases into LLMs and contributes to the dialogue on the ethical application of AI, highlighting the importance of deploying AI in a manner that aligns with societal values.
The late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries have long been considered as a formative period for modern Irish political traditions such as nationalism, republicanism and unionism. For Europe it was the time of a turnover in science moving from observation to experiment and from speculation to fact. Richard Kirwan was a well known natural philosopher in Europe and a respected man of science in his time. Throughout all the wars, he was connected with his colleagues in a network reaching across Europe and even to America. Using a few examples, this article is intended to provide an insight how the network worked in a time that was marked by political conflicts and revolutionary events in both science and social life.
We address an important gap in detecting political bias in news articles. Previous works that perform document classification can be influenced by the writing style of each news outlet, leading to overfitting and limited generalizability. Our approach overcomes this limitation by considering both the sentence-level semantics and the document-level rhetorical structure, resulting in a more robust and style-agnostic approach to detecting political bias in news articles. We introduce a novel multi-head hierarchical attention model that effectively encodes the structure of long documents through a diverse ensemble of attention heads. While journalism follows a formalized rhetorical structure, the writing style may vary by news outlet. We demonstrate that our method overcomes this domain dependency and outperforms previous approaches for robustness and accuracy. Further analysis and human evaluation demonstrate the ability of our model to capture common discourse structures in journalism. Our code is available at: https://github.com/xfactlab/emnlp2023-Document-Hierarchy
Robert Axelrod, Joshua J. Daymude, Stephanie Forrest
Extreme polarization can undermine democracy by making compromise impossible and transforming politics into a zero-sum game. Ideological polarization - the extent to which political views are widely dispersed - is already strong among elites, but less so among the general public (McCarty, 2019, p. 50-68). Strong mutual distrust and hostility between Democrats and Republicans in the U.S., combined with the elites' already strong ideological polarization, could lead to increasing ideological polarization among the public. The paper addresses two questions: (1) Is there a level of ideological polarization above which polarization feeds upon itself to become a runaway process? (2) If so, what policy interventions could prevent such dangerous positive feedback loops? To explore these questions, we present an agent-based model of ideological polarization that differentiates between the tendency for two actors to interact (exposure) and how they respond when interactions occur, positing that interaction between similar actors reduces their difference while interaction between dissimilar actors increases their difference. Our analysis explores the effects on polarization of different levels of tolerance to other views, responsiveness to other views, exposure to dissimilar actors, multiple ideological dimensions, economic self-interest, and external shocks. The results suggest strategies for preventing, or at least slowing, the development of extreme polarization.
Nathan Schneider, Primavera De Filippi, Seth Frey
et al.
Governance in online communities is an increasingly high-stakes challenge, and yet many basic features of offline governance legacies--juries, political parties, term limits, and formal debates, to name a few--are not in the feature-sets of the software most community platforms use. Drawing on the paradigm of Institutional Analysis and Development, this paper proposes a strategy for addressing this lapse by specifying basic features of a generalizable paradigm for online governance called Modular Politics. Whereas classical governance typologies tend to present a choice among wholesale ideologies, such as democracy or oligarchy, Modular Politics would enable platform operators and their users to build bottom-up governance processes from computational components that are modular and composable, highly versatile in their expressiveness, portable from one context to another, and interoperable across platforms. This kind of approach could implement pre-digital governance systems as well as accelerate innovation in uniquely digital techniques. As diverse communities share and connect their components and data, governance could occur through a ubiquitous network layer. To that end, this paper proposes the development of an open standard for networked governance.
William Theisen, Joel Brogan, Pamela Bilo Thomas
et al.
Forms of human communication are not static -- we expect some evolution in the way information is conveyed over time because of advances in technology. One example of this phenomenon is the image-based meme, which has emerged as a dominant form of political messaging in the past decade. While originally used to spread jokes on social media, memes are now having an outsized impact on public perception of world events. A significant challenge in automatic meme analysis has been the development of a strategy to match memes from within a single genre when the appearances of the images vary. Such variation is especially common in memes exhibiting mimicry. For example, when voters perform a common hand gesture to signal their support for a candidate. In this paper we introduce a scalable automated visual recognition pipeline for discovering political meme genres of diverse appearance. This pipeline can ingest meme images from a social network, apply computer vision-based techniques to extract local features and index new images into a database, and then organize the memes into related genres. To validate this approach, we perform a large case study on the 2019 Indonesian Presidential Election using a new dataset of over two million images collected from Twitter and Instagram. Results show that this approach can discover new meme genres with visually diverse images that share common stylistic elements, paving the way forward for further work in semantic analysis and content attribution.
