Hasil untuk "Communities. Classes. Races"

Qanisma Ainindri, Poerwanti Hadi Pratiwi, Budiman

Partnerships between corporations and local communities play a crucial role in promoting inclusive and sustainable development, especially in areas directly affected by industrial activities. However, the implementation of such partnerships often fails to reflect the principles of equality, transparency, and active community participation. This study is part of a community service initiative aimed at analyzing the partnership model between PT Alam Sinar and the local community in Gampingan Village, Pagak Subdistrict, Malang Regency. It also evaluates the benefits, supporting factors, and challenges of the partnership by comparing conditions before and after the program was implemented. This research employs a qualitative approach with a case study design. Data were collected through observation, in-depth interviews, and documentation. Informants were selected purposively, including the village head, CSR representatives from the company, and community beneficiaries. The community service team acted as facilitators during the assessment process, participatory discussions, and reflection sessions involving both residents and the company. Findings indicate that the partnership is implemented through corporate social responsibility (CSR) programs focused on skills training, job creation, waste management, and the development of basic infrastructure. The benefits observed cover economic, social, and environmental aspects. Nevertheless, several challenges remain, such as limited community involvement in decision-making, suboptimal communication, and a lack of support from the district government. This study recommends strengthening community capacity, optimizing the role of village authorities, and developing a more inclusive, adaptive partnership model that responds to the actual needs of the local population.

Manuela Azevedo Carvalho, Luciana Aparecida de Miranda

A imagem corporal é constituída pela concretude material visual, mas também pela representação construída e compartilhada no imaginário social coletivo, a partir da significação sociocultural historicamente atribuída aos significantes que a compõem, como a cor da pele e os elementos que denotam gênero, numa perspectiva binária. Este texto toma o corpo como objeto, para discutir como a imagem e o imaginário social coletivo, alimentados por elaborações e representações socioculturais acerca de imagens corporais visuais e conceituais, atravessam as relações sociais de travestis e mulheres trans e de homens cis negros. Nas análises, o conceito de “imagem de controle” (Collins, 2019) foi a ferramenta teórico-metodológica fundamental para compreender como são atribuídas, a suas imagens visuais corporais e a suas representações, significações socioculturais, que remetem esses sujeitos a posições subalternas e, por vezes, à abjeção, legando-os a estereótipos negativos que funcionam para estruturar discriminações nas interações nos mais diversos espaços de sociabilidades e posições subalternizadas na hierarquia das desigualdades sociais, dissimulando condições sociais construídas como naturais e imutáveis.

Hao Han, Chen Shen, Kaiqin Li et al.

This study is a bibliometric analysis of urban studies publications from 2001 to 2021 that unravels the evolution and growing complexity of the field. Although developed regions still dominate and lead this area of inquiry, urban studies led by Asian scholars have increased dramatically over the last decade. There is also topic diffusion from developed regions to less-developed regions despite some unique emphases within each region caused by their local socio-economic-ecological contexts. Climate change adaptation and sustainable development, inequality, and urban governance are receiving growing attention globally. The findings suggest the rising importance of cross-continent knowledge transfer and multi-disciplinary collaboration, particularly among urban studies, sustainability policies and management, public administration, and development studies. Also, urban researchers need to pay more attention to issues faced by many growing cities in developing economies in Asia and Africa as more of the world's population will reside in those urban settings in the coming decades.

Laura Westerveen, Ilona van Breugel, Ilke Adam et al.

Abstract This article analyses how states adapt generic policies to the increasing diversity that characterises contemporary European societies. More particularly, it zooms in on how migration-related diversity is mainstreamed into education policies in the Netherlands and Flanders and why we observe different policy trends in these two cases. We find that the focus on migration-related diversity largely faded in Dutch education policies in the period from 2000 to 2014. In Flanders, this trend towards ‘migration-related diversity retrenchment’ is less prevalent during this period, even though a similar evolution has started to take place more recently. These findings present a puzzle, as the most evident explanation for diversity retrenchment, namely the increasing politicisation of migration and diversity, cannot account for this difference since the Netherlands and Flanders are characterised by similar degrees of politicisation of migration-related diversity. Our findings thus call for an exploration of underemphasised explanations for diversity retrenchment. We show that the diverging degree of diversity retrenchment can be explained by the presence or absence of a sub-state nationalist project and diverging degrees of neoliberal retrenchment policies. Sub-state nationalism seems to have temporarily offered a buffer against the neoliberal retrenchment of migration-related diversity.

