This article analyses the international cooperation of the radical right and the role of populism in forging cross-border ties between different political projects. Drawing on the Laclauian-Mouffian poststructuralist discourse theory, it conceptualises this cross-border collaboration as an attempt to build an international counter-hegemonic project and sheds light on its discursive formation and content. Through the discourse analysis of primary textual data drawn from Europe and the United States, it examines how the discourses of the populist radical right construct collective meanings and identities that enable these actors to cooperate with each other and pursue a common political cause. The article demonstrates that this cross-border collaboration has been made possible and promoted by shared – populist, nationalist and reactionary – political logics of articulation that interpellate and construct subjects as members of an endangered and decaying ethnocultural nation who can only restore their identity through the reversal of political, economic and cultural globalisation and the re-assertation of the ‘native people’ against ‘globalists’, ‘foreigners’, ‘immigrants’ and ‘minorities’. While the transatlantic counter-hegemonic coalition-building has ultimately remained limited, Europe’s radical right has successfully broadened its international cooperation and forged a joint counter-hegemonic project that promotes the cultural-racist and supremacist notion of an ‘ethnopluralist Europe of nations’.
This study examines contemporary relations between Croatia and Turkey, focusing on developments since the independence of the Republic of Croatia in 1991. It adopts a historical perspective, recognizing the significance of early interactions between Croats and Turks, although the precise historical context of these encounters remains challenging to ascertain due to limited written records. The analysis is structured into three main chapters, each drawing upon existing literature. Initially, it investigates the interactions between Turkey and Croatia following Croatia’s international recognition process. Special attention is paid to Turkey’s efforts to mediate the Bosniak-Croat conflict during the Bosnian War. Moving into the new millennium, the study examines the evolution of the relationship between Turkey and Croatia following Croatia’s accession to NATO. It explores the internal and external factors that influenced the divergent paths taken by both countries in their negotiations for European Union accession. Finally, the study provides an overview of various aspects of contemporary relations between Croatia and Turkey. Beyond political ties, these encompass growing economic exchanges, cultural collaborations, educational initiatives, as well as cooperation through multilateral platforms, illustrating the multifaceted nature of this bilateral relationship.
This paper discusses the changes that have occurred in the structure of the population of the Republic of Abkhazia under the influence of political acts of leadership of the country at the beginning of the XXI century.
Joint counteraction against international crime by all law enforcement agencies of different countries brings common results in eradicating this phenomenon in the world and reducing the number of crimes in a single state. This is one of the most relevant areas of international cooperation worldwide. That is why the issue of interaction in the field of law enforcement acquires special attention and relevance. That is why special attention is paid to the content of the concept of "interaction" and "interaction of law enforcement agencies". Today there is a significant increase in economic crime, with international transnational crime paying particular attention to economic crimes committed by foreigners. A significant role in countering this phenomenon is played by specially formed international institutions (bodies), namely: international organizations; international conferences; international commissions and committees. The most famous of these include the following: United Nations (UN) Commission on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice; UN Office on Drugs and Crime; Council of Europe (Council of Europe Committee of Experts on the Evaluation of Anti-Money Laundering Measures); European Committee on Crime Problems; International Criminal Police Organization (Interpol), etc. The central body for combating international crime is the International Criminal Police Organization – Interpol, which began its activities after the entry into force (June 13, 1956). The purposes of Interpol are: to ensure and develop the widest possible mutual assistance between all criminal police agencies within the framework of the laws in force in the various countries and in the spirit of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; creation and development of institutions capable of successfully contributing to the prevention and suppression of criminal offenses (Art. 2 of the Interpol Charter). The structure of the internal organs of Interpol consists of: General Assembly; Executive Committee; General Secretariat; National Central Bureaus; Counselors; File Control Commission. INTERPOL maintains relations with many international organizations on issues related to its sphere of activity. Interpol maintains a National Central Bureau of Interpol in each of its member countries, through which international police cooperation is regulated. The National Central Bureau is an authorized police authority or entity with the status of an Interpol representative in its country. The main purpose of national central bureaus is to involve the police authorities of the country in the international fight against crime, to establish and maintain contacts with other national central bureaus and the General Secretariat of Interpol by ensuring a continuous, rapid and high-quality exchange of information. In Ukraine, such a unit is the National Central Bureau of Interpol, which operates within the structure of the National Police of Ukraine and organizes international cooperation of all law enforcement agencies of our state within the framework of the Organization. As part of combating crime, the National Central Bureau of Interpol cooperates with the State Migration Service of Ukraine, organizes cooperation, as well as initiates and coordinates operational and investigative activities aimed specifically at preventing and solving crimes, identifying and deporting from Ukraine persons – citizens of foreign countries involved in criminal activity, in particular members of transnational organized crime networks, persons who have committed sexual crimes against children, and the like. A special area of interaction is the fight against economic crimes committed by foreigners that disrupt the economic systems of various states. The State Migration Service of Ukraine sends requests about economic crimes committed by foreigners to the Interpol National Central Bureau.
