Hasil untuk "Law of Europe"

Ileana Ioana BÎLBĂ

PwC studies estimate that the integration of AI into the economy could generate a global impact of up to $15.7 trillion by 2030, with other studies limiting this figure to $13 trillion. China and North America are expected to be the main beneficiaries, accounting for around 70% of the economic growth generated by AI. Europe, in comparison, is estimated to benefit from only $2.5 trillion, representing around 16% of global growth. Digital data is identified as a key asset and a major source of intellectual property revenue. Complying with the requirements of the regulation will generate additional costs. However, the long-term benefits are expected to outweigh these costs. Investments in compliance will also stimulate the development of new technologies and services to help companies comply. From a national legislation point of view, it will need to adopt European legislation and transpose Regulation 2024/1689 into a new law in Romania that harmonizes the legislation. In this study I will analyze the legislative, social and economic impact of the first regulation of AI through Regulation (EU) 2024/1689 at the EU level, then at the Romanian level and how it impacts Law no. 8/1996 and national copyright legislation.

Marina Matic Boskovic, Marko Novakovic

The jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights and its recent decision (Żurek v Poland, application no. 39650/19), continues to shape standards for judges’ freedom of expression, including standards to protect judges who speak out against detrimental judicial reforms and use of social networks by judges. As new cases emerge and soft law instruments are developed, the topic remains highly relevant and will continue to pose challenges for judges in the years to come. Judges in some EU members States face unprecedented challenges to the rule of law, as evidenced by judicial reforms in countries like Poland and Hungary. The erosion of judicial independence and impartiality in this context underscores the importance of judges’ freedom of expression as a safeguard against threats to the rule of law. Raising awareness on this issue should equip judges with legal knowledge and procedural safeguards necessary to navigate the complexities of their professional roles while upholding fundamental principles of judicial independence and integrity. Furthermore, social networks have revolutionised communication in modern society, including judges. While use of social media by judges can enhance transparency and public engagement, it also raises concerns about the appropriateness of their communication, especially regarding impartiality. Judges must navigate the blurred lines between their private and public personas on social media platforms, as their actions and interaction can have implications for their perceived impartiality and judicial integrity. While there are articles devoted to the analysis of the judges’ freedom of expression in constitutional crises in this paper authors are providing a comparative analysis of social media usage guidelines for judges and jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights to identify a proper balance between exercising the freedom of expression by judges and the limitations posed by interest of judicial independence, impartiality and public trust in judiciary and specific issues relate to the use of social networks.

A. Bradford, Brussels Effect, S. Kingston et al.

János Erdődy

The legal attempts to curb funeral lavishness and extravagance come into two groups: the first includes the provisions of the Law of the XII Tables, the second the lex Cornelia sumptuaria (81 BC), and the leges Iuliae sumptuariae (46 BC, 18 AD) (Rotondi, Sauerwein). In this presentation, the focus is drawn to the provisions in the XII tables. In ancient law, funeral sumptuousness was mainly regulated by the Law of the XII Tables. Prior to the early Republic, some restrictive measures appeared in the so-called leges regiae. Spectacular, artistically designed, and expensive funeral ceremonies and processions were not far from the Roman thought. As a result, the provisions on Table X restricting these lavish ceremonies could be considered as direct precursors of leges sumptuariae (Sauerwein) since the immoderate spending constituted a substantial and profound social problem, even though this excess was available only to the upper class. The casuistic and detailed rules of the XII Tables suggest that the extravagance of funerals and burials could not be categorically severed from the worship of the gods. Therefore these rules are directly related to religio. The sources include Cicero’s texts in De legibus, Polybios’ detailed account of Roman funeral rites, and Pliny the Elder’s reports on funeral customs. These texts show that many rituals were associated with worshipping the gods and sacrificial rites. This circumstance underpins the religious origin and character of these rules. At this point, however, interesting questions arise from this observation. Why is the ius sepulcrorum linked with religio? Did the proper worship of the gods serve as a sufficient justification for more intensive obedience?