Sergey V. Ryazantsev, Irina N. Molodikova, Olga D. Vorobeva

The article analyses migration from border countries (the so-called overlapping area) of two migration subsystems — Eurasian (centred in the Russian Federation) and European (the European Union) from 1991 to 2021 (before the recent events in Ukraine). A step-by-step analysis of the migration situation in the countries of the former USSR — Belarus, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, Ukraine and Estonia was conducted. The article examines bilateral and multilateral migration processes, analyses the main factors influencing their development and explores migration policy measures and their impact on the regulation of migration processes in the countries of the overlapping area. These countries, located between the two centres of major migration subsystems in Eurasia (Eurasian and European, or, in other words, between the Russian Federation and the core of the EU), are subject to their strong influence and ‘competitive gravitation’. The strength of this gravitation depends not only on pull and push factors but also on the attractiveness and non-attractiveness of the migration policies prevailing in these migration subsystems at a given point in time.

Mariana Birche, Rocío Rodríguez Tarducci, Karina Jensen et al.

<p>This article deals with analyzing the development of the La Plata Region from its foundation to the present, to propose alternative aimed at mitigating the effects caused by unsustainable urban development. For this, the principles considered as "sustainable" are discussed and it is investigated how their application can become a strategy for approaching sustainable development, in the context of the current technical-economic and socio-environmental paradigm.</p><p>As a result of the research, alternative development proposals are conceived from the various investigations carried out by the authors in the last twenty years.</p>

Brennan Lowery, Joan Cranston, Carolyn Lavers et al.

Stories have the power to shape understanding of community sustainability. Yet in places on the periphery of capitalist systems, such as rural and resource-based regions, this power can be used to impose top–down narratives on to local residents. Academic research often reinforces these processes by telling damage-centric narratives that portray communities as depleted and broken, which perpetuates power imbalances between academia and community members, while disempowering local voices. This article explores the potential of storytelling as a means for local actors to challenge top–down notions of rural sustainability, drawing on a community-based research initiative on the Great Northern Peninsula (GNP) of Newfoundland. Five of the authors are community change-makers and one is an academic researcher. We challenge deficiencies-based narratives told about rural Newfoundland and Labrador, in which the GNP is often characterised by a narrow set of socio-economic indicators that overlook the region’s many tangible and intangible assets. Grounded in a participatory asset mapping and storytelling process, a ‘deep story’ of regional sustainability based on community members’ voices contrasts narratives of decline with stories of hope, and shares community renewal initiatives told by the dynamic individuals leading them. This article contributes to regional development efforts on the GNP, scholarship on sustainability in rural and remote communities, and efforts to realise alternative forms of university-community engagement that centre community members’ voices and support self-determination.

Aakrista Shakya

Anirudh Deshpande

In 1850, the armed forces of the English East India Company were comprised of three Presidency Sepoy Armies and the Bombay Marine sometimes called the Indian Navy. A British Army garrison drawn on rotation from infantry, cavalry, and artillery units, numbering around 50,000, was stationed in India as a counterpoise to the sepoy armies. Between 1750 and 1850, the sepoy armies developed as self-contained forces with separate budgets, commands, recruitment, artillery, infantry, and cavalry. In 1850, the Bombay and Madras Armies, theoretically autonomous, were subordinated to Calcutta. Entrusted with the conquest of north and northwest India, the Bengal Army became the largest sepoy army in the 19th century, recruiting high-caste Purbias from the Gangetic plains. Numerous Bengal Army regiments mutinied in 1857 and a major military reorganization in 1859 was recommended by the Peel Commission. The consequence was the single “class” (actually an ethnic or caste community) company and mixed-class battalion model. Numerous Sikh and Gurkha units were regularized in the Bengal Army and the number of Purbia battalions was reduced. The Presidency Armies were reformed again after the Second Afghan War (1878–1880) on the recommendations of the Eden Commission (1879). From 1875 to 1900, Indian military recruitment was influenced by the “martial races” theory, which remained influential up to 1947. In the 1880s, the movement toward the unification of the Presidency Armies strengthened. In 1891, the presidency staff corps became the Indian staff corps, and in 1895 a single four-command Indian Army came into existence. Between 1902 and 1909, the regiments were renumbered in a new series and reforms were carried out by Lord Kitchener. These reforms failed to stem the growing criticism of the Indian Army in official circles. The result was the appointment of the Nicholson Committee in 1912 whose recommendations were preempted by World War I (1914-1918). World War I highlighted several deficiencies in the Indian Army, most of which remained unaddressed until World War II. In the interwar years, a massive retrenchment and budgetary constraints restricted the modernization of the army. Limited Indianization, the setting up of the Indian Military Academy (IMA), and technological obsolescence were the chief characteristics of the history of the Indian Army in the interwar years. Finally, the Chatfield Committee observations (1939) painted a grim picture of Indian defense; British rearmament from 1932 had left precious little money for the Indian Army. In 1947, the Indian Army was divided into the Indian and Pakistani Armies, commanded by senior British officers up to the early 1950s. In sum, the Indian Army was decisive in the expansion and consolidation of the British Empire in Africa and Asia. Further, its services in the two world wars ensured the survival of the Empire and, thereby, Britain itself. Although the loyalty of this army was tested by small and large mutinies, it generally remained a trusted instrument of British control in south Asia between 1858 and 1947.

