Hasil untuk "Political theory"

Gordan Matas, Ivo Donelli

In this paper, Toni Morrison’s novel Beloved (1987) will be considered from the point of view of developmental psychology. Morrison’s works can be seen as representing an intertwinement of social, historico-political and emotional themes which play a crucial role in the identity construction of the author’s characters. Therefore, the Ecological Systems Theory proposed by Urie Bronfenbrenner will be employed to closely examine how the identities of Morrison’s characters are being shaped in the novel. The usage of the five systems on which Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model is based– chronosystem, macrosystem, exosystem, mesosystem and microsystem, will provide an often missing holistic approach necessary for better understanding of how and why Morrison’s characters are (un)able to complete their developmental journey of identity construction successfully.

John Rawls

Political Liberalism: Expanded Edition; Columbia University Press, 2011; 576 pages; 2011; 0231527535, 9780231527538; John Rawls; This book continues and revises the ideas of justice as fairness that John Rawls presented in A Theory of Justice but changes its philosophical interpretation in a fundamental way. That previous work assumed what Rawls calls a "well-ordered society," one that is stable and relatively homogenous in its basic moral beliefs and in which there is broad agreement about what constitutes the good life. Yet in modern democratic society a plurality of incompatible and irreconcilable doctrines—religious, philosophical, and moral—coexist within the framework of democratic institutions. Recognizing this as a permanent condition of democracy, Rawls asks how a stable and just society of free and equal citizens can live in concord when divided by reasonable but incompatible doctrines?This edition includes the essay "The Idea of Public Reason Revisited," which outlines Rawls' plans to revise Political Liberalism, which were cut short by his death. "An extraordinary well-reasoned commentary on A Theory of Justice...a decisive turn towards political philosophy." —Times Literary Supplement file download zedyzun.pdf

J. Habermas

B. B. D. Mesquita, Alastair Smith, Randolph M. Siverson et al.

F. Pratto, J. Sidanius, Lisa M. Stallworth et al.

Social dominance orientation (SDO), one's degree of preference for inequality among social groups, is introduced. On the basis of social dominance theory, it is shown that (a) men are more social dominance-oriented than women, (b) high-SDO people seek hierarchy-enhancing professional roles and low-SDO people seek hierarchy-attenuating roles, (c) SDO was related to beliefs in a lag number of social and political ideologies that support group-based hierarchy (e.g., meritocracy and racism) and to support for policies that have implications for intergroup relations (e.g., war, civil rights, and social programs), including new policies. SDO was distinguished from interpersonal dominance, conservatism, and authoritarianism

William H. Flanigan, W. Riker

N. Rose, Peter Miller

T. Persson, G. Tabellini

S. Maffettone

J. Habermas, Ciaran Cronin, P. Greiff

Bryan T. Kelly, Bryan T. Kelly, Ľuboš Pástor et al.

Sue Donaldson, W. Kymlicka

Alexander V. Ovchinnikov

The article examines the problem of theory and practice of studying the internal Russian regional “memory wars”, which unfold, as a rule, in the local media and are accompanied by the phenomenon of “corporate cancellation”. It is stated that today the analysis of the ideological content of “memory wars” (“what is being argued about”) prevails in scientific practices of solving this problem, whereas it is more important to understand the socio-political mechanisms of the emergence of “conflicts of the past” in specific conditions of a non-“agonal” (not “Western”) types of culture. The aim of the study is to create a methodological model for analyzing the internal Russian regional “memory wars”. As a result of the research, the main provisions on the study of “memory wars” in the media of “accommodative culture” and the predominance of “corporate cancellation” mechanisms over the “culture of cancellation” were formulated. The dispute is going on between “Bulgarians” and “Tatars” about the origin of the Tatars and the difficulty of official recognition of the Kryashens (“Tatars- christians”) as a people other than Tatar, as well as polemics continues between Ufa and Kazan scientists about the ethnicity of the population living in the northwestern territories of contemporary Bashkortostan and about some archaeological objects located there. The main conclusion of the study is the statement of the secondary role of the factual content of the “memory wars”, the “deep” specifics of which are determined by “external” socio-political and even economic conditions, expressed in the implementation of “corporate abolition”. This conclusion is intended for the attention of social philosophers, anthropologists and historians.

Aïda Tavakoli

In a context marked by worsening climatic, ecological and social crises, this article offers a critical reading of the modern infrastructural paradigm, through the study of hydraulic infrastructure in India, and more specifically in the state of Rajasthan. Using an interdisciplinary approach at the intersection of anthropology, geography and architectural theory, the author examines the political, ontological and spatial imaginaries that underpin contemporary infrastructure. The article highlights the social and environmental consequences of the centralised, extractive hydraulic planning inherited from the colonial period and intensified after independence. Through the analysis of vernacular forms such as the johads and the Chand Baori, the article explores devices co-produced with the dynamics of the living, embodying a non-dual relationship between humans, territory and environments. Drawing on the work of Philippe Descola, Antoine Picon, Vandana Shiva and Bruno Latour, the author calls for an epistemological and aesthetic rethinking of infrastructural design. She proposes that infrastructure should no longer be seen as autonomous technical objects, but as situated cultural mediations capable of supporting an ecology of interdependence.