NATO member states have been steadily increasing their levels of defence expenditures since 2015. In 2020, already ten member states met the NATO financial guidelines of spending at least 2% of their gross domestic product (GDP) for defence, including 20% for major equipment. In addition, many other countries were planning to achieve this target by 2024. There are two factors, however, which could slow down this process. First, economic recession as a follow up to COVID-19 will have a negative influence on the state budgets. Defence spending could start decreasing in nominal terms, followed by the challenges in meeting NATO financial guidelines. Second, while President Donald Trump put the Alliance's burden-sharing in the centre of his policy vis-à-vis European allies, the current US administration, represented by the Democratic Party, will put more emphasis on multilateral cooperation as well as soft security instruments, including development and diplomacy. In consequence, even if the White House is going to stand strongly with 2/20% rule, it might lessen the pressure on European allies, especially Germany, to significantly accelerate defence spending, seeing transatlantic relationship in a broader division of risks and responsibilities. In this article, it is suggested that due to the economic crisis of the 2020s and the shift in the policy of the US Government, NATO member states would slow down, in short and mid-term perspectives, the process of increasing defence expenditures.
Hindistan’da 20. yüzyılın başında yaklaşık 60 milyon Müslüman için hayat oldukça zorlu geçmekteydi. Yüzyıllarca hâkim konumda yaşadıkları topraklarda İngilizlerin yönetimi devralmasıyla birlikte büyük bir prestij kaybı yaşamışlar ve gerek siyasal gerekse ekonomik anlamda sıkıntılı bir sürecin içine girmişlerdi. 1857 yılındaki Büyük Sipahi Ayaklanmasının başlıca sorumlusu olarak algılanan Müslüman halk ve ulema İngilizlerin gittikçe artan baskılarına maruz kalıyorlardı. Bu şartlar altında çıkış yolu arayan Müslüman ulemadan sivrilen birkaç isim, geleneksel İslami yaklaşımların Hintli Müslümanların dertlerine deva olamayacağını düşünmüşler ve İslam’da reform yapmak adına bazı fikirler ortaya koymuşlardır. Geleneksel kalıpların dışındaki bu söylemler Müslüman halkın arasında çeşitli tepkilere yol açtığı gibi, kimi misyonerler arasında da karşılık bulmuştur. Hindistan’da ortaya çıkan bu reformist hareketlerin misyonerlerce nasıl algılandığını anlamak için, 1906’da Kahire’de ve 1911 yılında Hindistan’a bağlı Leknev’de Müslüman dünyaya yönelik düzenlenen misyoner konferanslarında sunulan bildirilere bakmak yerinde olacaktır. Bu konferanslar, misyonerlerin görüşlerini açık yüreklilikle sunabildikleri kapalı devre organizasyonlar olduğundan, verilen bilgilerin doğruluğu ve geçerliliği konusunda bir şüpheye mahal yoktur. Bu konferanslarda Hindistan’la ilgili sunum yapan misyonerler, Hindistan’daki yeni İslami yaklaşımları kendi pencerelerinden değerlendirmişlerdir. Bu makalede, Protestan misyonerlerin Hindistan’da yaşayan Müslümanların 20. Yüzyılın başındaki durumlarıyla ilgili yorumları çeşitli yönleriyle ele alınmıştır.