R. Velt

A. A. Sanford

Communication courses (e.g., intercultural communication and gender communication) dedicated to the promotion of social justice often result in students’ raised consciousness regarding privilege and the oppression of people who have been marginalized historically. Affected students, however, often are at a loss about what to do with the newly acquired knowledge; consequently, they may experience anger and frustration that causes them to feel overwhelmed and leaves them with a sense of hopelessness. This essay provides 10 suggestions to help communication pedagogues guide students from anger and hopelessness to action and empowerment. Tips offered center on classroom discourse, curriculum choices, and potential assignments. My childhood and undergraduate years were experienced in the conservative space of Northeast Oklahoma. Although influenced by strong 1980s television women, such as Murphy Brown and Julia Sugarbaker, I was influenced equally by the sweet and submissive women of my rural community (population 1,600). It was not until I attended graduate school at a large research university outside Oklahoma (enrollment of 30,000) in my mid-20s that I was exposed to a diverse range of races, ethnicities, genders, sexualities, social classes, abilities, and religions. In my hometown, everybody was White or variations of White and Cherokee, poor, and evangelical. If a person was anything but cisgender and heterosexual, they kept it a secret for fear of being put on a prayer list. Diversity meant having a Methodist church and a Church of Christ, as well as the better attended First Baptist and Assembly of God Churches. Amy Aldridge Sanford, Department of Communication & Media, Texas A&M University-Corpus Christi, Corpus Christi, TX CONTACT: Amy Aldridge Sanford amy.aldridge.sanford@tamucc.edu The author would like to thank her students for the journey and Scott A. Myers, Lawrence R. Frey, and three anonymous reviewers for their thoughtful feedback. Classroom Ideas for Promoting Social Justice 71 After experiencing three years of the eye-opening cultures of a large university city, I accepted a teaching position in higher education back in Northeast Oklahoma, determined to commit my pedagogy to raising the social justice consciousness of rural students. Frey, Pearce, Pollock, Artz, and Murphy (1996) encouraged communication scholars to expand and transform communication theories, methods, and pedagogical practices to promote social justice, which they define as “the engagement with and advocacy for those in our society who are economically, socially, politically and/or culturally underresourced” (p. 110). My familiarity with students’ lived experiences made it relatively easy to open their eyes metaphorically to injustices in the world. Their reactions, however, took me by surprise; in short, they were angry. They were angry at society for marginalizing folks, angry at Hollywood for stereotyped character portrayals, angry at their high school teachers for not giving them access to alternative voices, angry at their relatives for being racist and sexist, and they were angry at me for teaching them things they could not unlearn. Students simply did not know what to do with their new knowledge. I expected them to turn their anger into activism, but it did not happen, and I wanted to know why. A few years ago, I published results from a series of qualitative interviews conducted with university students in the lower Midwestern region of the United States about their relationships with the terms “activism” and “feminism” (Sanford, 2014). Students could not own those labels, even when, technically, they met the definitions. They discussed barriers to activism, including family ideology, lack of leadership, and fear of confrontation, which were similar to barriers identified many years earlier by McAdam (1990) and Snow, Zurcher, and Ekland-Olson (1980). Based on those students’ interviews, below I offer 10 best practices for encouraging student activism. Not all suggestions will be achievable in all communication courses that promote social justice, but ideas can be chosen from the list to encourage students to move from inaction and confusion to action and empowerment. Best Practice #1: Own the Vocabulary There are many important words for budding social justice activists to know and understand, including patriarchy, heteronormativity, ethnocentricism, marginalization, microaggression, intersectionality, and privilege. However, among the most misunderstood terms that require attention, time, and clarification are “feminism” and “activism.” Unlike the aforementioned words, students tend to arrive with some knowledge and negative histories tied to “feminism” and “activism” and, consequently, they reject the labels based upon what they have heard from their families or the media. While there are many definitions for both terms, I borrow from Baumgardner and Richards (2005) to define feminism as “the movement toward full