This article analyzes the evolution of institutional reforms in the public administration system of the Republic of Armenia since its independence in 1991. In this context, it is taken into account that only the state is able to ensure the co-evolution of management technologies to achieve global goals and strategic objectives of the development of Armenian society. Technological dominants of political transformations, social and economic development require appropriate management adaptation, which is the focus of this study is the correct development and application of the functionality of decision support systems. Therefore, this study considers four stages of reforms: 1) Initial institutional creation from 1991 to 1999; 2) Formalization and adoption of Western governance models from 2000 to 2008; 3) European integration and administrative modernization from 2009 to 2017; 4) Political transformation accompanied by renewed administrative reforms since 2018. These reforms reflect a complex interplay of historical legacies, external influences, and internal aspirations for public administration modernization. Issues such as institutional inertia, limited localization of imported models, and political resistance are assessed in detail. In addition, the article compares these historical reforms with Armenia’s long-term goals outlined in the Public Administration Reform Strategy of the Republic of Armenia until 2030, emphasizing the transition from imitation reforms to sustainable institutional transformation.
Political science (General), Political institutions and public administration (General)
Gustavo Fornari Dall’Agnol, Graciele De Conti Pagliari
El objetivo de este artículo es obtener una visión sobre el papel de Brasil en un escenario multipolar desequilibrado. Para lograr este objetivo, se presentan los principales conceptos y supuestos del neorrealismo y el neorrealismo ofensivo. Se argumenta que la estrategia óptima para Brasil en este momento es perseguir un balance interno para mejorar su posición de negociación entre las grandes potencias y competidores similares. En este sentido, el artículo es normativo, aunque sus recomendaciones se derivan de los imperativos del sistema, como las vulnerabilidades de las alianzas en un mundo multipolar. Estados Unidos está involucrado en áreas clave en Asia y Europa, lo que crea un margen de maniobrabilidad en América Latina, históricamente una zona de influencia para Estados Unidos. Además, Brasil debe fortalecer su poder material, ya que es un país de considerable riqueza y tamaño, y, por lo tanto, de interés para las grandes potencias. Para lograr una posición de negociación sólida, deben abordarse problemas estructurales como el gasto en defensa y la inversión. Concluimos que, independientemente de si Brasil “elige un lado” o mantiene una posición neutral, el balance interno es necesario para alcanzar sus objetivos.
Matheus Eurico Soares de Noronha, Cristina Doritta Rodrigues, Claudio Mello
et al.
Objetivo: Diagnosticar como as aceleradoras colaboram para o desenvolvimento de competências internacionais em startups e verificar quais as principais competências internacionais digitais e empreendedoras desenvolvidas no ambiente de aceleração de startups.
Método: A abordagem é qualitativa. O método utilizado é a análise de conteúdo. Os dados foram coletados com gestores de aceleradoras de startups das regiões de São Paulo (SP) e Vitória (ES).
Principais resultados: Os resultados mostram que as aceleradoras desenvolvem competências digitais internacionais e de Born Globals em startups. Observa-se que determinadas competências são mais refinadas que outras no processo de aceleração e estão concomitantemente ligadas aos pilares das aceleradoras.
Relevância/originalidade: Traz três novas categorias emergentes para a literatura sobre startups: Contratos, Finanças e Big Data/Data Science.
Contribuições teóricas: As aceleradoras de negócios são agentes antecessores ao processo de desenvolvimento de competências e capacidades internacionais, e seu papel no ecossistema de inovação é promover a inovação estratégica e o conhecimento organizacional.
Contribuições para a gestão: Apresentam-se conhecimentos e competências necessárias para que uma empresa em fase inicial possa explorar mercados globais.
O presente artigo busca analisar quais foram os graus de mudança percebidos na política externa da Arábia Saudita nas suas relações com China e Estados Unidos. Para a realização desta análise, utilizamos os conceitos cunhados por Charles Hermann (1990), que explicam as alterações em política externa de um país a partir de quatro graus de mudança e quatro fontes geradoras destas mudanças. Não obstante, a utilização de livros, artigos, notícias e documentos oficiais dos governos foram essenciais para o desenvolvimento deste trabalho. Assim, argumentamos que há um gradual deslocamento dos Estados Unidos para a China como parceiro prioritário do referido país a partir de 2010, tendência esta acelerada pelos choques externos, como a Primavera Árabe, a queda nos preços internacionais do petróleo e o afastamento dos Estados Unidos do Oriente Médio, e pela ascensão de Mohammed bin Salman ao poder executivo do Reino. Tal deslocamento está associado ao aumento na intensidade e à alteração dos meios pelos quais o país se relaciona com a China. Entretanto, reforçamos que esta tendência não significa um abandono, pela Arábia Saudita, de sua histórica relação com os Estados Unidos.
Palavras-chave: Arábia Saudita; Política Externa; Hermann.
