Олександр Сирський, Андрій Лебеденко, Олег Семененко
The contemporary war launched by the russian federation against Ukraine demonstrates a fundamental change in the nature of armed confrontation. This conflict is gradually moving beyond classical conceptions of war as a set of active combat actions, frontline clashes, and rapid operations. Instead, Ukraine has encountered a phenomenon that exhibits all the features of a so-called “war of attrition” – a protracted, gradual, fragmented yet systemic confrontation that causes destructive impact not only on the frontline but also in the rear, in the information space, economy, energy sector, international diplomacy, and in the public consciousness. Therefore, the main aim of the article is to explore “war of attrition” as a phenomenon and to introduce this concept into scientific, strategic, and public discourse, as it reflects the new realities of Ukraine’s military experience that no longer fit within traditional frameworks. The main results of the article are as follows: an analysis of the military confrontation in the context of the russian-Ukrainian war is conducted in order to examine the phenomenon of a slow, incremental advance that lacks a clearly defined frontline breakthrough but is instead characterised by months-long pressure and attrition of the enemy; a conceptual and terminological justification and a definition of the philosophical concept of “war of attrition” are provided; the main principles of conducting a “war of attrition” are defined; the main characteristics of “war of attrition” are outlined; the periods of transformation of the russian-Ukrainian war into a “war of attrition” are established; possible projected consequences of “war of attrition” for russia and Ukraine are identified; the system of external and internal factors that may push russia to shift from “war of attrition” to active operations is revealed; numerical indicators of “war of attrition” based on the russian-Ukrainian experience are defined; and the foundations of the Concept of “war of attrition” are elaborated using the russian-Ukrainian conflict as an example. The materials of the article may be useful to military theorists and practitioners involved in developing strategies for contemporary warfare; security and defence analysts studying the transformation of armed conflicts; researchers in the field of the philosophy of war, military history, and international relations; as well as policymakers and military leaders who shape defence policy and military doctrines.
O presente artigo busca investigar os instrumentos políticos com potencial de induzir a uma produção agrícola justa socioambientalmente, a partir dos mecanismos econômicos já existentes no contexto brasileiro. O texto analisa a participação das agências estatais no processo de transformação da agricultura no cenário comparado, com ênfase na experiência do Brasil. Propõe-se também uma problematização sobre a noção de transição agroecológica no direito interno, demonstrando-se que o país adotou uma estratégia flexível para esta transição. A investigação dos atuais instrumentos de apoio ao setor agrícola aponta para uma possibilidade de redirecionamento dos mecanismos econômicos, instigando os atores produtivos a incorporar transformações nos atuais modelos de produção. O redirecionamento do conjunto da política econômica agrícola, dialogando com princípios de justiça socioambiental, parece constituir uma decisão chave para uma transição agroecológica de larga escala no Brasil. O artigo propõe um estudo bibliográfico e documental, com a análise comparativa de políticas públicas.
W 2022 roku Federację Rosyjską dotknęły dwie fale migracji. Pierwsza z nich nastąpiła po inwazji na Ukrainę 22 lutego i nałożeniu na Rosję zachodnich sankcji, zaś druga wywołana została ogłoszeniem częściowej mobilizacji we wrześniu tego samego roku. Spośród państw postradzieckich największa liczba migrantów rosyjski napłynęła do Gruzji, Kazachstanu oraz Armenii. Niektórzy migrujący Rosjanie zamierzają pozostać w kraju przyjmującym na dłużej, dla innych jest to jedynie etap przejściowy przed dalszą emigracją. Niniejszy artykuł analizuje ekonomiczne aspekty rosyjskiej emigracji: przepływ ludzi, kapitału oraz biznesu na nowe rynki, ich wpływ na sektory bankowe oraz wskaźniki makroekonomiczne Gruzji, Kazachstanu i Armenii.
We used data from the OECD’s 2018 Teaching and Learning International Survey (TALIS) to investigate the factors associated with teacher job satisfaction. The database covers more than 250,000 teachers in 15,000 schools across 48 countries. Correlation and regression analyses adjusted for the TALIS sampling design were applied. We found that the most important predictor of teacher job satisfaction is distributed leadership, followed by positive relations between teachers and students. Teacher salary and teacher collaboration are also positively and significantly associated with job satisfaction. By contrast, workload stress is the most important factor associated with teacher dissatisfaction, followed by professional development barriers and disciplinary climate.