Natalia Antonyuk

The dynamics of amendments to the Criminal Code of Ukraine after the start of the war show that the criminal law was not sufficiently ready for application during the war. First of all, a number of acts that are socially dangerous have not been singled out as criminal acts. Some existing articles needed to be amended to differentiate criminal liability. This article is based on the use of comparative, historical, and statistical methods, which are the basis for proving the grounds for criminalisation or differentiation of acts, taking into account the martial law caused by the war waged by the Russian Federation against Ukraine. Following the research conducted, we consider it possible to state that collaboration activities have a high level of public danger and should therefore be criminalised. The severity of punishment for such actions depends on the type of collaborationism. Scholars and law enforcers in countries analysing Ukraine’s experience and changes in criminal law in connection with the war should clearly delineate the criminal range of acts of treason and analyse whether there are any socially dangerous acts

Emanuele Fazio

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2022 7(3), 981-992 | European Forum Insight of 23 December 2022 | (Table of Contents) I. A competition policy fit for the digital transition? The Commission's view. - II. The complementary role of competition law: a dynamic balance between rules and exceptions. - III. The degree of (de)centralisation of public enforcement to ensure the dynamic balance. - IV. Final considerations. | (Abstract) The European responses to the COVID-19 outbreak have triggered an ongoing review process of competition rules and enforcement procedure to support the Union's priorities. In this context, the European Commission published the Communication 'A Competition Policy Fit for New Challenges' with the aim of underlining the ability of competition law to facilitate the green and digital transitions, and to strengthen the resilience of the Single Market. This Insight reflects on the substantive and procedural challenges posed by the digital transition. Indeed, the complementary role of competition law to stimulate the achievement of the digital targets is characterised by two tensions, relating respectively to the interpretation and application of competition rules and to the degree of centralisation with regard to the enforcement mechanisms. In the author's view, EU competition law will offer dynamic substantive and procedural responses to the challenges of the digital transition.

Marcin Pytel

Artykuł jest poświęcony falsyfikatowi lędzkiemu datowanemu na rok 1150 oraz jego transumptowi, wystawionemu w 1251 r. Podtrzymuję zdanie o sfałszowaniu dokumentu datowanego na 1150 r. oraz autentyczności jego transumptu. Uważam, że imię księcia Kazimierza, w jakie opatrzono falsyfikat, było nieprzypadkowe, a wiązało się to z pojęciem autorytetu w średniowieczu, którym uwierzytelniano dokumenty. Sądzę ponadto, że omawiany falsyfikat zawiera archaiczne sformułowania w tzw. instruktarzu powinności i obowiązków mieszkańców wsi klasztornych, starsze od znanych z rzekomego dokumentu fundacyjnego opactwa. Natomiast analiza formularza redagowanych w klasztorze w Lądzie transumptów prowadzi do wniosku, że choć pozbawiony większości formuł dyplomatycznych falsyfikat datowany na 1150 r. zawierał analogiczne formuły jak jego transumpt.

J. Papathanasiou, N. Ploskas

Amy J. Higer

Adam Lityński

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Ulf Thoene

The onset of industrialization across Latin America put the social question squarely on the agenda of policy-makers. Although Latin American countries in many respects did not meet the conditions of socio-economic and political development that proved to be the prerequisite for welfare state creation in Western Europe, the early Latin American industrializers decided to broadly follow the style and function of the European model introducing social rights and a rather truncated notion of citizenship. Nevertheless, those early policy decisions have proved to lastingly impact social, economic and political conditions across the region with central aspects of social protection and labour law having limited reach due to deficiencies in state capacity, the rule of law and high levels of labour informality. Discourses on the development of citizenship, social protection and labour law are inextricably linked to the complex processes that make up industrialization entailing thorough economic and political transformations and struggles within society. The resultant so-called social question has ever since the inception of industrialization given rise to intense debates on social inclusion, welfare state creation and the design thereof. This paper focuses on state-society relations during the early stages of industrialization in Latin America until the 1980s, predominantly analysing the cases of Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Colombia.

András Pünkösty

The European Union’s policy toward migration issues, especially after the peak of the crisis in 2015 is a contentious question among the Member States. Adopted legislation refers to different aspects of this policy area aiming to manage the highly complex reality of the phenomenon of migration. This article seeks to sketch a framework for the ethical evaluation of migration-related policy choices and regulation from a theoretical perspective. After identifying the general context and some tensions of this policy area, a tentative matrix is introduced offering some angles for ethical evaluation.

Federico Trocini

Il saggio esamina l’evoluzione dei rapporti tra Italia e Germania all’indomani del 1989-90. E si concentra soprattutto sull’analisi dei fattori che in Italia hanno favorito la diffusione di un inedito euroscetticismo e di antichi pregiudizi anti-tedeschi. Obiettivo del saggio consiste quindi nel verificare se e fino a che punto il venir meno della decennale ‘convergenza strategica’ tra Italia e Germania possa essere messo in relazione con la ridefinizione dei parametri della politica tedesca e il riproporsi di una nuova ‘questione tedesca’.

