Hasil untuk "Natural history (General)"

David Alexander

This book provides a detailed introduction to natural disasters and the ways in which they have had and continue to have, profound effects on human society. Natural Disasters: A Reference Handbook surveys the impact of these events on human civilization. The opening chapter provides a general history and background of the major types of natural disasters, including earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, severe storms, and forest fires. The information presented in this introduction allows the reader to better understand current issues, problems, and solutions related to natural disasters discussed in subsequent chapters. The book covers the role of natural disasters in human life from earliest recorded history (and, to some extent, even earlier) to the present day. It provides an extensive variety of resources that encourage readers to learn more about the topics discussed. The book is intended for readers in the late middle school to high school age range, as well as adults who may have a special interest in the subject.

Lidiane Diniz do Nascimento, Angelo Antônio Barbosa de Moraes, Kauê Santana da Costa et al.

Spice plants have a great influence on world history. For centuries, different civilizations have used them to condiment the foods of kings and nobles and applied them as embalming preservatives, perfumes, cosmetics, and medicines in different regions of the world. In general, these plants have formed the basis of traditional medicine and some of their derived substances have been utilized to treat different human diseases. Essential oils (EOs) obtained from these plants have been also used as therapeutic agents and have shown supportive uses in remedial practices. The discovery and development of bioactive compounds from these natural products, based on their traditional uses, play an important role in developing the scientific evidence of their potential pharmaceutical, cosmetic, and food applications. In the present review, using recent studies, we exhibit a general overview of the main aspects related to the importance of spice plants widely used in traditional medicine: Cinnamomum zeylanicum (true cinnamon), Mentha piperita (peppermint), Ocimum basilicum (basil), Origanum vulgare (oregano), Piper nigrum (black pepper), Rosmarinus officinalis (rosemary), and Thymus vulgaris (thyme); and we discuss new findings of the bioactive compounds obtained from their EOs, their potential applications, as well as their molecular mechanisms of action, focusing on their antioxidant activity. We also exhibit the main in vitro methods applied to determine the antioxidant activities of these natural products.

R. Tashjian

Hyun Tae Kim

Abstract This study investigated the anatomy and histology of the olfactory organ of the Korean amur goby Rhinogobius brunneus from Jeonjucheon stream. This species lives in shallow, stagnant, and intermittently low-oxygenated streams, reservoirs, and ponds affected by seasonal rainfall. Anatomically, its olfactory organ consisted of a short tubular anterior nostril, a posterior nostril, a single longitudinal lamella, and two accessory nasal sacs (ethmoidal and lacrymal sacs). Its single lamella structure resembles other gobiid fishes with a simplified olfactory surface. Histologically, the sensory epithelium comprised olfactory receptor neurons, supporting cells, and basal cells, while the non-sensory epithelium contained stratified epithelial cells, basal cells, and mucous cells. In particular, the mucous cells stained intensely red with Hematoxylin and eosin and Masson’s trichrome, indicating proteinaceous granular mucins rich in glycoproteins; such secretions likely protect the epithelium against particles, toxins, and low-oxygenated freshwater. Overall, the goby’s olfactory organ exhibits traits uniquely adapted to stagnant and hypoxic conditions.

Peng Zhou, Peng Zhou, Yu-Xin Bu et al.

DeXiang Huang, DeXiang Huang, YongFu Sun et al.

The western Pacific seamount area is abundant in both biological and mineral resources, making it a crucial location for international investigation of regional seabed resources. An essential stage in comprehending and advancing seamounts is gaining knowledge about the distribution characteristics and laws governing the seabed substrate. Deep-sea geological sampling is challenging because of the intricate nature of the deep-sea environment, resulting in increased difficulty in identifying and evaluating substrates. This study addresses the aforementioned issues by utilizing in-situ video footage obtained from the “Jiaolong” manned deep submersible and shipborne deep-water multibeam data. This data is used as a foundation for constructing a Western Pacific seamount areas substrate classification point set. Additionally, the paper introduces the mRMR-XGBoost substrate classification model. Substrate categorization in deep sea and mountainous regions has been successfully accomplished, yielding a classification accuracy of 92.5%. The classification experiments and box sampling results demonstrate that the mRMR-XGBoost substrate classification model proposed in this paper can efficiently use acoustic and optical data to accurately divide the substrate types in seamount areas, with better classification accuracy, when compared with commonly used machine learning models. It has a significant application value and the best classification effect on the two types of substrates: nodules and gravel substrates.

