A two-dimensional ‘basic structure’ of economic and cultural dimensions has often been used as a master frame to interpret party system change in Europe. This article questions whether such a common model of political dimensionality exists on the demand side as well. Using data from eight European democracies, this article shows that the dimensionality of voter attitudes is similar across Europe – that is, composed of comparable cultural and economic issue dimensions. However, the findings also reveal that the positioning of voters and socio-structural groups within this shared dimensional structure remains dependent on the national political context and the structure of the corresponding party system. Substantively, the study thus concludes that European political spaces are largely similar in their ‘dimensionality’ but more different in their ‘structuring’. By highlighting this distinction, the article expands extant knowledge of political structuration across Europe.
Liandro Souza Santos, Jéferson Ricardo Brito da Silva
O presente artigo analisa, à guisa das heranças do processo de desenvolvimento
e urbanização das grandes cidades na formação do exército industrial de
reserva, o Contrato de Concessão do Aeroporto Salgado Filho que, além de ter
concedido 100% da exploração do serviço a uma única Concessionária pelo
prazo máximo de 25 anos, culminou na desapropriação e desocupação da Vila
Nazaré. O contrato, realizado na modalidade leilão, foi celebrado em nome do
“interesse público”, com vistas ao desenvolvimento econômico da região.
Contudo, a desapropriação promovida pela Prefeitura, dizimou a economia
solidária consistente na reciclagem, principal fonte de trabalho, renda e, por
conseguinte, dignidade daquela comunidade. Pretende-se explorar por que mais
da metade do investimento nessa concessão saíram do Banco Nacional de
Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (BNDES), enquanto a comunidade ali
viveu desassistida de políticas públicas por mais de 30 anos. Indaga-se ainda
em que medida o poder econômico alemão, organizado por meio de Lobby junto
ao Estado, teria sido crucial para que o Poder Concedente assumisse tamanhos
riscos na assinatura desse contrato. A esse respeito, vide o evento climático que
assolou aquela região entre os meses de abril a maio do ano de 2024, que fez
com que o Projeto de Lei de Diretrizes Orçamentárias da União para o ano de
2025, fosse readequado mediante créditos extraordinários, para atender ao
pedido de reequilíbrio financeiro feito pela Concessionária.
Jurisprudence. Philosophy and theory of law, Political institutions and public administration (General)
Mohammed Sadiq, Stephen Michael Croucher, Debalina Dutta
This study analyzed 911 articles from three major newspapers—<i>Vanguard</i>, <i>Daily Trust</i>, and <i>Leadership</i>—using framing theory to assess coverage. Content analysis revealed most headlines were positively framed. The most prevalent frame was attribution of responsibility, while the morality frame appeared least frequently. These findings underscore the influential role of media framing in shaping public health perceptions and highlight the impact of social and political influencers on pandemic-related information dissemination.
Journalism. The periodical press, etc., Communication. Mass media
The article addresses the relationality of automation and the political-libidinal literacy of citizens. After contextualising the problem of reactive subjectivity in the Global Northwest of a perpetuating Enlightenment dialectics, the role of technology in the political-libidinal mereology is revaluated. Drawing from Bernard Stiegler’s notion of tertial retention and Gregory Bateson’s cybernetic theory, the milieu is reconstituted as a plane of transversal desire production and collective anticipation. In times of intensifying multiscalar automation, a lacking attunement to surroundings and responsibility, and general proletarianisation, the article argues for the localisation and sense-ablisation of problems to produce didactic environments for trans-individuative politics. Drawing from an ethics of care as a relational mode of thinking-acting, acts of maintenance are investigated in their potential to modulate the increasing imbalance of investment and passivity in urban subjects to foster de-proletarianisation. Drawing from Deleuze and Guattari’s schizoanalysis, processes of un-doing and re-doing are argued to deterritorialise and schizophrenise over-concretised automatons, opening up material conditions to participatory, creative appropriation and repair (collectively referred to as ‘alter automation‘) to reintroduce critical reflection and political negotiation into our milieus.