Anna Rossmanith

Kolokwium habilitacyjne dra Jana Majchrowskiego

Giorgio Gaja

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2016 1(3), 791-801 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. - II. The role of the ECHR in the interpretation of the Charter. - III. The role of international instruments other than the European Convention. - IV. The interpretation given by the relevant treaty body. - V. The effects of international instruments on the level of protection. | (Abstract) This article examines how international instruments for the protection of human rights may affect the interpretation of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union (Charter). In doing so, it first reflects on the role of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) in the interpretation of the Charter. The paper then considers the role of other international instruments, as they may be relevant in the interpretation of the Charter. The need to consider these instruments appears particularly clear when the explanations relating to the Charter refer to them in a manner suggesting that the instrument and the Charter protect corresponding rights. When an instrument is relevant, there is the need to take into account the interpretation given by the relevant treaty body established for reviewing the application of the specific instrument, such as the European Court of Human Rights with regard to the ECHR, or the Human Rights Committee with regard to the UN Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Finally, the paper recalls that the Charter may not be invoked in order to restrict the protection of rights protected by international instruments, thus barring the possible attribution of negative effects to the Charter under EU law.

Aleksandar Čorni

The article tries to explore the practical application of the soft law, in concrete terms, the documents adopted by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, referring to the models of participation of national minorities in public life in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The objective of the research was to assess the legal and political grounds for functioning national minority councils as participation and consultative mechanisms, scope of responsibilities and capacities in relation to their effectiveness and impact and to identify relevant good practices on such mechanisms. The political and decision-making structures in Bosnia and Herzegovina demonstrated lack of actual commitment to the realization of the rights of minorities referring to participation in decision-making processes. Bearing in mind formal position within parliaments, visibility, and a significant promotional capacity for presence in the public sphere, the councils on national minorities may represent a significant body and channel for the minority – majority dialogue. However, at the moment, the national minority councils’ capacity to ensure participation of national minorities in Bosnian political life and their influence in decision-making process remains insufficient. In general, the consultative mechanisms, within their mandated responsibilities, have had insignificant and minimal impact on the practical, political and legislative segment.

Tamara Ehs

Some observers of the recent economic crisis compare it to the Great Depression of the 1930s and discuss interwar ideas bearing on these questions such as those of “the Austrians”. There is a lively treatment of Ludwig Mises and his pupils but the other Austrian discourse of this time is neglected, that of the three full professors of political economy at the law faculty of the University of Vienna: Othmar Spann, Hans Mayer and Ferdinand Degenfeld-Schonburg – “the Other Austrians”. This paper calls them to mind and gives an insight into their stances on the economic crisis.

José María de la Torre Monmany

Sentencia del tribunal de justicia (Gran Sala) de 9 de noviembre de 2010, en los asuntos acumulados C-57/09 y C-101/09, República Federal de Alemania contra B (C-57/09) y D (C-101/09), peticiones de decisión prejudicial del Bundesverwaltungsgericht. Sumario de la sentencia: «Directiva 2004/83/CE – Normas mínimas relativas a los requisitos para la concesión del estatuto de refugiado o del estatuto de protección subsidiaria – Artículo 12 – Exclusión del estatuto de refugiado – Artículo 12, apartado 2, letras b) y c) – Concepto de “grave delito común”– Concepto de “actos contrarios a las finalidades y a los principios de las Naciones Unidas”– Pertenencia a una organización implicada en actos de terrorismo – Inscripción ulterior de dicha organización en la lista de personas, grupos y entidades que constituye el anexo de la Posición Común 2001/931/PESC – Responsabilidad individual por una parte de los actos cometidos por dicha organización – Requisitos – Derecho de asilo en virtud del Derecho constitucional nacional – Compatibilidad con la Directiva 2004/83/CE». Publicación en línea: 15 abril 2016

Nico Krisch

Javier Tajadura Tejada

Manuel García-Pelayo elaboró un sugerente estudio sobre la idea medieval del derecho. Desde esa perspectiva en el proceso constituyente advirtió del grave error que suponía incluir en el Texto Constitucional la categoría de «derechos históricos» que sólo tiene sentido desde la mencionada concepción medieval del Derecho, pero no desde una óptica moderna y mucho menos democrática. García Pelayo señaló los riesgos que la recepción constitucional de los derechos históricos implicaba. Y la historia reciente le ha dado la razón. Las reformas territoriales de la VIII Legislatura han transitado por la senda del historicismo haciendo imposible la consolidación del Estado Autonómico en clave federal