political, economic, and social equality for men and women . . . . [It] implies having enough access to information to make informed choices about one’s life” (p. 20) and define activism as the “deliberate act or actions of like-minded individuals working together to change the status quo in a way that satisfies the activists” (Sanford, 2014, p. 204). “Feminist” and “activist” should be used constantly in social justice classrooms, and both instructors and students should own those labels or justify and articulate clearly their preferences for different terminology. For example, once students are educated about feminism, they may agree with critics like Crenshaw (qtd. in Vasquez, 2016) who warned that feminism is a monist approach that is “partial and exclusionary.” The students may instead choose to call themselves “womanist” or “queer” or reject labels altogether, but they will own their vocabulary. Classroom Ideas for Promoting Social Justice 72 Best Practice #2: Study Local Community Activists When students think of activists, they are likely to think of high-profile activists, such as Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Gloria Steinem, Harriet Tubman, Delores Huerta, Mother Teresa, or Mahatma Gandhi— well-known legends who risked their safety and commanded national, and, sometimes, international attention. If these are the only activists studied in communication courses, social justice activism will appear unattainable. Many people do not want to risk their lives or their safety, especially when they are new to activist work. Thus, it is imperative that students also learn about local activists and activism that is not life threatening. This goal can be achieved through inviting local guest speakers and by examining media platforms, with an assignment asking students to look for and share with classmates examples of local activism. Best Practice #3: Dialogue Through Disagreement Tough topics should be embraced in classroom discussions (Keating, 2007), and communication courses are ideal for modeling open, respectful dialogue. Too many times, students expect that disagreement will be handled the way that they see it portrayed on television, where discourse is quick-witted, cynical, and has only one winner at the end who shames verbally the other interactant(s). Instead, students need to learn that dialogue is a synergetic experience that requires reflective deliberation, compassion, and a willingness to change (Arnett & Arneson, 1999; Cissna & Anderson, 1994; Mallin & Anderson, 2000). Early readings or lectures should center on invitational rhetoric (Foss & Griffin, 1995) or something similar, because models of civil discourse tend to be favored within the communication discipline. Criticisms of these models should also be addressed; additional topics could include historical trauma, vulnerability, and respectability politics. Through the discussions of these early readings and lectures, the students will begin to model an ongoing dialogue. For more advice regarding classroom dialogues, see Sanford and Emami (2017). Best Practice #4: Identify Students’ Passions There are many worthwhile activist causes that students can confront such as the environment, homelessness, violence against women, immigration, ableism, racism, and bullying. Indeed, there are so many potential causes that the choices can be overwhelming, particularly to those who are new to activist work. Students benefit from instructors who help them to identify and focus on no more than three (preferably, less) passions or causes at a time. A classroom assignment is to have students compose personal mission statements and identify one to three causes that match their missions. Furthermore, some students may welcome guidance from instructors to identify specific problems that are associated with social justice causes. It is not sufficient for students simply to identify immigration as a cause; they need to identify a specific problem, such as the proposed wall on the northern border of Mexico or policies regarding undocumented children within the United States. Best Practice #5: Encourage Action Identifying problems does not make people activists; finding solutions and taking action is necessary. Students need a good understanding of what “counts” as activism, including writing letters to media editors, attending public meetings and inviting others through social media posts, creating art, boycotting Classroom Ideas for Promoting Social Justice 73 businesses and their products, starting social justice activist-oriented clubs, and participating in marches. There are two areas of caution, however, when it comes to encouraging students to take action: (a) social justice is not charity work and (b) allies do not speak for those who are oppressed. Those individuals engaged in social justice must be willing to get to the root of a social injustice and transform social structures (Frey et al., 1996) as simply donating money, having a book drive, or perfor