Women's involvement in the highest leadership positions in Malaysia remains low. Various parties have made multiple efforts to enhance women's empowerment through opportunities in national leadership. This study examines the relevance of the theory of Maqasid al-Shariah as a foundation for developing a leadership model for women in Malaysia. Maqasid al-Shariah's theory, which outlines Islamic law's objectives, offers relevant principles to shape an inclusive leadership model. This qualitative study employs in-depth interviews with experts in Syariah and leadership. The hypothesis assumes that implementing an inclusive leadership model aligned with the principles of Maqasid al-Shariah results in greater social well-being and promotes gender equality in national leadership. The findings of this study provide valuable insights for designers of the women’s leadership model, policymakers, political leaders, and other stakeholders in their efforts to achieve gender equality and social justice in national leadership.
This paper intends to delve into Roscoe Pound’s thought, enhancing his teleological conception of law as a key to understanding Pound’s historicism, pragmatism and functionalism. The Author will also deal with the Poundian contribution within a ‘situated’ perspective aimed at stressing some ‘genetic’ traits of American legal realism in relation to the specific history of the evolution of the common law in the US context. The text has the objective to discuss the theoretical-legal matrix of Pound’s theoretical reflection and its afference to legal science, highlighting his attitude to address the macro-theme of the constitutive principles of the law itself.
Jurisprudence. Philosophy and theory of law, Political theory
This paper combines political/poststructuralist discourse theory with actor–network theory to explore dystopian visions in the context of a discourse around the hashtag #NotDying4Wallstreet. The call for protest against former US president Donald Trump’s demand to reopen the economy during lockdown dominates the discourse. The tweets were analyzed with quantitative discourse analysis and network analysis to identify key terms and meaning clusters leading to two main conclusions. The first (A) is an imaginary dystopic future with an accelerated neoliberal order. Human lives, especially elderly people, are sacrificed for a well-functioning economy in this threat scenario. The second (B) includes the motive of protest and the potential of the people’s demands to unite and rally against this threat. Due to the revelation of populist features, this (online) social movement seems to be populist without a leader figure. The empirical study is used to propose a research approach toward a mixed-methods design based on a methodological discussion and the enhancement of PDT with ANT. Thus, the article has a double aim: an update of contemporary approaches to social media analysis in discourse studies and its empirical demonstration with a study.
Immanuel Kant’s political writings, which represent a philosophical revolution in the name of the modern world, have always remained important. Kant’s Perpetual Peace is one of these writings. The agenda of perpetual peace, which became evident in the early eighteenth century, was still on the agenda at the end of the century, as is evident from this text of Kant. The reason for this is that the dynamo of the Westphalian order established after the Thirty Years’ War was the wars that prevailed in Europe. Almost every thinker of the period seems to have pondered on war and peace. However, especially in terms of sociology, which was established and institutionalized in the nineteenth century, war have become a more permanent agenda than peace. The function of sociology in describing social reality and solving identified problems made an unrealized peace as a part of social reality an accidental issue. Due to the autonomy of the discipline and the accidental position of peace, sociological knowledge of the soldier, army and war has become alienated from the philosophical theory of war and peace over time. The institutionalization of contemporary military sociology in the conditions of the Second World War made even the accumulation in classical sociology secondary. Contrary to these developments, the present article is based on the assumption that there are deep-rooted links between the philosophical theory of peace and sociological explanation of war. The aim of the article, as an example of this connection, is to show that the factual determinations on which the normative proposals in Kant’s aforementioned text are based can be examined from the perspective of military sociology.
Herman Herman, Entang Adhy Muhtar, Rhini Fatmasari
The background of this research is that the utilization of teacher certification allowances has not been maximized, has not been able to improve teacher competence, and has not seen the impact of certification on improving learning. This study aims to analyze the implementation of teacher certification allowance policies in Nunukan Regency; including knowing the inhibiting factors and strategies to overcome these obstacles. The theory of policy implementation used is from Van Meter van Horn (1975), which consists of Policy standards and targets; Resources Communication between organizations, Characteristics of implementing agencies; Social, economic and political conditions. The research approach is qualitative using case studies. Data collection techniques through interviews, observation, and documentation. Informants in this study were the Head of the Education Office, the Head of the GTK Department of Education, the Principal, and each school operator. The results showed that the implementation of the teacher certification allowance policy in Nunukan Regency was carried out well, this can be seen from the policy standards and targets that are used as a reference in its implementation, the adequacy of adequate human resources, facilities, and finances. Communication is also carried out well between the education office and the school. The characteristics of implementing agents, social, economic, and political conditions, and dispositions are also going well. The inhibiting factor for the implementation of this policy is that there are still teachers in schools who are unable to fulfill the teaching load 24 hours per week due to limited classes in each school and the additional duties of the teacher, namely as a homeroom teacher, OSIS coach, and extracurricular guidance.
