Foreword. Part I: The Psychology of Intercultural Contact. Introduction and Overview: Setting the Scene. Social Systems as Inputs, Throughputs and Outputs. Culture Contact within and between Societies. Intercultural Contact: Processes and Outcomes. Groups in Intercultural Contact. Dimensions of Intercultural Contact. Outcomes of Contact. Theoretical Perspectives on Intercultural Contact. Intercultural Contact and Adaptation. A Model of the Acculturation Process. Chapter Summary. Part II: Theoretical Approaches to "Culture Shock". Culture Learning. Social Interaction. The Social Psychology of the Cross-cultural Encounter. Cross-cultural Differences in How People Communicate. Intercultural Communication Theory: Integrating the Communication Elements. Social Relations in Multicultural Societies. Cross-cultural Transition and Social Difficulty. Chapter Summary. Stress, Coping and Adjustment. The Stress and Coping Framework. Factors Affecting Stress, Coping and Adjustment. Social Identification Theories. Theoretical Perspectives. Identity, Acculturation and Intercultural Contact. Intergroup Perceptions and Relations. Social Identification Theories and Multicultural Ideology. Chapter Summary. Part III: Varieties of Culture Travellers. Tourists. The Tourist Experience. Tourism and Intercultural Contact. Chapter Summary. Sojourners: International Students. Historical Perspectives. Empirical Research on Student Sojourners. Chapter Summary. Sojourners: International Business People. Cultural Distance, Work Performance and Adaptation of Business Sojourners. Expatriate Adjustment. Women in International Management. Repatriation and Inpatriation. Chapter Summary. Immigrants. Social and Political Influences on Immigrant Acculturation. Migrant Adaptation. Perspectives on Immigrant Youth. Chapter Summary. Refugees. Refugee Status and Mental Health. Pre- and Post-Migration Experiences and Adjustment over Time. Stress, Coping and Adjustment. Acculturation, Identity and Intercultural Relations. Chapter Summary. Part IV: Applications and Conclusions. Culture Training. Training Principles, Issues and Aims. Cross-cultural Preparation in Historical Perspective. Sojourner Training. Training for Multicultural Living. Chapter Summary. Conclusion. The ABCs of "Culture Shock". Intercultural Interactions: Then and Now. The Future. Final Remarks. References.
Abstract Despite a varied picture in terms of their relative economic strength, Developing and Emerging Economies (DEEs) remain in a subordinate position in the global monetary and financial system. While the IPE and economics literatures provide rich insights about the significance of this phenomenon, research efforts remain fragmented. To address this problem, we offer an umbrella concept—international financial subordination (IFS)—to channel research efforts towards cumulative theory-building. IFS is about unearthing why the structural power of finance takes a particularly violent form of expression in DEEs. To provide structure to IFS as a scholarly field, we first assess the contributions of IPE in analyzing various factors that reproduce IFS. To better ground these efforts in processes of accumulation and the histories of the relation between finance and (post)colonial development, we then offer a critical synthesis of three heterodox traditions—dependency theory, post-Keynesian economics, and Marxism. Next, we develop a pluridisciplinary research agenda organized around six analytical axes: the historical analysis of financial relations, the relations between financial and productive subordinations, the constitutive role of monetary relations as expressions of power, the role of the state, the actions and practices of non-state actors, and the spatial relations of financial subordination.
The Rambouillet Conference, which took place from 6 February to 18 March 1999, was a pivotal moment in international diplomacy during the Kosovo crisis. Convened by the Contact Group, the conference aimed to negotiate a settlement between the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Kosovo Albanian leadership amid escalating violence and mounting humanitarian concerns. The proposed agreement included provisions for substantial autonomy for Kosovo and the deployment of NATO forces to oversee its implementation. It was accepted by the Kosovo Albanian delegation, but rejected by the Yugoslav authorities. Led by Slobodan Milošević, Yugoslavia opposed the presence of foreign troops on its territory, viewing it as a violation of sovereignty. Ultimately, the failure of the negotiations resulted in NATO's military intervention on 24 March 1999, marking a pivotal moment in the Kosovo conflict.
