Hasil untuk "Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)"

Abolfazl Ghasemi

AbstractIntroductionThe complexity of governing countries, coupled with changes in the roles and functions of governments, has led to a more complex administrative and managerial structure. At the dawn of the 21st century, two main currents have shaped development policy worldwide: globalization, which integrates private sector interaction and trade relations, and localization, which is the process of devolution of roles, financial responsibilities, and management from central government to a subnational unit. Administrative systems are considered the executive arms of political leaders in society. Administrative systems can be divided into two categories: centralization and decentralization. Centralization is a type of administration under a single command. In a centralized system, a country's affairs are managed from a central location by ministers who are the highest decision-making authorities in the government and are usually based in the capital. Decentralization is a system in which the authority to make decisions about matters is devoted to authorities who are more or less independent of the central authority. In other words, they have a degree of administrative independence and freedom of action.Decentralization is used in many countries as one of the principles of good governance and is a means of promoting political, economic, civil, and managerial governance. Intending to find solutions to problems in cities such as poverty, unemployment, inflation, and environmental pollution, a transformation has occurred in the urban development management system, the basis of which is the focus on a decentralized approach in organization. In this approach, the concept of urban governance is first used, meaning the simultaneous and joint participation of people, local institutions, and government and non-governmental organizations as actors in urban development.In Iran, with the growth of cities, their management and administration have also faced various challenges, as meeting the demands of different groups of citizens requires interaction with various institutions. Metropolises have sought good urban governance to be managed correctly and appropriately, in which citizens have the opportunity to freely agree and establish various social, economic, political, and cultural relationships without violating the rights of othersResearch Question(s): Why has decentralization and good urban governance not been realized in Iran?Literature ReviewBy reviewing the background of conducted research, the fundamental gap observed is the lack of a coherent study examining the simultaneous causes of the failure of decentralization and good urban governance in Iran. The author aims to fill this research gap concerning decentralization and the delegation of powers to formal sub-national, as well as good urban governance, since the failure to achieve these two has led to unfavorable consequences at the urban level in Iran.MethodologyThis research is Institutionaly (Public Administration) approach. The data collection tool is a library-documentary approach, referring to books, articles, official reports, and electronic resources.ResultsHistorically, Iran's administrative system has been characterized by a strong hierarchical structure, reflecting a deep-rooted cultural emphasis on obedience and authority. This hierarchical mindset, evident in the bureaucratic culture, has its roots in centuries of centralized governance. The Iranian state has traditionally been structured around a unitary political center, with power concentrated at the national level. This centralized model, while providing a degree of stability and control, has often hindered local initiative and responsiveness to diverse regional need. In this tradition, decision-making processes were given less consideration, and executive authorities preferred broader government powers to enable rapid decision-making on various issues at all levels of the territory. The concept of decentralization first emerged during the Constitutional Revolution. After the Islamic Revolution, decentralization, administrative deconcentration, and the council system were also given attention, and the Constitution explicitly mentioned the council-based governance of the country. Urbanization has been on the rise in Iran, with the urban population increasing from 54.3% to 74% between 1986 and 2016, according to post-revolutionary censuses. The number of cities has also grown from 199 in 1956 to 1431 in 2022.To achieve good urban governance, certain requirements are necessary, based on global lived experiences, whereby decision-making powers are delegated to sub-national institutions. Among the most important factors influencing the strength or weakness of good urban governance are the political elites' perspective on the delegation of powers, their understanding and vision of sub-national governance, political culture, the historical background of governance, the social and class base of the state, and the geopolitical position of the state.Iran's political elites' perspective, lack of a Referential, political culture, bureaucratic culture, oil revenues, the tradition of governance in Iran, and the government's security-oriented view of society have all contributed to the continued centralization, leaving local governance not particularly strong in practice. The consequences of centralization and the failure to achieve good urban governance in Iran can be summarized as follows: reduced civic participation, reduced transparency, reduced accountability, Disruption, and inefficiency in service delivery, Increased government intervention and complex bureaucratic processes, and Growth of corruption.ConclusionAn evaluation of urban planning and management experiences in Iran indicates a centralized approach. In a centralized political management system, planning is influenced by the overall thoughts and programs of the government and central institutions. The Iranian government, with its oil revenues excessive independence from society, and the dependence of social classes on it, has focused on centralized decision-making. To successfully decentralize at the urban level, there is a need for a strong will among high-level government officials to share power, authority, and financial resources with sub-national entities.