Baigo Hamuna, Annisa Novita Sari, Alianto Alianto

The coastal areas of both Jayapura Municipality and Regency which is directly opposite to the Pacific Ocean with the multifunctional use is a vulnerable area to disasters. The coastal vulnerability is determined by considering some influential factors, that is geomorphology and elevation to minimize the coastal damage impacts. The purpose of this study is to determine the coastal vulnerability index of Jayapura City and Regency focusing on the coastal geomorphology and elevation. The study area covers a coastal area of 241.86 km along the coastlines of Jayapura Municipality and Regency. The study method includes data collection on the coastal geomorphology and elevation characteristics. The value of coastal vulnerability index of each parameter is determined by dividing into five categories of coastal vulnerability. The result shows territorial division as follows: 145.88 km (61.18%) was not vulnerable, 33.14 km (13.90%) was less vulnerable, 29.03 km (12.17%) was a moderate vulnerability, 12.12 km (5.08%) was vulnerable, and the remaining 18.29 km (7.67%) was very vulnerable. The coastal vulnerability of Jayapura City coastal areas categorized into three classes, i.e. not vulnerable, moderate vulnerable and vulnerable, while the Jayapura Regency coastal areas felt into the following classes: not vulnerable and moderate vulnerable. The most vulnerable areas were of Abepura District, South Jayapura District and Muaratami District, all in the Jayapura Municipality administration. Those areas with high elevation level were not vulnerable at all.