Ilya Buynevich

Zoogenic impact plays a critical role in stream processes, especially bank stability and resulting channel dynamics. This study focuses on bioturbation by groundhogs (Marmota monax) along the riparian zone of Mill Creek (Bucks County, Pennsylvania, USA). Several complexes comprising at least 32 active burrows (average diameter: 25.9 cm) were geolocated, with morphometric measurements obtained at selected sites. Two networks were imaged using high-frequency 800 MHz ground-penetrating radar (GPR) and included: 1) a grid of parallel 3-m-long transects on the south bank, and 2) an 11-m-long profile on the north bank. Post-processed electromagnetic signal traces (A-scans) comprising 2D radargrams (B-scans) revealed voids as reverse-polarity anomalies (hollow inclined shafts and tunnels), allowing for a general assessment of burrow depth and orientation. At the southern cutbank site, a large burrow had an entrance diameter of 0.3 m and a westerly dip. A sloping tunnel section was detected at ~0.5 m depth, based on the geometry of point-source (transverse) hyperbolic diffractions corresponding to the roof and a floor ‘pull-up’. The second locality traversed three open burrow entrances adjacent to large tree roots. This survey along a tributary channel shows multiple hyperbolics below adjacent openings, with the latter showing the characteristic signal ‘breakout’. GPR data show hyperbolic signatures ~0.3–0.4 m below the ground surface. Along this transect, burrowing activity appears to increase with proximity to the northern bank of Mill Creek. An example of a depth slice (bedding-plane view) from a nearby riverbank demonstrates the potential for 3D visualization (C-scans) of burrow networks using a grid of closely spaced GPR profiles. Groundhog burrows constrain maximum long-term level of the groundwater table and serve as important zoogeomorphic structures in diverse ecotones, including developed landscapes. Abundant evidence of bank slumping, incision, and treefall suggests that burrowing activity likely weakens root systems and enhances groundwater flow, thereby initiating or accelerating geomorphic cascades leading to slope failure.

Violeta-Elena MOIS, Iulia HĂRĂNGUŞ

Bobâlna Hill is the highest part of the Cluj and Dej Hills, an integrated part of the Someșan Plateau, with an altitude of 693 m. From a geomorphological point of view, it falls within the erosive-structural level formed on the horizon of the Dej tuff, of Lower Pannonian age. At the foot of the hill, a series of subsequent valleys developed, such as Olpret Valley to the north, northeast and east, Măr Valley and Lujerdiu Valley to the south, and Luna Valley to the west and southwest respectively. From a geological point of view, Bobâlna Hill is composed by the Dacitic tuff of Dej, interspersed with marls, clays, sandstones with coals and marly shales. Due to its altitude and the rocks it is made of, Bobâlna Hill determined the meaning of the evolution of the other natural components of the environment, flora, fauna, soils, as well as the hydrography. The development of human communities in the adjacent communes was deeply influenced by the presence of Bobâlna Hill. The hill is located about 30 km west of Dej City. Its area of polarization is more visible on the territories of Bobâlna, Aluniș, Cornești, Recea-Cristur and Panticeu communes. Bobâlna Hill has been the source of building materials for houses and other buildings for a long time. There are still buildings made of “Băbdiu stone” today. In addition to resistance over time, tuff has a beautiful appearance and was accessible to people. In June 1437, an army of peasants gathered on Bobâlna Hill, armed with pitchforks and scythes, ready to fight to regain their rights and freedom. The uprising in Bobâlna took place as a result of burdensome feudal obligations towards the state, the feudal lord and the Catholic church, but also because of numerous abuses. On June 8, 1937, the leaders of the villages in the Olpret area formed an initiative committee to build a monument in honour of the peasants who revolted in 1437, on Bobâlna Hill, at an altitude of 693 meters. The initiative was successful and a limestone monument was built, unveiled on December 21, 1957. Starting from 1968 and up to 1989, popular celebrations were organized, most of them just above, on the Bobâlna plateau. The heroes of the 1437 uprising were commemorated and it was an occasion of joy, reunion and party for the inhabitants of the area. Between the years 1989-1999, the celebrations stopped, but they were resumed in 1999, 2001 and 2002. The last celebration was in 2015, in the school yard in Bobâlna commune, but it had a smaller scale. In the years 2021 and 2022, the first two editions of the Revolution Race event took place, on Bobâlna Hill. Revolution Race is a sporting event that highlights nature, history and rural traditions. The “Înflorești” Sports Club Association participated to the organization of the two events in partnership with the Go4Fun Association and the administration of the municipalities of Bobâlna and Cornești. Over 300 runners from Romania and abroad participated in each edition. Starting from the advantages offered by the natural setting, the presence of Bobâlna Hill, and the significance of the historical event of 1437, Bobâlna municipality is currently designing a long-term development strategy based on ecological rural tourism.

Ariane Aspirault, Gesche Winkler, Aurélie Jolivet et al.

Anthropogenic noise is a pervasive feature of the coastal ocean soundscape and is intensifying as vessel traffic activity increases. Low-frequency sounds from wave action on coastal reefs or anthropogenic noise have been shown to initiate larval settlement of marine invertebrates and accelerate metamorphosis to juvenile stages. These results suggest that some planktonic species can perceive and be impacted by anthropogenic sound. Hence, we tested the hypothesis that vessel noise has an impact on the feeding behavior of blue mussel (Mytilus edulis) veligers and of the copepod Eurytemora herdmani as well as on the growth of the rotifer Brachionus plicatilis. The results show that microalgae and feeding behavior of early life stages of mussels and copepods are not influenced by the presence of vessel noise. The growth of the rotifers was similar between the two sound treatments, but rotifers’ egg production in the absence of vessel noise was higher and eggs were also larger. Our results suggest that the effects of noise on plankton are complex; much more work is needed to unravel these often subtle effects.