Valentina N. Ochir-Goryaeva

Introduction. The article is devoted to the analysis of the book “Lists of Conscripts by Maloderbetovsky Regional Military Commissariat in 1941, 1942, 1943” as a source on the history of participation of Kalmykia residents in the Great Patriotic War of 1941–1945. The purpose of this article is a detailed review of this book. Materials and methods. The main source for the study was the book “Lists of Conscripts by Maloderbetovsky Regional Military Commissariat in 1941, 1942, 1943” published in 2023 by T. Ts. Kishteeva. In the process of analysis the methods of comparative and descriptive analysis were used, which allowed us to obtain valuable information about the role of the inhabitants of Kalmykia during the war. Results. The book of conscripts contains information about 3 429 servicemen called up by the Maloderbetovsky Regional Military Commissariat. In the process of the analysis it was found out that in some cases the information is repeated, as well as there are errors and inaccuracies in the information. Nevertheless, the book covers a significant number of war participants and serves as an important source to immortalize the memory of our fellow countrymen who fought for the Motherland in 1941–1945.

Roa Al Shidhani, Saranjam Baig

Abstract Since the 1990s, China’s engagement beyond its geographical periphery, especially with Asian regions, has grown exceptionally, which is best evident in the Gulf sub-region and Western Asian nations. Indeed, energy-based interactions were the first to be established with Gulf Arab countries, and today, more than two decades after the Cold War, such relationships have evolved into tighter partnerships and engagement networks. Thus, in the last decade, China has increased its economic and political footprint in the Gulf region, as it has become one of the region’s largest external investors and trade partners. In its relations with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states, China faces varying challenges as each country pursues its interests, making the Chinese strategy in the region more complex. The Gulf countries have had to balance their relationship between the US as a security guarantor and China as an important economic partner. They strive to maximize their political and economic interests in the process. The main contention of this paper is that the GCC should not be viewed as a homogenous entity and that the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a flexible approach designed to bolster China’s economic objectives in each Gulf country. Our research scrutinizes China’s geo-economic strategy and geopolitical aims about the Gulf States’ aspirations to maximize their economic ties with China. Against this background, this paper discusses the political and economic relationships between the People’s Republic of China and the Gulf Arab states: Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, Oman, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), and the United Arab Emirates (UAE).

Isaac Nkoana, Modiba Mmachoene, Mohale Ernest Selelo

The aim of this paper is to investigate the how complexity affects local government in South Africa. Local government is the closest sphere to the local people in South Africa. This sphere of government is charged with the responsibility of providing goods and services to the public. However, local governments in South Africa are glued to complexity that produce ineffectiveness and inefficiency in terms of providing goods and services to the local communities. This paper relies on an assertion by Prof. Nghamula Nkuna, who refers complexity within local government as a situation where people or stakeholders do not confine themselves to a single site, nor do they always engage others in the same manner. He further states that the manner in which the ward public officials of a local municipality chair the ward committee meeting is different from the way he or she reports to the local traditional leader, and interactions vary as obligations and roles shift depending on the situation. For example, most councillors elected to local government are also employed as teachers, and they are also serving in other community structures. The findings indicate that the complexity within local government create multiple challenges, such as ineffective decision-making, slow implementation of policies, policy fragmentation and inconsistency, and strained relationships and collaboration. The paper is purely qualitative, which adopts literature-based methodology. It concludes that local government, where most public officials hold one position, do well in terms of delivering services because there is no conflict of interest. This paper recommends that local government should enforce a single-site duty towards public officials so that they engage others in the same manner to circumvent challenges created by the complexity within local government.

Virgemarie Salazar

In the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), member states recognise the need for multi-sectoral and multi-stakeholder engagement on climate change, but the participation of non-state actors in regional processes remains limited. This research focuses on the case study of three transnational governance networks on climate change in ASEAN and their efforts to participate in regional governance mechanisms. Data from semi-structured interviews of network members and texts of relevant documents are analysed from the perspectives of the communities of practice theory and participatory governance. This study finds that transnational networks in ASEAN provide non-state actors with opportunities to participate in regional governance of climate change by engaging in shared practices. However, the question on whether their practices can be considered as meaningful participation needs to be addressed. Hence, analysing transnational networks as communities of practice can help explain how practices bring about continuity and change in ASEAN's governance of climate change.