Kirwan McHarry

Mary John Sajeev, M. John, Sajeev

Mimi Yang

This essay decodes a Wall-DNA in American culture with an examination of two shaping moments in history, namely the Founding Fathers and the Mexican-American War. It argues that the Trump Wall, instead of protecting, endangers American values and opportunities; instead of uniting the nation, divides it and ignites cultural wars. The Trump Wall portends fear, bigotry, distrust, intolerance and disconnection; it is the Trump War. Therefore, this border construction is more of a mental construct than a physical one, especially when it involves a cultural re-landscaping and boundary shifting between the US and Mexico and within the two nations. The essay also challenges a one-dimensional and static view on American values, and calls for a 21st century sophistication for a culturally nuanced de nition of what America means, and a 21st century agility to cross back and forth any walls without sparking a war. The Trump presidency has come as a surprise to many who had not fully realized a wallbuilding terrain had harbored and produced a wall-builder like Trump. To ful ll his highpro le campaign pledge, presumably, the proposed wall on the US-Mexico border (a.k.a. the Trump Wall) portends a uni ed front to protect, defend, and de ne what America is and what makes America great again. It would certainly be self-af rming to be able to erect a “great, great” American wall to stop the illegal immigration from the south and kick out “bad hombres” from within the wall. However, do Americans share values integrated enough, frameworks cohesive enough, and narratives coherent enough to come up with a uni ed front of American interests and an American cultural identity, neatly delineated by the Trump Wall? The question reopens historical wounds in icted and sustained by cultural wars since the Independence War against the British Empire. Ignited by the unbridgeable divide in race, religion, gender, class, sexuality, and ability, the cultural wars have been fought along the American history at different times and in various contexts. Starting from the Founding Fathers to the present day, attempts have been made to forge a coherent American narrative so that an American cultural identity can be constructed. The Trump era writes such an American narrative by intensifying racial tensions and heightening xenophobia, which lead to a “compulsory patriotism” rallying behind “American” interests and values. After more than a year, the Trump presidency has made it abundantly clear that there is no one single America but multiple ones intersecting with one another, and he is the president of the divided states of America. The cultural war on who has a say about what America is or should be did not start from the Trump era, but has been fueled and repurposed by his racist, misogynic, and anti-Muslim rhetoric among many other derisive statements about minorities and marginalized groups. In the cross re of the cultural war, this essay has its focus on racial and cultural fronts within the US society. The nation’s narrative has already been inherently divided by the white protestants of European descent, the African Americans, the Muslim Americans, the Hispanic Americans (Mexican immigrants in particular), the Asian Americans, the American Indians, the LGBTQ Americans, and the disabled Americans. However, the ownership of Americanness 1 is not equally shared as there can only be one ruling group to have a say about American values and interests. History has proven that European descent and white Americans have always occupied that culturally authoritarian center. Many of this group responded enthusiastically to Trump’s slogan “Make America Great Again.” When delving into Trump’s support base, Jesse Myerson in her Nation article “Trumpism: It’s Coming from the Suburbs—Racism, Fascism and Working-Class Americans” differentiates two types of white Americans, the working class and the af uent ones. To her the poor whites are mere scapegoats and “Trump’s real base, the actual backbone of fascism, isn’t poor and working-class voters, but middle-class and af uent whites” who are “often self-employed, possessed of a retirement account and a home as a nest egg . . . could become the haute bourgeoisie—the storied 1 percent.” To grasp how the cultural wall results in the cultural war, let’s zoom into the group that the Trump Wall appeals to—the populist wall building group. This is a signi cantly in uential group and played the support base for Trump during the 2016 presidential campaign. Many of them are from the Rust Belt, disenfranchised and left behind by the globalization. Not really equipped with college education and not really conversant with twentyrstcentury global landscape and knowledge, they believe that their economic opportunities are taken away by Mexicans and other foreigners, worry that Spanish is taking over English, that American values get eroded due to legal or illegal immigrants, and that coexistence with non-Christian traditions and non-white European heritages threatens what they grew up with. In that sense, a wall would be a clean cut that draws an impassable line to include those who share their worldviews and their cognitive frameworks, and exclude those who hold a different perspective and believe an evolving and transforming de nition of what America is. When Trump signs the executive order and vows to build a “great, great” wall on the USMexico border, two things have happened. First, a wall-mindset has been brought to light from underneath. Second, a cultural war on cultural walls is breaking out. In making America great, history is replete with race-, culture-, and religion-based selections, ejections, rejections, and exclusions. There has always existed the need for a wall to lter in and out individuals, groups, and ideas. The ltered-in get to celebrate and shape America and the ltered-out absorb humiliations and sustain injuries and bleedings. In the greatest democracy on earth, equivalent to the biblical promised land, a wall that divides and hierarchizes races, cultures, and religions is bound to instigate cultural wars. Emboldened by Trump’s culturally encoded message to “Make America Great Again,” bigotry and hatred towards those who are from a non-white race and a non-Christian religion has been openly displayed. The n-word has come back to the English vocabulary, hate crimes committed against Muslims are no longer a surprise, the undocumented Mexican immigrants live in daily fear for deportation, and Asian Americans are reminded of the days when the Chinese Exclusion Act and Japanese Internment Camps were in place. Somehow the clock in 2018 is turning back, and somehow the basic human rights for racial and cultural equality achieved through bloodshed from previous cultural wars are now in jeopardy. The country in the depth of its psyche engages in a new cultural war along both sides of the Trump Wall. In a 2004 issue of American Literary History, Malini Johar Schueller gathers a collection of “essays on Native American interpellation (Magdaleno), Caribbean women (Cobham), Arab Americans (Majaj), Puerto Rican identity (Flores), Filipino-American identity (Strobel), and African American and Chicana writers (Salazar),” and aligns them in an interplay with the ruling class’ central position. From a postcolonial perspective, Schueller acknowledges cultural, historical, and identity issues within speci c minority communities, and testi es to Homi Bhabha’ s ideas of hybridity or third space. 2

Shelley D. Wong, Anne Marie Foerster Luu, Julie E. Owen et al.

Mihnea Dobrescu-Balaur, L. Negreanu

J. Ortiz

Clifford E. Griffin

¿Es suficiente la  información  sobre  la  naturaleza, la ubicación y la incidencia de delitos contra los turistasvisitantes para desarrollar una política significativa de seguridad de los visitantes? ¿Las opiniones de los principales grupos interesados (los stakeholders) en el turismo son de utilidad para mejorar la política de seguridad de los visitantes y la sensación de seguridad? Para responder a estas preguntas, este estudio analiza 24 años de datos de delitos registrados cometidos contra los visitantes de Barbados y los datos de investigación de grupos de actores clave del turismo, y concluye: 1) que la información sobre la naturaleza, localización y la incidencia de los delitos contra los visitantes es necesario pero  no suficiente para influir la política de seguridad de los visitantes, y 2) que las opiniones y aportaciones de las principales partes interesadas son esenciales para que los destinos serán más eficaces en la mejora de seguridad de los visitantes.