The research based on analysis smart city-initiatives in framework of sustainable development. The main hypothesis is a lack of a comprehensive vision of a smart city slows down the development of the city as a whole. The results of research are developed methodology of community analysis and designed template for competitive passport of the city (community). The competitive passport of the city that developing on bases of proposed methodology will allow to reveal explicit and implicit competitive advantages of the territory, to choose the most needed at this stage of smart-technology, to develop an up-to-date strategy with specific (measurable and achievable) goals. Thereby using the concept of smart cities allows cities, regardless of their size, to achieve economic development, attract investors, and mobilize local people and create new jobs. The smart platform allows share data between all participants and stakeholders, this improves efficiency and stimulate changes.
Adoption of online submission and feedback for formative and summative assessment is increasing significantly across the higher education sector. The majority of institutions in the UK have now identified themselves as moving away from pocketed, disparate use towards embedding institution-wide online assessment practices. Providers are driven by a range of benefits for staff, students and the broader institution. Research has started to explore the impact of change but there has been very little sector-wide analysis exploring the challenges faced by institutions moving to adopt online submission and feedback. This paper adopts a qualitative approach to explore barriers faced by providers that have the potential to prevent, delay or limit the benefits to be derived for institutions currently approaching or undertaking change. It outlines the results of an extensive literature review, which highlights four key challenges surrounding change design, stakeholder management, policy and process as well as technical integration. This article argues that providers intending to implement institution-wide change in the future should be cognisant of these barriers, and those currently undertaking change should be cognisant of the experience of others to inform their own good practice, policy and pedagogy.
The Bolshevik policy toward Germany, the relationship between the Communist Party of Soviet Russia and the German Social Democracy, which came to power as a result of the First World War is analyzed in the article. The issue of the geopolitical interests and ideological orientations of the Bolshevik leadership and the German socialists is considered, and disagreements between various currents in Marxism on internal and foreign policy issues are examined. The problem of the dualism of the policy of the CPSU (b) in the first years of power, the contradiction between the theoretical attitudes to the "world revolution" and the practical need of the Soviet state for carrying out a "policy of peaceful coexistence" is raised, and the strategy and tactics of the Bolsheviks are analyzed at a time when their government turned out the emerging Versailles system of international relations. The activity of the Communist International on the expansion of political influence in the world and the search for allies for Soviet Russia are traced. The topicality of the problem under investigation is conditioned by the need to develop long-standing historical ties between the Russian and German states, to study the mechanisms for establishing good-neighborly relations and the desirability of improving them at the present stage. The author concludes that, despite theoretical differences, the national interests of Germany and Russia forced both Marxist parties to converge, which ultimately contributed to the conclusion of the Rapallo Treaty and the transition to political and economic cooperation between the two countries.
Slavic languages. Baltic languages. Albanian languages
E. A. Kotelenets, M. S. Zatulovskaya, M. Y. Lavrentieva
The process of forming and changing the image of Russia-bear is analyzed. English, French, Polish, American and Georgian caricatures, engravings and lithographs, which appeared in the period from the second half of the 18th century to the present day, are used as sources. The problem of forming the image of Russia abroad is considered from the point of view of imagology and information warfare. The process of changing the image of Russia-bear is described depending on the political situation, on the direction and propagandistic goals of the printed publications. The study revealed that the associations of Russia with the image of the bear are extremely strong and acquired the status of a stereotype long ago. It is noted that this image has been successfully used as a weapon of political propaganda since the XVIII century. It is shown that the image of the "Russian bear" in the Western media constantly changes on the basis of the current political situation on the international arena. The authors assert that this image is practically not developed in the Western media in the context of constructive alignment of international relations, the destructive component of the image is usually emphasized. It is reported that, since 1977, attempts have been made in Russia to positivize the image of the bear in foreign media, but they have not been successful to the present day.
Slavic languages. Baltic languages. Albanian languages