Spain in the post-Franco period developed bipolar party system, which was defined by the political and ideological rivalry of two most dominant factions: conservatives and social-democrats. The rest of the parties for the time were no more than allies and supporters of the primary ones. However, eventually new alliances were able to capitalize on the crisis of the old parties and shake the dominance of the established political system. Major factors of the change were the difficult economical circumstances created by the global financial crisis of 2007–2008. Unsatisfied with the solutions proposed by the two major parties, general population turned to the ones with new ideas. The next step of development turned out to be a multiparty model with wider involvement of new alternative “actors”, which seems to be a long-term trend. Author points out high complexity of the formation of monoparty cabinets of ministers in the future, the creation of government coalitions becomes inevitable. The conclusion is drawn that due to the absence of a “coalition culture”, the development of which was not necessary before, as well as the noticeable polarization of political forces and the growth of mutual rejection at the level of leaders and party elites, the solution of this task in modern Spanish realities threatens to turn into an endless political marathon and is fraught with a significant increase in political instability in the coming years.
Piotr Gradziuk, Aleksandra Siudek, Anna M. Klepacka
et al.
Heat pump technology offers a path towards reducing the use of fossil fuels to heat space, providing energy bill savings and reducing air pollution and GHG emissions. The choice of heating method is based on costs; hence, this study examines the gains from operating heat pump systems in public buildings as well as alternative systems using electricity, LPG, and heating oil. The study focuses on the Ruda-Huta municipality in Poland that, as is common in rural areas, lacks access to a district heating system or piped gas. The empirical analysis includes heat pump installations in eight municipal buildings. The study found that the use of ground source heat pumps proved competitive with existing heating systems in terms of payback time. Calculations for three heating energy source scenarios, i.e., electricity, LPG, and heating oil, used the Simple Pay Back Time (SPBT) and the Levelized Cost of Heat (LCOH) methods and the average prices of the three energy types for the period 2012–2021. The payback period calculations disregarded the EU subsidies for heating systems utilizing renewable energy sources (RES). The payback time for electric, LPG, and heating oil were, respectively, 6.7–7.8 years, 4.1–6.1 years, and 6.7–6.9 years. Much larger spreads favoring heat pumps were calculated using the LCOH, and the costs in the case of electric heating were nearly three times higher and doubled when using heating oil and LPG. The gains from investing in heat pump systems have been offset by the increase in electricity, LPH, and heating oil prices, which have been predicted to continue to increase in the foreseeable future supporting the use of heat pumps in rural areas lacking access to, for example, district heating systems. The switch to heat pumps reduced local air pollution by eliminating the burning of fossil fuels to heat space in public buildings.
The focus of this paper is mainly to investigate climate change adaptation practices and the applicability of a cultural sustainability approach in understanding gender dimension of the residents of the southwest coast of Bangladesh. It is one of the most vulnerable regions in South Asia due to the significant impacts of climate change. The long-term effects of climate change in this region are the increasing salinity in farmlands, heatwaves, and sea-level rise. The southwest coast of Bangladesh is a classic example of “good practice” as well as the center for learning, implementing, and communicating climate change adaptation actions in practice. The reason for this the collective action carried out to initiate and improve adaptation activities by the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change of the Government of Bangladesh, as well as several national and international development and non-government organizations (NGOs). Using a systematic review of literature, and field-based case studies, we examined how gender and cultural issues (such as the adaptive capacity of men and women, and the transformation of gendered power relations) have been addressed to successfully implement climate change adaptation initiatives in the context of the nominated study area. Our study results revealed that both male and female participants were strategic and capable of dealing with climate change impacts, although the adaptive capacity of the former group was comparatively sturdier than the later. The extent of cultural sustainability was found to be weaker in the study region compared to many other coastal communities in the country. The efforts made by NGOs in collaboration with the governmental bodies of Bangladesh were found contributory in providing knowledge of climate change along with the techniques to adapt to its consequences for the people of the study region. Similarly, the activities of NGOs were found influential in helping the government to support people in adapting to climate change in terms of the gendered and cultural sustainability perspectives. Our findings contribute to the field of climate change impacts in understanding the complexities of rural development.