This research aims to identify and analyze Japan's interests in the first amendment protocol to the ASEAN – Japan Comprehensive Economic Partnership (AJCEP) agreement using the study of political economy and international diplomacy. Japan's need for natural resources cannot be met alone. Therefore, Japan needs to cooperate with other countries that produce all-natural resources and cheap labor to meet their needs. This Japanese-owned motive invites questions. The method used in this research is a descriptive qualitative method with data collection through a literature study. This study indicates that they have economic and political interests in AJCEP cooperation, but even though Japan is politically and economically superior, ASEAN and Japan continue to work together for Japan's security and politics between Japan and ASEAN.
This paper examines the implementation of the ASEAN Vision 2020 in cooperation on food security. The ASEAN Vision 2020 stated that ASEAN will strengthen their cooperation to enhance food security and international competitiveness of food, agricultural and forest products, to make ASEAN a leading producer of these products, and promote the forestry sector as a model in forest management, conservation and sustainable development. ASEAN had built a well-established framework of cooperation on food security. The establishment of the ASEAN Food Security Information System (AFSIS) was praised as an ASEAN achievement in enhancing the cooperation in food security. Although, compared to the objectives of regional economic cooperation and military security mechanism, the objective in strengthening the cooperation on food security remains less significant within the ASEAN's discussions. The question is then, by conducting numerous frameworks of cooperation, did ASEAN excel to achieve the objectives in ASEAN Vision 2020 in the sphere of food security? This paper argues that ASEAN had successfully delivered some positive achievements in the scope of regional cooperation in food security areas. However, to some extent, some ASEAN state-members are still struggling with problems related to food security, particularly regarding food accessibility. The ASEAN growing market brings about a challenge for food supply and greater pressure for the association to ensure environmental sustainability in the region. Regarding its goals within the scope of ASEAN Vision 2020, the association mostly focused on how to achieve their deeper economic integration. In the area of food security, ASEAN has managed to set up a foundation for further regional cooperation under the framework of the ASEAN Community Vision 2025 and ASEAN Vision 2040.
The article is devoted to Biden Administration Policy in Sub-Saharan Africa during the first half of 2022. This policy is carried out in accordance with a keynote speech “The United States and Africa: Building a 21st Century Partnership” made by Secretary of State Antony Blinken on November 17, 2021 in Abuja, Nigeria. The Secretary identified five spheres of common interest and cooperation – global health, the climate crisis, more stable and inclusive economy, defense of democracy, peace and security. The United States acknowledge a growing role of Africa in the world affairs and use all means at their disposal to preserve and strengthen their positions on the continent. The US “right” to be a global leader remains indisputable. The main enemies, as everywhere, are “authoritarian” China and Russia. The author reviews the US positions and activities in regard to conflict situations in Ethiopia, Mali, Somalia, Democratic Republic of Congo and South Sudan. The meetings and contacts are traced between A. Blinken, his deputies and assistants and African leaders – Chairpersons of African Union and AU Commission, presidents of Angola, Chad, Equatorial Guinea, The Gambia, Malawi, Somalia, Zambia, prime minister of Cote d’Ivoire, foreign ministers of South Africa, Kenia, Nigeria and other countries. The trips of two American delegations are described. One, led by Deputy Secretary of State W. Sherman to South Africa, Angola and Togo (May). The other – “the Department of State economic diplomacy delegation” to Nigeria, Kenia, South Africa and Namibia (February). Some statistics on US – Sub-Saharan Africa trade and investments are provided. The official position concerning the tasks facing Africom is cited.