Tejasvi Chebrolu, Ponnurangam Kumaraguru, Ashwin Rajadesingan

Engaging in political discussions is crucial in democratic societies, yet many individuals remain politically disinclined due to various factors such as perceived knowledge gaps, conflict avoidance, or a sense of disconnection from the political system. In this paper, we explore the potential of personal narratives-short, first-person accounts emphasizing personal experiences-as a means to empower these individuals to participate in online political discussions. Using a text classifier that identifies personal narratives, we conducted a large-scale computational analysis to evaluate the relationship between the use of personal narratives and participation in political discussions on Reddit. We find that politically disinclined individuals (PDIs) are more likely to use personal narratives than more politically active users. Personal narratives are more likely to attract and retain politically disinclined individuals in political discussions than other comments. Importantly, personal narratives posted by politically disinclined individuals are received more positively than their other comments in political communities. These results emphasize the value of personal narratives in promoting inclusive political discourse.

Helen Paffard, Diogo Pacheco

This paper investigates how political campaigns engaged UK football fan communities on Twitter in the aftermath of the Brexit Referendum (2016-2017). Football fandom, with its strong collective identities and tribal behaviours, offers fertile ground for political influence. Combining social network and content analysis, we examine how political discourse became embedded in football conversations. We show that a wide range of actors -- including parties, media, activist groups, and pseudonymous influencers -- mobilised support, provoked reactions, and shaped opinion within these communities. Through case studies of hashtag hijacking, embedded activism, and political "megaphones", we illustrate how campaigns leveraged fan cultures to amplify political messages. Our findings highlight mechanisms of political influence in ostensibly non-political online spaces and point toward the development of a broader framework in future work.

Sarah Ward, Maureen McBride, Claire Bynner et al.

This is a time of intersecting crises for young people in Scotland. More than a decade of austerity, the Covid‐19 pandemic, cost‐of‐living crisis, climate emergency, and ongoing global conflict all threaten youth security and create barriers to economic and civic participation. Alongside this, youth non‐participation is often framed as an individualised moral problem, diverting focus away from its structural causes. Evidence on youth activism suggests that young people are seeking new, creative spaces and modes of expression to challenge stigma, express dissent, and challenge inequalities in their communities. With support from grassroots youth and community organisations, youth activists can build trust, critical thinking skills, and solidarity. However, the extent to which youth activism can succeed in challenging structural causes of inequality, especially in disadvantaged neighbourhoods, requires further scrutiny. We draw on Nancy Fraser’s theory of participatory parity to explore how redistribution, recognition, and representation play out in the lives of young people, and how grassroots youth and community organisations support their development as activists. Based on a research study on the barriers and enablers to youth activism in Scotland, we seek to understand how neighbourhood‐based efforts to challenge stigma and economic inequality build dignity and hope, how relationship‐building between young people and the adults in their communities can support status recognition, and how these both contribute to emergent youth political representation.

Lincan Li, Jiaqi Li, Catherine Chen et al.

In recent years, large language models (LLMs) have been widely adopted in political science tasks such as election prediction, sentiment analysis, policy impact assessment, and misinformation detection. Meanwhile, the need to systematically understand how LLMs can further revolutionize the field also becomes urgent. In this work, we--a multidisciplinary team of researchers spanning computer science and political science--present the first principled framework termed Political-LLM to advance the comprehensive understanding of integrating LLMs into computational political science. Specifically, we first introduce a fundamental taxonomy classifying the existing explorations into two perspectives: political science and computational methodologies. In particular, from the political science perspective, we highlight the role of LLMs in automating predictive and generative tasks, simulating behavior dynamics, and improving causal inference through tools like counterfactual generation; from a computational perspective, we introduce advancements in data preparation, fine-tuning, and evaluation methods for LLMs that are tailored to political contexts. We identify key challenges and future directions, emphasizing the development of domain-specific datasets, addressing issues of bias and fairness, incorporating human expertise, and redefining evaluation criteria to align with the unique requirements of computational political science. Political-LLM seeks to serve as a guidebook for researchers to foster an informed, ethical, and impactful use of Artificial Intelligence in political science. Our online resource is available at: http://political-llm.org/.

David Rozado

I report here a comprehensive analysis about the political preferences embedded in Large Language Models (LLMs). Namely, I administer 11 political orientation tests, designed to identify the political preferences of the test taker, to 24 state-of-the-art conversational LLMs, both closed and open source. When probed with questions/statements with political connotations, most conversational LLMs tend to generate responses that are diagnosed by most political test instruments as manifesting preferences for left-of-center viewpoints. This does not appear to be the case for five additional base (i.e. foundation) models upon which LLMs optimized for conversation with humans are built. However, the weak performance of the base models at coherently answering the tests' questions makes this subset of results inconclusive. Finally, I demonstrate that LLMs can be steered towards specific locations in the political spectrum through Supervised Fine-Tuning (SFT) with only modest amounts of politically aligned data, suggesting SFT's potential to embed political orientation in LLMs. With LLMs beginning to partially displace traditional information sources like search engines and Wikipedia, the societal implications of political biases embedded in LLMs are substantial.

Takahide Adachi, Osamu Iyama, Idun Reiten

We give a brief introduction to $τ$-tilting theory [AIR]. In particular, we will see how our theory unifies two different branches of tilting theory, namely, silting theory and cluster tilting theory. We also introduce the history and recent developments.