Party-based Euroscepticism has been the subject of multiple studies
over the last two decades. Both Western and Eastern European parties are
among the parties that take a critical position on European integration itself. By
using a qualitative approach, this paper aims to identify the factors that may
explain Euroscepticism among the Romanian political parties in 2016-2020. In
this article we focus on the following parties: PSD, ALDE, UDMR, Pro
România, PMP, PNL and USR and uses as data the discourses of the party
leaders regarding the integration in the EU.The main findingsindicate that
governing parties do not become more Eurosceptic based on their long
interaction with the EU. The results contradict earlier findings according to
which the party size and age can explain the degree of discourse Euroscepticism.
The paper shows that electoral loss can be a potential explanation for the degree
of Euroscepticism: political parties that have recently lost electoral support are
Euro-optimistic, while those that are electorally stable tend to be more
Eurosceptic.
El artículo trata de bosquejar la riqueza del pensamiento sobre integración en los tiempos de formación de la primeras organizaciones regionales en Europa y América Latina, a lo largo de los años 1950 y 1960. Para hacer eso, se concentra en las experiencias, aptitudes y visiones de tres intelectuales europeos que tomaron parte en el debate sobre integración en las dos márgenes del océano atlántico. Mientras que los primeros dos, Pierre Uri y Ernst Haas, tuvieron un interés circunscripto por América Latina y su integración y nunca profundizaron su conocimiento de los países que la conforman, Albert Hirschman desarrolló una profunda empatía hacia toda la región. Sus distintas posiciones en el tema de la integración, de los prerrequisitos económicos y políticos necesarios para alcanzarla y de su relación con la modernización, nos ofrecen una prueba persuasiva de la irreductibilidad de los estudios sobre integración a algunas teorías abstractas.
La finalidad principal de este artículo es establecer un análisis comparativo entre la Gran Depresión, que tuvo lugar después del Crack de la bolsa de 1929, y la recesión económica generada por la pandemia de COVID-19. En la primera parte del artículo, se examinan las causas y antecedentes que provocaron la depresión económica mundial en los años treinta, así como el impacto global de la crisis y las políticas adoptadas por los diferentes gobiernos del mundo, prestando especial atención al New Deal de los Estados Unidos. Además, se analizan las principales implicaciones políticas que la Gran Depresión acarreó, centrándonos en el rol de la depresión en el éxito internacional del keynesianismo y el auge del nazismo en Alemania.
En la segunda parte, se analiza el impacto socioeconómico de la pandemia y las medidas de contención del virus a nivel mundial, como el distanciamiento social o los confinamientos domiciliarios, así como la efectividad de las políticas sociales y los planes de retención de empleo empleados para salvaguardar el empleo y proteger la economía. De este modo, se argumenta la existencia de determinadas similitudes/diferencias entre ambas crisis. Por último, el artículo finaliza con una reflexión sobre las posibles consecuencias políticas que los acontecimientos vividos durante el 2020 podrían augurar para el futuro de la democracia liberal.
The United States and Turkey have been bound by strong ties of strategic partnership for decades since the dawn of the Cold War. However, the relationship between two NATO allies have become quite strained over the recent years. The root causes of the current contradictions between Ankara and Washington manifested themselves clearly at the beginning of the Obama presidency. This paper examines the reasons behind and the nature of the difficulties that the U.S. and Turkey would confront in 2009–2010 while trying to implement the concept of ‘model partnership’ introduced by the Democratic administration. In particular, it assesses the extent to which the transformation of the Turkish foreign policy strategy modified the logic of its interaction with Washington and reinforced Ankara’s desire to have its national interests recognized and respected by the United States. The differences between the U.S. and Turkish positions are illustrated with the examples of their contradictions about interaction with Israel and Iran. The author demonstrates that various methods of persuasion and coercion practiced by the Obama administration were not necessarily effective and their use led to a deterioration of situation on several occasions. The author also provides a detailed overview of the debates on the prospects of the bilateral cooperation and the foreign policy identity of modern Turkey that took place in the U.S. political and academic circles at that time. The paper also determines the main factors behind a rapprochement of two countries following a temporary estrangement. The conclusion is drawn that a further escalation of tensions was prevented mainly because security factor played a predominant role. The U.S.-Turkish military-strategic cooperation within NATO remained — regardless of divergences on several regional issues and political scandals — the cornerstone of the bilateral relationship. The U.S.-Turkish partnership, though not a model one, passed an endurance test only to face even more complex challenges related to a destabilization of a broader region in the wake of the Arab Awakening.