Christopher Parker, Jorge M. Mejia, Franco Pestilli
The implementation of social distancing policies is key to reducing the impact of the current COVID-19 pandemic. However, their effectiveness ultimately depends on human behavior. In the United States, compliance with social distancing policies has widely varied thus far during the pandemic. But what drives such variability? Through six open datasets, including actual human mobility, we estimated the association between mobility and the growth rate of COVID-19 cases across 3,107 U.S. counties, generalizing previous reports. In addition, data from the 2016 U.S. presidential election was used to measure how the association between mobility and COVID-19 growth rate differed based on voting patterns. A significant association between political leaning and the COVID-19 growth rate was measured. Our results demonstrate that political orientation may inform models predicting the impact of policies in reducing the spread of COVID-19.
We present work on deception detection, where, given a spoken claim, we aim to predict its factuality. While previous work in the speech community has relied on recordings from staged setups where people were asked to tell the truth or to lie and their statements were recorded, here we use real-world political debates. Thanks to the efforts of fact-checking organizations, it is possible to obtain annotations for statements in the context of a political discourse as true, half-true, or false. Starting with such data from the CLEF-2018 CheckThat! Lab, which was limited to text, we performed alignment to the corresponding videos, thus producing a multimodal dataset. We further developed a multimodal deep-learning architecture for the task of deception detection, which yielded sizable improvements over the state of the art for the CLEF-2018 Lab task 2. Our experiments show that the use of the acoustic signal consistently helped to improve the performance compared to using textual and metadata features only, based on several different evaluation measures. We release the new dataset to the research community, hoping to help advance the overall field of multimodal deception detection.
This paper critically examines a recently developed proposal for a border control system called iBorderCtrl, designed to detect deception based on facial recognition technology and the measurement of micro-expressions, termed 'biomarkers of deceit'. Funded under the European Commission's Horizon 2020 programme, we situate our analysis in the wider political economy of 'emotional AI' and the history of deception detection technologies. We then move on to interrogate the design of iBorderCtrl using publicly available documents and assess the assumptions and scientific validation underpinning the project design. Finally, drawing on a Bayesian analysis we outline statistical fallacies in the foundational premise of mass screening and argue that it is very unlikely that the model that iBorderCtrl provides for deception detection would work in practice. By interrogating actual systems in this way, we argue that we can begin to question the very premise of the development of data-driven systems, and emotional AI and deception detection in particular, pushing back on the assumption that these systems are fulfilling the tasks they claim to be attending to and instead ask what function such projects carry out in the creation of subjects and management of populations. This function is not merely technical but, rather, we argue, distinctly political and forms part of a mode of governance increasingly shaping life opportunities and fundamental rights.
This short paper deals with the combination and comparison of two data sources: Search engine results and query suggestions for 16 terms related to political candidates and parties. The data was collected before the federal election in Germany in September 2017 for a period of two months. The rank biased overlap (RBO) statistic is used to measure the similarity of the top-weighted rankings. For each search term and for both the search results and query auto-completions we study the stability of the rankings over time.
Online citizen science projects involve recruitment of volunteers to assist researchers with the creation, curation, and analysis of large datasets. Enhancing the quality of these data products is a fundamental concern for teams running citizen science projects. Decisions about a project's design and operations have a critical effect both on whether the project recruits and retains enough volunteers, and on the quality of volunteers' work. The processes by which the team running a project learn about their volunteers play a critical role in these decisions. Improving these processes will enhance decision-making, resulting in better quality datasets, and more successful outcomes for citizen science projects. This paper presents a qualitative case study, involving interviews and long-term observation, of how the team running Galaxy Zoo, a major citizen science project in astronomy, came to know their volunteers and how this knowledge shaped their decision-making processes. This paper presents three instances that played significant roles in shaping Galaxy Zoo team members' understandings of volunteers. Team members integrated heterogeneous sources of information to derive new insights into the volunteers. Project metrics and formal studies of volunteers combined with tacit understandings gained through on- and offline interactions with volunteers. This paper presents a number of recommendations for practice. These recommendations include strategies for improving how citizen science project team members learn about volunteers, and how teams can more effectively circulate among themselves what they learn.
Mirko Lai, Delia Irazú Hernández Farías, Viviana Patti
et al.