Pedro Medrado Krainovic, Angélica Faria de Resende, Nino Tavares Amazonas et al.

Restoring tropical forests still relies on expensive tree planting. Timber production from native trees offers a promising opportunity to make restoration financially viable, but species growth data are lacking. We assessed the potential of tropical forest restoration plantations for producing native timber in the Atlantic Forest. For that we inventoried a chronosequence of unmanaged restoration plantation sites with ten commercial native tree species. Then we developed growth models and used the Growth-Oriented Logging (GOL) method to inform targeted management decisions, including an optimized timber-focused scenario, based on growth and bole quality assessment. Usually, growth-rate classes for saw wood production would be defined according to the time necessary for achieving 35 cm in DBH. Harvesting age was markedly reduced using GOL for species of fast-growth (from <50 to <25 years), intermediate-growth (from 50 to 70 to 25–50 years), slow-growth (from >70 to 50–75 years). Following GOL, basal area was 42 ± 30% larger at harvest (taking 35 ± 23% more time) or 60 ± 16.5% smaller (taking 66 ± 16% less time). The optimized scenario speeded tree-size achievement and anticipated harvesting in an average of 58 years. Species selection, individualization, and silvicultural management are critical for producing timber in forest restoration programs.

Yiqin Deng, Songzhe Fu, Songzhe Fu et al.

Theodore W. Pietsch

Kui-Ching Hsu, Mu-Rong Yi, Mu-Rong Yi et al.

Sequences of the complete mitochondrial cytochrome oxidase subunit I gene were used to identify Trichiurus species and examine their population genetic structure and demographic history along the coast of China. Three Trichiurus species were found. Trichiurus japonicus lives in colder waters along the continental shelves in the China Seas, while Trichiurus nanhaiensis lives warmer waters along continental slopes in the South China Sea, and Trichiurus brevis lives in shallow and warmer waters in the South China Sea. The migrations of these species were mainly associated with feeding and spawning preferences. Two major wintering and spawning grounds in the East China Sea and South China Sea were found. All species showed a lack of population genetic structure resulting from their oceanodromous life cycle (the degree of population substructure index NST = 0.000–0.149), but the results of approximate Bayesian computational approaches suggested population declines or stabilization and differentiation. The results of the TMRCA (time to the most recent common ancestor) showed that during glaciations, the Yellow Sea and the East China Sea were completely exposed, and the South China Sea acted as a refugium. Thus, the populations of these three species experienced differentiation during glaciations. This study also examined the limitations of Bayesian skyline plot analysis.

Adriano Sfriso, Alessandro Buosi, Katia Sciuto et al.

In the last decade, the Venice Lagoon showed a significant environmental recovery that changed the assemblages of macroalgal and aquatic angiosperm dominant species and significantly increased the primary production. The decreasing of anthropogenic impacts, such as eutrophication and clam harvesting, favored a strong reduction of Ulvaceae, replaced by species with higher ecological value, and the recolonization of aquatic angiosperms. Consequently, hypo-anoxic conditions, once frequently occurring in the lagoon, have been considerably reduced and aquatic angiosperms have recolonized the area, covering 94.8 km2 in comparison to the 55.9 km2 recorded in 2003 (+70%). Cymodocea nodosa, Zostera marina, and Zostera noltei expanded by 37.5%, 44.6%, and 191%, respectively, with a significant increase in biomass and primary production. In late spring 2018, angiosperms showed a standing crop of approximately 372 ktonnes (+77%) and a net primary production of approximately 1189 ktonnes FW (+67%). In the meantime, Ruppia cirrhosa, which since the 1980s had disappeared from the lagoon areas subjected to tidal expansion, but was still present in some fishing valleys, recolonized the bottoms of the northern lagoon with meadows of over 6 km2; this accounted for a standing crop and net primary production of 8.9 and 18.0 ktonnes, respectively. Based on surveys carried out in 2021, ecological conditions are still improving, and this is increasing both the biodiversity and the production of macroalgae and aquatic angiosperms.

Dicky Muslim, Zufialdi Zakaria, Heryadi Rachmat et al.