Political institutions and public administration (General)
This article analyses whether European political parties were responsive to the policy preferences of citizens and economic elites over immigration during the migration crisis. To do so, it derives hypotheses from the scholarly literature on party responsiveness and tests them on survey data collected in 2016 and 2017 from among voters, political parties, and economic elites in 10 different EU member states. Contrary to the widespread belief about the crisis of contemporary representative democracies, the article shows that political parties’ positions on immigration changed consistently with changes in public opinion. On the contrary, the article finds no significant relation between the positions of economic elites and those of political parties. These empirical results are particularly relevant for the study of democratic representation, as they challenge the widespread assumption about the crisis of contemporary representative democracies.
Alice Brocardo de Lima, Elaine Souza Dantas, Suellen Barreto Peranovich
O Direito Sistêmico pretende ser utilizado como um dos métodos mais eficazes de resolução de conflitos, seja no Poder Judiciário, ou antes dele, nos atendimentos pelos advogados ao adotar uma postura menos litigante e aplicar um olhar mais ampliado acerca daquele conflito trazido pelo seu cliente. O olhar sistêmico ressignifica o conflito e passa a enxergá-lo como a possibilidade de mudança e uma preparação prévia para a paz, nas palavras de Bert Hellinger.
Jurisprudence. Philosophy and theory of law, Political institutions and public administration (General)
The research subject of this article is the variable of strategic culture that has been subjected
to some academic inertia since the Cold War period. The aim of this article is to define
practical implications of the strategic culture through the prism of the neoclassical realist
theory. It supports the argument that military interventional precedents in the Middle
East since 2011 have been revealing adaptive considerations of the strategic culture as
an intervening variable that implies interventional military decisions by the U.S. and its
coalition partners.
The first part of the article defines the precise role of this intervening variable as military
interventional precedents are researched. This task is conducted by defining the general
understanding of interventional initiatives, revealing structured assumptions of the
neoclassical realist theory, and reconsidering the role of the strategic culture within that
theoretical framework.
The second part of the article shifts the attention to supportive empirical considerations
regarding the strategic culture and perception of operational ideas – two specifi cally
highlighted neoclassical realist assumptions. The article discloses that Western strategic
culture is a changing intervening variable with a different level of permissiveness. A changing
continuum of permissiveness is implied by interventional experiences that shape perception
of the structural environment and dictate preferences for the power scale of interventional
decisions. From this, the level of the structural environment’s permissiveness is defined. This
permissiveness is associated with capabilities for implementing political objectives without
further escalations of military power. Once the systemic environment becomes more permissive, the possibility of activating military intervention of various force-escalation
becomes more conceivable.
Challenging the popular perception that Confucianism provides mostly a moral defense of political hierarchy, this article demonstrates that Confucianism is more than compatible with democracy and fundamentally contradicts political hierarchy, be it autocracy or meritocracy. Drawing on Zhu Xi (1130–1200 CE), the spokesperson for the state orthodoxy in late imperial China and one of the towering figures in the Confucian tradition, I argue that to realize the Confucian self-cultivation program for all requires popular participation in politics beyond casting ballots. My argument builds on Zhu Xi’s moral egalitarianism that all human beings can pursue sagehood by self-cultivation and should be given the equal opportunity to do so. Since Zhu Xi’s self-cultivation program requires acquiring and perfecting political knowledge in political practice, to realize his moral egalitarianism requires political equality for all. As such, my participatory theory of Confucian democracy exhorts all people to engage in self-governance and daily administration of the state more proactively. Thus, it enriches the prevalent liberal theory of Confucian democracy that focuses on political representation but not on popular participation in politics.