In connection with the events in Ukraine, the United States launched in Africa a frenzied slanderous campaign against Russia. Despite brutal American pressure, about half of the African states refused to vote for the anti-Russian resolution in the United Nations General Assembly (26 out of 54). The African Union Chairperson M. Sall characterized the position of Africa as “very heterogeneous” and insisted on the cancellation of sanctions. His meeting with V. Putin in Sochi on June 3 showed that the African Union is interested in cooperation with Russia and has no intention to quarrel with it. The author analyses in detail “the Congressional Budget Justification” letter which presents the State Department requests of funds for the US policy in Africa in 2023 Financial Year (1 October 2022 – 30 September 2023). Now principle changes in regard to the size of expenditures or vectors of activities are planned.
History of Africa, Ethnology. Social and cultural anthropology
Thelma Valéria Rocha, Vanessa P. G. Bretas, Márcio Fonseca
et al.
Objective: The objective of the article is to analyse the effects of the Covid-19 pandemic on the Brazilian franchise sector and to identify the main strategies adopted by companies to mitigate the negative impacts of the crisis.
Method: The empirical research, using qualitative exploratory methods, was based on three in-depth interviews with franchising sector stakeholders, in addition to the thematic analysis of six webinars promoted by the ABF from April 15 to 28, 2020.
Findings: Findings show that franchise chains had to rethink their relationships with various stakeholders such as customers, employees, suppliers, and the government. Besides, franchisors developed alternative sales channels such as websites, social networks, among others. Additionally, what sustained those companies during the crisis was their connection with their purpose.
Relevance: This study presents contributions to other companies in a similar situation by exploring the actions taken by the franchise chains during the crisis and identifying the best practices and paths taken.
Contribution: This article contributes to investigations on the effects of the Covid-19 public health crisis in the franchising sector, one of the most relevant economic sectors.
The perspective of development of trade relations between the Russian Federation and the countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations has been considered. The following projects: transport (“Russian Railways” OJSC with Indonesia; PJSC “Gazprom” projects, the South China Sea; “Petros” company projects), as well as the “East Siberia-Pacific Ocean” oil pipeline project have been considered. The import and export of Russia with some of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations countries for today and over the past ten years have been analysed. The prospect of a comprehensive association between Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the Eurasian Economic Union has been proposed. The most substantial and significant moments in maintaining the data of trade relations between countries have been highlighted. The possible reasons for the lack of large-scale and strong ties in some areas of activity between the Russian Federation and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations have been revealed, various options for creating and supporting mutually beneficial trade relations also have been offered.
Every human being strives for a dignified life, which is a basic human right and conscious efforts have been made for so long to work towards achieving equality in Indian society. This struggle has given rise to the concept of inclusiveness which has become an integral part of the development paradigm. To date, the country is fighting for inclusive growth, where gender equality is a prerequisite. The provisions of the Indian Constitution are objective in nature and do not discriminate on the basis of sex. This paper throws light on the efforts of the Indian judiciary to bring the marginalized and excluded sections in the mainstream of Indian society. The paper further discusses the socio-legal aspects of exclusionary and discriminatory practices towards the Transgender community which is the most disadvantaged section of the society and thus makes them socially disabled.
This book seeks to explain why different systems of sovereign states have built different types of fundamental institutions to govern interstate relations. Why, for example, did the ancient Greeks operate a successful system of third-party arbitration, while international society today rests on a combination of international law and multilateral diplomacy? Why did the city-states of Renaissance Italy develop a system of oratorical diplomacy, while the states of absolutist Europe relied on naturalist international law and "old diplomacy"? Conventional explanations of basic institutional practices have difficulty accounting for such variation. Christian Reus-Smit addresses this problem by presenting an alternative, "constructivist" theory of international institutional development, one that emphasizes the relationship between the social identity of the state and the nature and origin of basic institutional practices. Reus-Smit argues that international societies are shaped by deep constitutional structures that are based on prevailing beliefs about the moral purpose of the state, the organizing principle of sovereignty, and the norm of procedural justice. These structures inform the imaginations of institutional architects as they develop and adjust institutional arrangements between states. As he shows with detailed reference to ancient Greece, Renaissance Italy, absolutist Europe, and the modern world, different cultural and historical contexts lead to profoundly different constitutional structures and institutional practices. The first major study of its kind, this book is a significant addition to our theoretical and empirical understanding of international relations, past and present.