ABSTRACT
The aim of this research is to analyze the levels of changes identified in Saudi Arabia's foreign policy in its relations with China and the United States. To carry out this analysis, we used the concepts formulated by Charles Hermann (1990) about levels and sources of change in a country's foreign policy. Nevertheless, the use of books, articles, news and official government documents were essential for the development of this article. Hence, we argue that there is a gradual shift from the United States to China as a priority partner of Saudi Arabia since 2010, a trend that has been accelerated by external shocks from the International System, such as the Arab Spring, the fall of the international oil prices and the United States withdraw from the Middle East politics and by the rise of Mohammed bin Salman to the executive power. Such a shift is associated with an increase in intensity and a change in the means by which the country relates to China. Notwithstanding, this trend does not mean that Saudi Arabia abandoned its historic relationship with the United States.
Keywords: Saudi Arabia; Foreign Policy; Hermann.
Recebido em: 28 abr. 2021 | Aceito em: 30 set. 2021.
International relations, Social sciences (General)
The article examines the approach of Turkey and the leadership of the North Atlantic Alliance to the problem of noticeably deteriorating relations between them. The process of «undocking» Ankara’s partnership with NATO has been gaining momentum over the past four years, despite the generally friendly relationship between Turkish leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan and US President Donald Trump. With the exception of the deal between Turkey and Russia for the supply of the S-400 air defense system, which was sharply criticized by the alliance and primarily the United States, the range of other controversial issues mainly concerned relations between Ankara and the EU countries. D. Trump often used the tension between Ankara and Brussels in pursuing his line («America first») in relations with the EU countries. This could not but weaken the partnership between NATO members as a whole. The author concludes that the June 2021 summit of the alliance, at which the United States was represented by President Joe Biden, marked the beginning of the process of overcoming the differences between Turkey and its NATO allies. The most important impetus in this regard is the renewed concept of the alliance, which defines Russia as an «immediate threat». And this requires the consolidation of NATO ranks through overcoming internal differences. And above all with Turkey. In the first part of the article, the author analyzed the features of relations between Turkey and the United States, as well as Turkey and the European Union during the presidency of D. Trump. The second part will examine relations in the Turkey – US – EU triangle in the new international environment under the influence of the Joe Biden administration.
Las próximas elecciones para el Parlamento Europeo (PE) no serán un evento trascendente ni fatal. Pero la campaña electoral está sacando a la luz un costado oscuro de la presente evolución de los partidos.
No serán trascendentes en la historia de la integración ya que las políticas más controvertidas de la Unión de hoy, tal como aquellas para gobernar el euro o para encarar la crisis económica, desde los “presupuestos equilibrados” hasta las “reformas estructurales”, no prevén la participación de la cámara.
The reference to history in the context of Russia’s foreign policy is considered as an appeal to the quasi-transcendence, whereby an ideal dimension is added to the practical (political, economic) aspects of international relations. It is noted that only in the 2010s Russian diplomacy began to pay special attention to such «symbolic games», designed to provide the moral basis for foreign policy through reference to the historical role that Russia plays on the international arena. This, in turn, leads to the dominance of performative practices, rather than to the building of dialogue spaces. In practice, the politicization of historical memory is conducted in two ways: inclusion in foreign policy discourse and by various symbolic practices of addressing to the common past during official visits. The author suggests distinguishing actual memory places and symbolic gestures aimed at their actualization. Russian-Bulgarian relations are characterized by asymmetry in the spaces of shared memory, memory places are mainly localized in Bulgaria. We outline main practices of turning places of memory into the common spaces of memory, but interpretations of these symbolic gestures in Russia and Bulgaria are structured by different national historical narratives. The memory of the Russian-Turkish war of 1877-1878 and the liberation of Bulgaria during the WWII are assigned greater importance in Bulgaria than in Russia. This asymmetry leads to the fact that a significant work of the Bulgarian authorities, Bulgarian and Russian public organizations on the arrangement of places of memory and setting up new memorials is invisible in Russia, while Russian foreign policy discourse is dominated by the emphasis on negative aspects (for example, actions of individual vandals to destroy the monument of the Soviet Army in Sofia). This deprives the ongoing work in the field of symbolic support and at the same time forms a myth of «Bulgarian ingratitude». The most striking example is the scandal during the 140-year celebration of the liberation of Bulgaria in March 2018, which is based on a different understanding of how the achievements of the Imperial period should be interpreted today.