Indonesia has been actively promoting the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) agreed upon at the United Nations General Assembly in 2015. Pursuing economic expansion through extraction of natural resources is an obsolete paradigm that is becoming increasingly outdated. Therefore, the geopark concept has broken the idea of economic progress that damages the environment. Geoparks seek to safeguard geodiversity, educate the public about geological history, and assist the long-term economic growth of geopark areas, particularly through geotourism. Geotourism is a sort of creative tourism that is fast growing across the world. This paper aims to assess the existing status and geotourism potential in order to identify the best geosites for the West Lampung region’s initial geopark development. The methods of this study are a geology and geopark literature review, fieldwork, data analysis, and synthesis. The procedure includes inventorying and identifying geodiversity. The study looked at rock and outcrops to piece together the geological history of the West Lampung region. This study showed that the West Lampung region offers several remarkable geosites with significant geotourism development potential. Asam Lake, Nirwana Crater, and Point View Suoh Valley in the Suoh part have the greatest final values, followed by Batubrak Fault Depression in the Fault Depression section. The Batubrak Fault Depression and Asam Lake have significant scientific and tourist value, particularly in terms of portrayal, uniqueness, perspectives, scenery, and natural surroundings. In the Suoh section, Nirwana Crater, Kopi Susu Crater, Keramikan Crater, and Point View Suoh Valley have significant scientific importance but poor educational and tourism value, while the other sites have low scientific, tourist, and educational value, thus placing the area at the bottom of the assessment even though overall it is of medium value. It can be concluded that several geosites in West Lampung have poor value due to some factors such as location accessibility, tourism infrastructure, and location management. Looking at the total findings, basic tourism infrastructure, visitor center, and tour guide services, as well as promotional efforts, are important factors in attracting more tourists to the West Lampung geosites.

Dennis Mayk, Dennis Mayk, Lloyd S. Peck et al.

Phenotypic plasticity represents an important first-line organism response to newly introduced or changing environmental constraints. Knowledge about structural responses to environmental stressors could thus be an essential measure to predict species and ecosystem responses to a world in change. In this study, we combined morphometric analyses with environmental modelling to identify direct shape responses of the predatory gastropod Nucella lapillus to large-scale variability in sea surface temperature and the carbonate system. Our models suggest that the state of the carbonate system and, more specifically, the substrate inhibitor ratio ([HCO3−][H+]−1) (SIR) has a dominant effect on the shell shape of this intertidal muricid. Populations in regions with a lower SIR tend to form narrower shells with a higher spire to body whorl ratio, whereas populations in areas with a higher SIR form wider shells with a much lower spire to body whorl ratio. These results indicate that a widespread phenotypic response of N. lapillus to continuing ocean acidification can be expected, potentially altering the phenotypic response pattern to predator or wave exposure regimes with profound implications for North Atlantic rocky shore communities.