Human rights have been in the practice of international relations, but they have not been central to academic thinking on International Relations (IR) for most of the century since the discipline became institutionalized in 1919. We suggest two related reasons for this relative neglect by the IR community. First, the US heartland of IR prioritized other institutions of international order during the 1950s and 1960s, primarily the balance of power, diplomacy, and arms control. Second, human rights were treated with suspicion by realists in particular given their view that morality in foreign policy was potentially disruptive of international order. If the emergent discipline of IR largely ignored the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, so did the rest of the world according to the revisionist history of human rights offered by Samuel Moyn. He challenges the idea that the birth of the regime was the culmination of a 150-year struggle that began in the minds of Enlightenment thinkers and ended with a new globalized framework of rights for all. While IR was slow to come to human rights, the pace in the last three decades has quickened considerably; the area of protecting the basic right of security from violence being a case in point, where several IR scholars have been pivotal in the development of action-guiding theory. Developing a critical theme in Carr’s The Twenty Years’ Crisis 1919-1939, we consider whether these institutional developments represent great illusions or great transformations in international relations in Carr’s terms.
This article introduces and conceptualizes “sinicization of everything”, meaning that everything and everybody under Beijing’s control must be rendered Chinese by manipulating the cognition, selecting and extracting the positive elements about domestic politics and practice under the Chinese Communist Party for promotion. By deploying discourse analysis, sinicization of everything has four features: devaluation, manipulation, partiality and sinocentrism. Two cases, namely China is the largest democratic country in the world, and China contributes to the sustainable growth of global economy, are employed to interpret how sinicization is in place through repetition – excessive positivity of China and negativity of the West – over the text. This article provides an alternative in approaching Chinese politics by exploring the premises, logic and belief as well as loopholes behind official propaganda.
Political science (General), Economics as a science
La cooperación internacional como política pública para la promoción del desarrollo ha sido tradicionalmente abordada desde un enfoque positivista que subestima el importante valor de la historia como base fundamental para su comprensión e interpretación. La concepción de la Cooperación Internacional para el Desarrollo (CID), su propósito y acciones no pueden ser desligadas del contexto político, económico y social que constituyó el escenario propicio para su origen y que de la mano de paradigmas teóricos que explican qué es el desarrollo, han guiado su devenir hasta nuestros días.
Introduction. This article deals with the altar barrier from the medieval church in Dranda village (Abkhazia). It is not preserved in its original form. Two slabs with figurative compositions were published by countess P. S. Uvarova at the end of the 19th century. Then they were lost.
Methods. The modern researchers can analyze them only due to photo types made by the countess. Some fragments from Dranda church are now preserved in the collection of the Abkhazian State Museum in Sukhum. One new fragment (which was not known before) with the representation of the Jonas prophet (devoured by the sea monster) has been discovered in the collection of the Archaeological Museum of the Saint Metropolis of Abkhazia (New Athos). There are also four other fragments of the architectural decoration from the Dranda church.
Analysis. Some of them could possibly be part of the altar barrier. The rest of the fragments were probably from the outer or inner facing of the same church. The article also deals with the problem of the date of the rare image of prophet Jonas. The fragment can be dated by the 10th century. The researchers dispute the date for the other fragments of the altar barrier.
Results. The authors of the article incline to the 10th century for all the fragments of the shattered altar barrier. Father Dorotheos Dbar analyzed information about the history and origin of the reliefs in question. E. Yu. Endoltseva made iconographical research of the carved images.
History of Russia. Soviet Union. Former Soviet Republics, International relations
In order to adapt to the new context created by globalization, borders have got a dynamic sense, losing some of their traditional functions and acquiring new roles, which transform them from barriers to fluid and permeable lines. Thus, they delimit a space permanently reconstructed by the interdependencies and interactions of its members, contributing to the shaping and development of new regions in international relations. Technology and international and bilateral agreements are the engines that generated and allowed the integration of economies and markets and redefined the economic frontiers.