Кaзaхстaнско-китaйские отношения хaрaктеризует долгосрочное «всестороннее стрaтегическое пaртнерство». Отношения Кaзaхстaнa с КНР строятся по принципу: «Китaй – добрый сосед и вaжный пaртнер». Это позволяет нaшей стрaне выстрaивaть стaбильные и бесконфликтные двусторонние связи с Китaем нa основе всесторонних соглaшений – более шестидесяти договоров имеют межгосудaрственное знaчение. Проектное, технологическое, инвестиционное и иное сотрудничество осуществляется нa основе прогрaммных стрaтегий и концепций «Нұрлы жол» и «Экономического поясa Шелкового пути». «Нұрлы жол» соглaсуется с концепцией «Один пояс и один путь». Кaзaхстaн и стрaны ЦA окaзывaются в эпицентре реaлизaции этого мегaпроетa. Рaзвитие трaнспортных коммуникaций в отношениях с Китaем зaявлено приоритетной сферой.
International relations, Comparative law. International uniform law
After obtaining independence the republics of Central Asia faced with difficulties of regional security maintenance. The first threat to regional security comes from political instability in the Caucasus, the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region of China, Afghanistan, the Middle and Near East. The second dangerous factor is a terrorist activity in the Central Asia accompanied by growth of various offices and funds of Islamist orientation in the Central Asia. With these factors in mind, the author considers possible methods of combating terrorists in different countries of the Central Asia.
“National minorities in Croatia - the (un)solved problem?” – Conference Report
The conference “National minorities in Croatia – the (un)solved problem?”, that took place in Warsaw, 23.01.2014, was organized by the Association of Young Diplomats (student research circle) at the University of Warsaw. Invitations to participate in the discussion were accepted by Ivana Škaričić, Dr. Maciej Falski Dr. Marko Babić. The guests focused on the cause-effect relationship of historical events and the contemporary situation in Croatia, as well as on relations between Croats and representatives of national minorities in the country. Introduction - presentation of the legal regulations, figures and description of the situation in the Croatian War of Independence - became the basis for discussion of the most controversial issues, concerning the Serb minority. The guest speakers discussed the appropriateness of introducing bilingualism (problem of Vukovar and the wider perspective) and the purpose and possibility of organizing a referendum on the issue. Experts analyzed the possible implications of such an action on the rise of nationalism. Attention was also concentrated on other minorities in Croatia and their status. An important subject was the influence of the situation in the country on the region, as well as the reactions of the international community, including the European Union.
Relacja z konferencji „Mniejszości narodowe w Chorwacji – problem (nie)rozwiązany?”
Konferencja „Mniejszości narodowe w Chorwacji – problem (nie)rozwiązany?”, która odbyła się 23.01.2014 roku w Warszawie, zorganizowana została przez Koło Młodych Dyplomatów Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego. Zaproszeni goście - Ivana Škaričić, Maciej Falski i Marko Babić - skoncentrowali się na wpływie wydarzeń historycznych i współczesnych na sytuację w Chorwacji oraz relacje Chorwatów z przedstawicielami mniejszości narodowych tego kraju. Wprowadzenie do tematu - przedstawienie obowiązujących regulacji prawnych, danych liczbowych oraz opis sytuacji po wojnie ojczyźnianej - stało się podstawą do dyskusji na temat najbardziej kontrowersyjny, dotyczący kwestii mniejszości serbskiej. Dyskutowano zasadność wprowadzenia dwujęzyczności (problem Vukovaru) oraz cel i możliwość organizacji referendum w tej sprawie. Poruszono temat możliwych implikacji takich działań jak pobudzanie nacjonalizmu. Uwaga gości została poświęcona również mniejszościom w Chorwacji i ich statusowi. Przedyskutowano zarówno wpływ sytuacji w tym kraju na państwa regionu, jak i reakcje międzynarodowej opinii publicznej, w tym Unii Europejskiej.
The fundamental difference between a traditional economy and geoecological economy is discussed in the article. The deeper the economy is being introduced into the ecosystem, the stronger it will be pressure on it that is outside the ecosystem, the more destructive is this incompatibility. It is concluded that the geoecological sustainable economy requires that the laws of geoecology became the basis of economic policy. Rational nature-use is impossible without an understanding of the unity of society and nature, their historical development of mutual. Our challenge is to create a new economy, acting on geoecological laws, this task is quite feasible, but if we can make the market called the true price of goods and services, that is taking into account the ecosystem services. The article shows that humanity is now faced with two interrelated problems: First - this is a problem of rational use of geoecosystem services, including natural resources, and secondly - the problem of environmental protection of pollution and save geoecosystem services, that is there are two "sides of the coin" - geoecological and resource. The relationship of the concept of rational nature-use, developed by Soviet scientists in the mid-twentieth century, and the concept of sustainable development, suggested by Western scientists is studied. It is shown that sustainable development - this is more a slogan than a scientific concept, which is unlikely to be implemented at the local level. At the same time, the concept of rational nature-use is feasible in regions or individual countries. At the same time, it is concluded that there is no sense to abandon the idea of sustainable development, as it is in itself a very humane, has received wide international recognition, does not carry negative consequences, but you should always keep in mind that essentially - we are not talking about sustainable development but about rational nature-use in a given area of the globe. The examples of indicators of sustainable development are given in the article.