J. Guy, M. Peters

مجید طامه

Introduction One of the most important tools for studying the history and culture of any nation or tribe is to recognize the language and linguistic materials of that nation. Linguistic data can be divided into written and unwritten or oral. The amount of written data has constantly fluctuated in different historical periods for various reasons, and it is sometimes much and sometimes very little. Unwritten linguistic data, although much more than written data, do not receive much especial attention because they are not written down. For the unwritten linguistic data, we can mention songs, poems, proverbs, stories and in general what is related to oral literature. Place names or geographical names are other linguistic data that are often unwritten and usually older than others. Apart from being historically and culturally valuable, these place names can also be considered in linguistic studies, and by examining them, various information from different linguistic and non-linguistic aspects can be obtained. The science that examines place names from a historical, geographical, and especially linguistic point of view is called toponymy. The study of toponyms is important since it can provide valuable information in recognizing the anthropological and cultural characteristics of ethnic groups and it can also explain the role of social, geographical, ethnic, political, religious, etc. observations in naming places.  In general, there are three main characteristics in any toponym or geographical name: 1) geographical location, 2) historical background, 3) linguistic structure and concept. Thus, toponymy interacts with other sciences such as geography, history, archeology, linguistics and anthropology. In general, based on the type and species, the place names are divided into the following categories: 1) oykonyms or place names that refer to residential areas. 2) hydronyms or place names that are used to name geographical features related to water, such as rud ‘river’, čašme ‘spring’, daryâ ‘sea’, etc.  3) uronyms or place names that are used to name the elevation of the earth, such as kuh ‘mountain’, tappe ‘hill’, dašt ‘plain’, etc. (Refahi Alamdari, 2015, p. 98; Ahdian and Bakhtiari, 2009, p. 185).   Methodology In the study of languages and dialects, place names are of special importance, because these names are usually taken from the local languages of the same region and are part of the spiritual and cultural heritage of the people living in those areas. Undoubtedly, their scientific study, in addition to their linguistic value, is very effective in recognizing the historical identity of the ethnic groups living in those areas and in understanding the way of thinking and view of the people who coined and used these names. Most of the toponyms are oykonyms or the names of residential areas. Some researches have been published about oykonyms so far, but most of these studies are dedicated to the etymology and derivation of these words and the basic words seen in the complex oykonyms structure have been less studied. In this article, it is tried to study and analyze similar basic words in oykonyms which are related to nature and natural phenomena. Certainly, the analysis of common words in oykonyms is as valuable as the study of affixes and topoformants used in these words, but so far they have not been properly studied. So far, no independent work on the subject of this article, i.e., words related to nature and natural phenomena in Iranian oykonyms, has been published.   Discussion From the very beginning of creation, man has been in close contact with nature and its phenomena and components, and this deep connection and the impact that nature has on human life, and sometimes it is beyond his understanding, has led him to sanctify some components of nature. This sacredness is mainly focused on the sky and what is happening in it on the one hand, and on the other hand it is concentrated on the earth and its related issues. The earth and its natural features were also sacred in the human mind, and sometimes the inaccessible or lesser-known parts of the earth were known as the place of the gods. From the beginning, these attributes led to the use of the words related to heaven and earth in naming new places where human beings lived. Although the earth and the sky did not have that initial sanctity in the human mind, because human life was completely dependent on them, the use of the words of these two areas in new names continued and is still common today. In Zoroastrianism, the sky is the first tangible creature of Ohrmazd. In most Zoroastrian texts it is stated that the sky is made of stone, but due to the brightness of the sky, it is also said it was made of metal. The sky was mostly considered to have four bases or divisions, as follows: the star, the moon, the sun, and the infinite light bases. Of course, under the influence of Babylonian astronomy, Zoroastrians have sometimes considered seven levels for the sky (Tafazzoli, 2004, p. 365). In the Islamic era, the sky has been considered as a kind of sanctity and in some verses of the Quran, the sky has been used to mean the spiritual world and the kingdom of heaven (Mojtahed Shabestari, 1995,p. 363). The most important feature of the earth attracted human attention is its fertility, which is why it is sanctified in human thought. In Zoroastrianism, the earth was divided into seven parts or countries and apparently had three floors. Also, in various parts of Bundahiš, various topics have been mentioned about the creation of the earth, mountains and rivers and their duties (Afifi, 2004, p. 545-547). In naming modern Iranian oykonyms, both the name of the sky and the names of the objects and phenomena seen in the sky have been used, as well as the name of the earth and the natural features on it. Of course, the use of words related to earth is much more common in oykonyms. This kind of naming has a long history, and it should not be considered as a new topic. In ancient Iran, naming places with the names of words related to nature was common, but because we do not have many texts, we have little evidence in this regard. In the Zoroastrian beliefs of ancient Iran, nature and its components were sacred and were under the protection of God. Naturally, such beliefs could influence the naming of their places of residence. Unfortunately, due to the shortage of written materials from ancient Iran, this can not be sufficiently and thoroughly studied, but the few oykonyms left in the written sources, both primary and secondary, show that such names were common in ancient Iran. Unfortunately, in the surviving texts from ancient Iran, there are very few oykonyms in which the words related to the sky are used. Meanwhile, the name of the sky has no evidence in the oykonyms, but there is evidence of the name of celestial bodies. One of the oykonyms in which the name of one of the celestial bodies is mentioned is the word pātišuvari- ‘the people of Pātišuvar’. The oykonym Pātišuvar is composed of the two components pātiš ‘towards, in front of’ and uvar- ‘sun’ and on the whole it means ‘lying towards the sun’ (Tavernier, 2007, p. 29). Apparently, the place name Padišxwārgar in the Sassanid era is a remnant of this form of Old Persian (Schmitt, 2014: 233). In modern Iranian oykonyms, the use of words related to the field of nature is quite common, but even today, words related to land and natural features on it have a higher frequency in making toponyms. These words are used both in derivation and in combination with topoformants in Iranian oykonyms. This research examined the oykonyms made with words related to nature in two parts: words related to the sky, celestial bodies and phenomena, and words related to the earth and natural features on it.    Conclusion In Iranian oykonyms, both complex and derivative, there are common basic words that can be divided into different categories. Among the common basic words in Iranian oykonyms, we can mention the words of the field of nature. The use of the natural words in toponyms have a long history, and it can generally be classified into two areas: sky and earth. The frequency and use of these words in oykonyms are different and in addition to Persian words, they also include words from local languages. These words are used in different ways in oykonyms and different features are seen in their construction. One of the interesting features in these oykonyms is the accompanying of two words from the field of nature next to each other, which sometimes may even belong to two different languages in Iran. For example, in the oykonym Âsmân-Bulâghi, the word Âsmân ‘sky’, which is a Persian word related to the field of the sky, is accompanied by the word Bulâghi ‘spring’, which is a Turkish word from the field of words related to the earth. In general, words related to the two fields of sky and earth are morphologically associated with a lot of names, adjectives, and numbers, and semantically with different categories, and can form a single oykonym.