O uso da prisão domiciliar com tornozeleira eletrônica, no âmbito da execução penal, está previsto na legislação brasileira tanto para indivíduos condenados que cumprem pena no regime semiaberto e estejam em situação de saída temporária, como para aqueles que cumprem pena no regime aberto. Diante das precárias condições das prisões brasileiras e da ausência de vagas no regime semiaberto, o juízo da Vara de Execuções Criminais da Comarca de Porto Alegre, decidiu estender a prisão domiciliar, com tornozeleira eletrônica, para alguns indivíduos que cumprem pena no regime semiaberto. Desse modo, foi realizada uma pesquisa de campo que consistiu no acompanhamento, pelo período de um ano, de 28 de outubro de 2015 a 01 de novembro de 2016, das 92 mulheres que cumpriam pena em prisão domiciliar com tornozeleira eletrônica, na referida Comarca. Mapearam-se os tipos de delitos praticados, a primariedade ou não das condenadas e as eventuais ocorrências durante o período de acompanhamento. Conclui-se que o monitoramento eletrônico, quando bem aplicado, pode ser um importante instrumento no combate à reincidência penal e na busca pela reintegração familiar e social das condenadas.
Jurisprudence. Philosophy and theory of law, Political institutions and public administration (General)
Slavery has long stood as a mirror image to the conception of a free person in republican theory. This essay contends that slavery deserves this central status in a theory of freedom, but a more thorough examination of slavery in theory and in practice will reveal additional insights about freedom previously unacknowledged by republicans. Slavery combines imperium (state domination) and dominium (private domination) in a way that both destroys freedom today and diminishes opportunities to achieve freedom tomorrow. Dominium and imperium working together are a greater affront to freedom than either working alone. However, an examination of slavery in practice, focusing on the experiences of American slaves, demonstrates that republicanisms’ acknowledged strategies for freedom-seeking, acquiring insulation from domination through law and through norms, do not encompass the full range of options. Slaves also seek freedom through physical absence, economic activity, and culture. The account of slavery and freedom developed here suggests republican accounts of freedom should either give up their focus on thresholds of freedom, or consider the possibility of a plural conception of freedom that extends beyond just freedom as non-domination to include freedom as collective world-making, or both.
The paper presents academic achievements of traditional institutionalism, the first scientific approach in political science, which was developed since the second part of the 19<sup>th</sup> century in USA, Great Britain, Germany and France. The author argues that this orientation had a creative influence on the progress of the discipline, however this impact is not appreciated by contemporary studies in the field of political science and political theory where limited understanding of the old institutionalism is promoted. The revision of this state of affairs has shown that, apart from the analysis of formal structures and institutions of state power, the traditionalists also have studied political parties (A. L. Lowell), interest groups (T. Eschenburg), public opinion (J. Bryce) and informal socio-political phenomena such as influence (C. J. Friedrich). Additionally, the first institutionalists formed the foundations for methodological self-consciousness of young political science and forged concepts that have been verified by subsequent generations of political scientists. They also conducted the first comparative studies of political systems (H. Finer, C. J. Friedrich). Many of these scholars went beyond pure theory by linking their reflections with planning and reforming political institutions. In this context, the author discusses research on relations between politics and administration (F. J. Goodnow), considerations on demonopolization of power (H. J. Laski) and refers to the debate on efficiency of different branches of government (e.g. in Poland after passing the March Constitution of 1921).
The central ideas coming out of the so-called pragmatic turn in philosophy have set in motion what may be described as a pragmatic turn in normative political theory. It has become commonplace among political theorists to draw on theories of language and meaning in theorising democracy, pluralism, justice, etc. The aim of this paper is to explore attempts by political theorists to use theories of language and meaning for such normative purposes. Focusing on Wittgenstein's account, it is argued that these attempts are unsuccessful. It is shown that pragmatically influenced political theorists draw faulty epistemological, ontological and semantic conclusions from Wittgenstein's view in their normative theorising, and it is argued that pragmatically influenced theories of language and meaning, however full of insight, cannot be put to substantial normative use in political theory. The general scope of the thesis is motivated by pointing to the general form of the argument and by moving beyond Wittgenstein to other philosophers of mind and language, illustrating how similar overextensions are made with regard to Robert Brandom's theory of language and meaning.
The paper suggests a method of evaluating the efficiency of firms with a view to comparing the performance of British and U.S. firms operating in the United Kingdom. The authors first give a brief preliminary account of the origins and aims of the study for which a means of undertaking inter-firm efficiency comparisons is required. They go on to define the efficiency of the firm and propose an operational measure of efficiency as defined. A number of tests of the proposed measure are then carried out, and certain tentative conclusions regarding the relative efficiency of British and U.S. firms in the United Kingdom are drawn.
JEL: F23, L25, L60