The protection of Indonesian citizens is the main agenda of Indonesia's current foreign policy. With the spread of Indonesian citizens all over the world, the protection of Indonesian citizens abroad is very important for Indonesia. This study aims to knowin depth about the governance of protection systems towards Indonesian citizens in facing transnational crime threats. The method used qualitative by conducting interviews to the stakeholders of Indonesian citizen protection and is enriched through an analysis of international political economy. The results showed that prevention sector is the weakest link in the protection system of Indonesia citizens abroad while other sectors are affected with intriguing problems in prevention sector
In the article was studied the process of reforming the institute of civil service in the countries of the Eurasian space (e.g. Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan). The integration of national systems of public administration and, in particular, the civil service, is an important factor contributing to the implementation of the centripetal tendencies in the post-Soviet space. The research methodology is based on a combination of comparative legal analysis, historical retrospective method, normalization and scaling, structural-functional and system analysis. A comparison of the legal models of public service was made in research. The author puts forward the hypothesis that it is presence the relationship between the quantitative changes (for example, number of employees) of civil service and the dynamics of macroeconomic indicators (e.g. number of employed in the economy). In this regard were observed common trends. On materials of the statistical surveys were considered quantitative changes in national systems of civil service. The study of the socio-demographic characteristics of the public service (gender, age, profession) allowed to formulate conclusions about the general and specific trends in the reform of the civil service of the analyzed countries. A number of values were first calculated by the author. The work is intended to become the basis for a broad international research on the development of civil service, which is the central mechanism for implementation the integration in the post-Soviet space.
This paper examines a case of forced migration and its effects on the formation of national identity and the consolidation of state agencies, industries, and other formal organizations. A composite of several theories, namely “survival migration” and “biopolitical control” will be used to account for the case that features significant social transformation, conflict and even trauma. In the 1940s the population of the Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic underwent unprecedented migration of evacuees from the European parts of the USSR due to World War II. However in the same period the Soviet government conducted a “forced migration” policy for particular “ethnic groups” deemed politically unreliable in the context of World War II. In the 1950s-1960s, populations located in the European parts of the USSR were officially induced by the Soviet government to contribute to a massive industrialization initiative by relocating to industrializing regions in the Asian parts of the USSR. At around the same period, population dislocations in the People’s Republic of China caused a diaspora of Uighurs moving to the Soviet Union. The life activities of these migrants would be the basis for a new collective “Kazakhstani” identity that continues to the present day. However, this identity is distinct from, and in some cases opposed to, the historic primordial “Kazakh” identity held by the Turko-Mongol ethno-linguistic societies that inhabited Kazakhstan prior to the Soviet migrations. The government of the present-day Kazakhstan recognizes the significance of the Soviet migrations, and modulates the shift of political power towards ethnic Kazakhs. Checking the newly assertive Kazakh nationalist movement and
the unresolved Uighur nationalism in Eurasia through regionalist-technocratic means may increase the viability of the more inclusive and socially constructed multicultural “Kazakhstani” and regional “Eurasian” identities and may help resolve the latent
ethnocentrism in the SCO regional order.
Political science (General), Economics as a science
En este trabajo se pretende analizar cómo es regulada la integración del PARLASUR en los proyectos para elegir los parlamentarios del MERCOSUR que han sido presentados en los países integrantes y los efectos tanto en la representación como en los partidos políticos que podrían tener las distintas reglamentaciones. Luego de transcurridos ocho años desde la creación del órgano de representación de los pueblos del MERCOSUR es pertinente preguntarse cuál ha sido el camino recorrido en la adecuación de la legislación electoral de los países miembros, si se han producido los actos eleccionarios pertinentes y qué perspectivas se vislumbran al respecto. En el caso de Argentina, la sanción de la ley 27.120 que convoca a elecciones de los 43 escaños del país para el parlamento del MERCOSUR, adquiere importancia por su modificación al Código Electoral Argentino y su impacto en la configuración de ese órgano hace imprescindible la reflexión y el análisis sobre este nuevo espacio de participación ciudadana. Asimismo, se analizará el caso del PARLACEN y la experiencia que ha significado en el proceso de integración centroamericano la elección popular de sus representante.