Emu‐Felicitas Ostermann‐Miyashita, Nadja Pernat, Hannes J. König

Abstract Although biodiversity conservation is a prioritized topic globally, agreements and regulations at multiple levels often fail to meet the desired effects due to insufficient knowledge transmission about and tolerance toward environmental protection measures among the public. To find effective measures to solve human–wildlife conflicts (HWCs) and promote a sustainable coexistence, it is essential to gain the public's understanding of the importance of preserving biodiversity. To spur progress in solution‐oriented conservation science, we examine how citizen science (CS) can complement research in the HWC field and coexistence/mitigation strategies. We find that CS (1) is an effective tool for gathering wildlife data and (2) empowers citizens to participate in or drive (in a bottom‐up manner) wildlife research and management. Each HWC has a unique social, economic, and geographical context, which makes it challenging to find appropriate mitigation measures. We developed a Global and Local Geographic (GLG) model that provides practical guidelines for implementing CS in HWC research. We argue that the inclusion of youth is fundamental to achieving coexistence between people and wildlife; thus integrating CS into formal education or including an educational component in CS projects can support the sustainable conservation of wildlife species and foster environmentally aware future generations.

Haaris Siddiqi

Photo by Sébastien Goldberg on Unsplash ABSTRACT Rohingya women face challenges that ought to be acknowledged and addressed to ensure that when they seek health care, they can act autonomously and decide freely among available options. Self-determination theory offers valuable insight into supporting these women within their unique situations. INTRODUCTION In August of 2017, military and paramilitary forces in Myanmar began purging the Rohingya Muslim population from the country, motivated by anti-Muslim prejudice of the Buddhist political and social majority. Mass murder, property destruction, kidnapping, torture, and sexual violence still affect Rohingya communities. As a result, more than a million individuals have fled Myanmar.[1] As of February 2021, approximately 880,000 Rohingya Muslims have taken refuge in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, the site of the largest refugee camps in the world.[2] The public health focus in these camps is on treatment of physical ailments and infectious diseases.[3] While women of reproductive age and adolescent girls experience the highest level of violence among Rohingya communities in both Myanmar and Bangladesh, they have consistently lacked access to sufficient sexual and reproductive care. In 1994, the Women’s Commission for Refugee Women and Children exposed issues surrounding the sexual and reproductive health of displaced populations and propelled the recognition of SRH as a human right.[4] Human rights interventionists and public health officials have made progress in the integration of sexual and reproductive health education, facilities, and resources into refugee camps in Cox’s Bazar. This includes the introduction of menstrual cleanliness facilities and educational conversations. However, Rohingya women and male cultural leaders, or gatekeepers, remain reluctant to accept these resources and education.[5] The prevalence of gender-based violence against women and restrictive policies enforced by the Bangladesh government heighten the barriers to the effective introduction of sexual and reproductive health resources and services.[6]  A wealth of literature has pushed for the extension of clinical duties of beneficence and non-maleficence in the diagnosis and treatment of refugee and asylum-seeking communities.[7] Additionally, extensive research on Rohingya refugee communities has searched for ways to work around the complex social history and to accommodate power structures by integrating gatekeepers into SRH discussions.[8] However, as interventions have sought to overcome cultural and religious barriers, they have largely overlooked the protection of autonomy of sexual and reproductive health patients in Cox’s Bazar. This paper argues two points. First, attempts at improving outcomes in Cox’s Bazar ought to lead to Rohingya women’s autonomy and self-determination, both in mitigating control of male leaders over sexual and reproductive decisions and in ensuring the understanding and informed consent between patients and providers. Second, policy decisions ought to ensure post-treatment comprehensive care to shield Rohingya women from retribution by male community members. Self-determination theory offers guidance for state leaders and healthcare providers in pursuing these goals. l.     Barriers to Sexual and Reproductive Health Services for Rohingya Women As part of its anti-Muslim narrative, the Buddhist majority has painted Rohingya women as hyper-reproductive. False narratives “of a Rohingya plan to spread Islam by driving demographic shifts” and accusations against Rohingya women for having “unusually large families” have motivated violent behavior and discriminatory regulations against Rohingya communities.[9] In reality, demographic data shows that “the Rohingya population has remained stable at 4% since 1980.”[10] In 2013, the government of Myanmar imposed regulations on Rohingya families in the Rakhine state, the region with the highest population of Rohingya Muslims, enforcing a two-child limit and requiring that Rohingya women obtain government authorization to marry and take a pregnancy test before receiving such permission. The majority has also subjected Rohingya females to acts of sexual violence to ostracize them and “dilute” Rohingya identity.[11] As a result, Rohingya women in Cox’s Bazar experience unique illnesses and vulnerabilities requiring imminent treatment. Due to national policies in Bangladesh, “Rohingya [women] cannot receive HIV/AIDS testing and treatment in camps; birth control implants delivered by midwives; and comprehensive abortion care.”[12] Additionally, in accordance with patriarchal Rohingya community structure, male gatekeepers hold high authority over sexual and reproductive decisions of women, evidenced by the persistence of gender-based violence within refugee camps and traditional practices such as the marriage of minor girls to older Rohingya men.[13] Surveys of community members reveal that cultural and religious stigma against sexual and reproductive health care exists among these male gatekeepers as well as Rohingya women.