Stance detection, the task of identifying the speaker's opinion towards a particular target, has attracted the attention of researchers. This paper describes a novel approach for detecting stance in Twitter. We define a set of features in order to consider the context surrounding a target of interest with the final aim of training a model for predicting the stance towards the mentioned targets. In particular, we are interested in investigating political debates in social media. For this reason we evaluated our approach focusing on two targets of the SemEval-2016 Task6 on Detecting stance in tweets, which are related to the political campaign for the 2016 U.S. presidential elections: Hillary Clinton vs. Donald Trump. For the sake of comparison with the state of the art, we evaluated our model against the dataset released in the SemEval-2016 Task 6 shared task competition. Our results outperform the best ones obtained by participating teams, and show that information about enemies and friends of politicians help in detecting stance towards them.
From a liberal perspective, pluralism and viewpoint diversity are seen as a necessary condition for a well-functioning democracy. Recently, there have been claims that viewpoint diversity is diminishing in online social networks, putting users in a "bubble", where they receive political information which they agree with. The contributions from our investigations are fivefold: (1) we introduce different dimensions of the highly complex value viewpoint diversity using political theory; (2) we provide an overview of the metrics used in the literature of viewpoint diversity analysis; (3) we operationalize new metrics using the theory and provide a framework to analyze viewpoint diversity in Twitter for different political cultures; (4) we share our results for a case study on minorities we performed for Turkish and Dutch Twitter users; (5) we show that minority users cannot reach a large percentage of Turkish Twitter users. With the last of these contributions, using theory from communication scholars and philosophers, we show how minority access is missing from the typical dimensions of viewpoint diversity studied by computer scientists and the impact it has on viewpoint diversity analysis.
Bibliometric analysis has firmly conquered its place as an instrument for evaluation and international comparison of performance levels. Consequently, differences in coverage by standard bibliometric databases installed a dichotomy between on the one hand the well covered 'exact' sciences, and on the other hand most of the social sciences and humanities with a more limited coverage (Nederhof, 2006). Also the latter domains need to be able to soundly demonstrate their level of performance and claim or legitimate funding accordingly. An important part of the output volume in social sciences appears as books, book chapters and national literature (Hicks, 2004). To proceed from publication data to performance measurement, quantitative publication counts need to be combined with qualitative information, for example from peer assessment or validation (European Expert Group on Assessment of University-Based Research, 2010), to identify those categories that represent research quality as perceived by peers. An accurate focus is crucial in order to stimulate, recognize and reward high quality achievements only. This paper demonstrates how such a selection of publication categories can be based on correlations with peer judgments. It is also illustrated that the selection should be sufficiently precise, to avoid subcategories negatively correlated with peer judgments. The findings indicate that, also in social sciences and humanities, publications in journals with an international referee system are the most important category for evaluating quality. Book chapters with international referee system and contributions in international conference proceedings follow them.
'Is democracy working?' was the theme of the International Political Science Association’s s 20th Political Science World Congress held in Fukuoka, Japan, in 2006, and it remains a fundamental theme for political science around the globe. In this article,1 I will discuss the historical development of the study of democracy through public opinion and behavior research. The article starts with a brief sketch of developments in Western democracies after World War II. With a general emphasis on comparative micro-survey research, it then traces major trends in the empirical study of political participation, with a particular emphasis on the Political Action Study (Barnes et al., 1979; Jennings et al., 1990). The significance of this study resides in its opening the way for political science to consider non-institutionalized acts of political participation not as a threat to pluralist democracies, but rather as an extension of the political repertory of democratic citizens. The article then discusses potential reasons for the observed unexpected decline of political support in Western democracies after the demise of totalitarian communism through the ‘velvet revolution’ in Central and Eastern Europe. In the conclusion, the article speculates about future developments in democratic governance in the light of encompassing social, economic and technological developments such as globalization and the Internet revolution.
For the 100 largest European universities we studied the statistical properties of bibliometric indicators related to research performance, field citation density and journal impact. We find a size-dependent cumulative advantage for the impact of universities in terms of total number of citations. In previous work a similar scaling rule was found at the level of research groups. Therefore we conjecture that this scaling rule is a prevalent property of the science system. We observe that lower performance universities have a larger size-dependent cumulative advantage for receiving citations than top-performance universities. We also find that for the lower-performance universities the fraction of not-cited publications decreases considerably with size. Generally, the higher the average journal impact of the publications of a university, the lower the number of not-cited publications. We find that the average research performance does not dilute with size. Large top-performance universities succeed in keeping a high performance over a broad range of activities. This most probably is an indication of their scientific attractive power. Next we find that particularly for the lower-performance universities the field citation density provides a strong cumulative advantage in citations per publication. The relation between number of citations and field citation density found in this study can be considered as a second basic scaling rule of the science system. Top-performance universities publish in journals with significantly higher journal impact as compared to the lower performance universities. We find a significant decrease of the fraction of self-citations with increasing research performance, average field citation density, and average journal impact.