[14] Due to their cultural and political position, Rohingya women are subject to unique power relations. This paper analyzes the ethical dilemmas that arise from two of those power relations: Rohingya women’s relationships with male gatekeepers and their relationships with interventionist healthcare providers. ll.     Ethics of Including Male Community Members in Decisions Affecting Women’s Healthcare Autonomy A November 2019 survey of Rohingya women in Cox’s Bazar that had married or given birth within the past two years found that “around one half of the female Rohingya refugees do not use contraceptives, mainly because of their husbands’ disapproval and their religious beliefs.”[15] There are widespread misconceptions such as the belief that Islam does not permit the use of contraceptives.[16] The existence of such misconceptions and the power husbands and male leaders hold over the delivery of treatment creates dilemmas for healthcare practitioners in conforming to ethical principles of care. lll.     Beneficence in Providing Care to Refugees While public health scholars and government officials hold divided opinions on the level of treatment required to fulfill refugees’ right to sexual and reproductive health care, most support enough care to ensure physical and psychological well-being.[17] Beneficence requires that healthcare providers and states “protect the rights of others[,] prevent harm from occurring to others[, and] remove conditions that will cause harm to others.”[18] Under the principle of beneficence, there is a duty to provide sexual and reproductive treatment to Rohingya women in Cox’s Bazar that is comparable to that received by citizens of the host state. In addition, the ethical principle of nonmaleficence may call for the creation of specialized care facilities for refugee communities, because a lack of response to refugees’ vulnerability and psychological trauma has the potential to generate additional harm.[19] In response to gendered power relations among the Rohingya community, husbands and male leaders are included in decisions surrounding maternal health and sexual and reproductive care for women. For example, healthcare professionals “have been found to impose conditions on SRH [sexual reproductive health] care that are not stated in the national… [menstrual regulation] guidelines, such as having a husband’s permission.”[20] The refugee healthcare community could do more to mitigate the potential of retribution taken by male community members against women that accept care by dispelling common misconceptions and precluding male community members from influencing female reproductive choices.[21] However, some current practices allow the infiltration of male community leaders and husbands into the diagnosis, decision-making, and treatment spaces. Deferring decisions to male leaders for the sake of expediency risks conditioning women’s access to care on male buy-in and diminishes Rohingya women’s autonomy over their sexual and reproductive health. lV.     Male Influence and Female Autonomy Ensuring patients control their own treatment decisions is an essential component of the ethical obligation of healthcare professionals to respect patients’ autonomy. While patients can exercise their autonomy to accept the direction of the community, their autonomy is undermined when “external sources or internal states… rob [such persons]… of self-directedness.”[22] Sexual and reproductive health research on Rohingya women revealed that the presence of male family members during conversations “made female respondents uncomfortable to speak openly about their SRH [sexual and reproductive health]related experiences.”[23] The same study found that when male family members were absent, Rohingya women were more transparent and willing to discuss such topics.[24] These findings indicate that the mere presence of male family members exerts control over Rohingya women in conversations with practitioners. Male involvement also stalls conversations between providers and Rohingya women which may harm the achievement of understanding and informed consent in diagnosis and treatment spaces.[25] Women do have the option of bringing their male community leaders and family members into sexual health discussions. Yet healthcare providers ought to monitor patients individually and avoid programmatic decision making regarding male involvement in the treatment space. While it is the ethical imperative of health interventionists and the state of Bangladesh to fulfill the duties of care required by the principles of beneficence and non-maleficence, the sole prioritization of expanding sexual and reproductive health care in Cox’s Bazar risks ignoring autonomy. V.     Ethics of Paternalism in Provide-Patient Relations Rohingya women’s negative beliefs about contraceptives, such as the belief that they cause irreversible sterilization, are the second largest factor inhibiting their use.[26] To an extent, the Rohingya are justified in their skepticism. Prior to the 1990’s, Bangladesh used nonconsensual sterilization as a mechanism of population control to attain access to international aid. Though the international conversation surrounding reproduction shifted its focus towards reproductive rights following the 1994 UN International Conference on Population and Development, delivery of reproductive care in the global South is frequently characterized by lack of transparency and insufficient patient understanding of the risks and consequences of treatment. Additionally, women’s lack of control impacts follow-up care and long-term contraception. For example, when women seek the removal of implantable contraceptives, healthcare professionals often refuse to perform the requisite operation.[27] Patients must understand the risks of treatment in their own culture and circumstances where societal views, misconceptions, or fears may influence healthcare practices. Healthcare providers need to recognize the coercive potential they hold in their relations with patients and guard against breaches of patient autonomy in the delivery of treatment. In accordance with the principle of beneficence, healthcare providers treating refugees or individuals seeking asylum ought to abide by the same fiduciary responsibilities they hold toward citizens of the host state.[28] When patients show hesitancy or refusal toward treatment, healthcare providers ought to avoid achieving treatment by paternalistic practice such as “deception, lying, manipulation of information, nondisclosure of information, or coercion.”[29] Although well-intentioned, this practice undermines the providers’ obligation to respect patients’ autonomy.[30] The hesitancy of Rohingya women to accept some sexual or reproductive health care does not justify intentional lack of transparency, even when that treatment furthers their best health interests. However, paternalistic actions may be permissible and justified during medical emergencies.[31] Vl.     Informed Consent Respecting Rohingya women’s autonomy also places affirmative duties on healthcare providers to satisfy understanding and informed consent. However, language barriers and healthcare providers’ misconceptions about Rohingya religion and culture impede the achievement of these core conditions of autonomy for Rohingya women.[32] In an interview, a paramedic in Cox’s Bazar described the types of conversations healthcare providers have with Rohingya women in convincing them to accept menstrual regulation treatment, a method to ensure that someone is not pregnant after a missed period: “We tell them [menstrual regulation] is not a sin… If you have another baby now, you will get bad impact on your health. You cannot give your children enough care. So, take MR [menstrual regulation] and care for your family.”[33] This message, like others conveyed to Rohingya women in counseling settings, carries unvalidated assumptions regarding the beliefs, needs, and desires of clients without making a proper attempt to confirm the truth of those assumptions. Healthcare providers’ lack of cultural competence and limited understanding of Bangladesh’s national reproductive health policy complicates communication with Rohingya women. Additionally, the use of simple language, though recommended by the WHO’s guideline on Bangladesh’s policy, is inadequate to sufficiently convey the risks and benefits of menstrual regulation and other treatments to Rohingya women.[34] For informed consent to be achieved, “the patient must have the capacity to be able to understand and assess the information given, communicate their choices and understand the consequences of their decision.”[35] Healthcare providers must convey sufficient information regarding the risks, benefits, and alternatives of treatment as well as the risks and benefits of  forgoing treatment.[36] Sexual and reproductive health policies and practices must aim to simultaneously mitigate paternalism, promote voluntary and informed choice among Rohingya women, and foster cultural and political competency among healthcare providers. Vll.     Self-Determination Theory Self-determination theory is a psychological model that focuses on types of natural motivation and argues for the fulfillment of three conditions shown to enhance self-motivation and well-being: autonomy, competence, and relatedness.[37] According to the theory, autonomy is “the perception of being the origin of one’s own behavior and experiencing volition in action;” competence is “the feeling of being effective in producing desired outcomes and exercising one’s capacities;” and, relatedness is “the feeling of being respected, understood, and cared for by others.”[38] Bioethicists have applied self-determination theory to health care to align the promotion of patient autonomy with traditional goals of enhancing patient well-being. Studies on the satisfaction of these conditions in healthcare contexts indicate that their fulfillment promotes better health outcomes in patients.[39] Like principlism, self-determination theory in Cox’s Bazar could allow for increased autonomy while maximizing the well-being of Rohingya women and behaving with beneficence Fostering self-determination requires that healthcare professionals provide patients with the opportunity and means of voicing their goals and concerns, convey all relevant information regarding treatment, and mitigate external sources of control where possible.[40] In Cox’s Bazar, health care organizations in the region and the international community can act to ensure women seeking health care are respected and able to act independently. A patient-centered care model would provide guidelines for the refugee setting.[41] Providers can maximize autonomy by utilizing language services to give SRH patients the opportunity and means to voice their goals and concerns, disclose sufficient information about risks, benefits, and alternatives to each procedure, and give rationales for each potential decision rather than prescribe a decision. They can promote the feeling of competence among patients by expressly notifying them of the level of reversibility of each treatment, introducing measures for health improvement, and outlining patients’ progress in their SRH health. Finally, they can promote relatedness by providing active listening cues and adopting an empathetic, rather than condescending, stance.[42] Healthcare organizations ought to provide training to promote cultural competency and ensure that practitioners are well-versed on national regulations regarding sexual reproductive health care in Bangladesh to avoid the presumption of patients’ desires and the addition of unnecessary barriers to care. Increased treatment options would make autonomy more valuable as women would have more care choices. Given the historical deference to international organizations like the UN and World Bank, multilateral and organizational intervention would likely bolster the expansion of treatment options.  International organizations and donors ought to work with the government of Bangladesh to offer post-treatment comprehensive care and protection of women who choose treatment against the wishes of male community members to avoid continued backlash and foster relatedness.[43] CONCLUSION Rohingya women in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh face unique power relations that ought to be acknowledged and addressed to ensure that when they seek health care, they are able to act autonomously and decide freely among available options. While providers have duties under the principles of beneficence and non-maleficence, patient well-being is hindered when these duties are used to trump the obligation to respect patient autonomy. Current approaches to achieving sexual and reproductive health risk the imposition of provider and communal control. Self-determination theory offers avenues for global organizations, Bangladesh, donors, and healthcare providers to protect Rohingya women’s autonomous choices, while maximizing their well-being and minimizing harm. DISCLAIMER: As a male educated and brought up in a Western setting, I acknowledge my limitations in judgement about Rohingya women’s reproductive care. Their vulnerability and health risks can never be completely understood. To some extent, those limitations informed my theoretical approach and evaluation of Rohingya women's SRH care. Self-determination theory places the patients’ experiences and judgement at the center of decision-making. 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