Ali Aqajani

Mencius and Farabi are prominent representatives of two important Eastern intellectual traditions, namely Confucian-Chinese philosophy and Islamic-Iranian philosophy, who had basic reflections on the nature and functions of the state and how to moralize it efficiently. The basic question of the article is the attitude of these two political philosophers towards the fusion of ethics and politics in the state and how to draw the moral state. The hypothesis is based on the elaboration of ethics and politics in the concepts of utopia, prosperity, legitimacy and justice and the formation of the moral state from the perspective of Mencius and Farabi and their major similarity in the general approach, which, based on the comparative research method, has many commonalities and noteworthy differences. Government, essential good, continuity and unity of ethics and politics, instrumental and maximal government/comprehensive social security/providing security-welfare-virtue, Hakim-Shahriar government, relationship between religion, politics, spirituality and ethics, happiness is a multi-faceted and multi-dimensional matter/achievement Happiness is a relative matter, the legitimacy of the heavenly and earthly duality, moderation and middle ground/opposition to its excess and immorality/and comprehensive justice are the commonalities of these two. Establishing a balance between the elitist and populist approach by Mencius, more clarity on the instrumentality of the state/and in terms of the right of revolution, more emphasis on the duties of the government/servant government, empirical-rational-detailed description, comprehensive happiness between nature and will, the role of the people Beyond Farabi's theory/the voice of the people is the voice of God, and more emphasis on political justice, the differences between Menisos and Farabi in the field of moral government can be enumerated.Mencius, a great thinker and philosopher of East Asia, and Farabi, a thinker and a high-level philosopher of West Asia, are two examples of treasures that the explanation of their opinions in the field of government can increase the connection between these two rich and deep traditions. In this research, an attempt has been made to analyze the fields related to ethics and politics, which are the components of the term called political ethics, and based on this, to clarify the similarities and differences between the two. Mensus, like Farabi, who is the second teacher in the philosophical tradition of Islam, can be called the second teacher in the Confucian tradition. He explained and explained and of course invented and theorized in the school of Confucius and is considered the closest interpreter of Confucius to him.Like Aristotle, Mencius and Farabi believed that man is a political animal and can only fully expand these relationships when he is inside the state and society. He considers the government to be a moral institution and they believe that its head should be a moral leader. According to these two philosophers, the distribution of charity among all the members of Madinah is based on the eligibility of people. Charities include officials and positions, security, health, dignity and status, sanctity, property, wealth and the like. Therefore, all citizens have rights, and everyone has the right to have a job and work suitable to their social personality.Unlike today's political philosophy in the West, Farabi does not believe in the separation of public and private spheres and considers them to be the same. The similarity between Al-Farabi and Mencius is the special prominence of political philosophy in the thoughts of these two. But in this field, the difference between the two is also clear. While Farabi follows political philosophy in the form of political wisdom in theory. Mencius seeks political wisdom in the public arena.According to Mencius and Farabi, a good, efficient and superior government is the result of the combination of ethics and politics. Based on this, the work of a good government should start from the people and go up, not from the ruling class and go down. People are not only the root but also the last judge of the government. Utopia, which is an ideal society, is realized when ethics and politics are combined. Happiness is multifaceted and multidimensional. Learning the benevolence of the community and the people is the extension of justice. Justice is realized when people have the ability and power to exercise sovereignty and can criticize the government and, if necessary, criticize it or correct it. In response to this question, Mencius considers the government a moral institution and believes that its head should be a moral leader.

John Kennedy

For the past 15 years, a problem with the lack of reproducibility in the social and behavioral sciences has been noted. AJPOR has published many articles on two timely and important topics – fake news and COVID-19. While replications are important, they may not advance science as much as multiple researchers examining topics using multiple methods and objectives, especially across multiple countries, cultures, and languages.

Ting Yang, Sangho Seo

Based on Goffman's dramaturgical theory and self-objectification framework, this study examined: 1) Chinese female's WeChat self-presentation, 2) the impact of WeChat usage on female self-objectification, and 3) the impact of self-objectification on WeChat self-presentation tactics. An online survey was conducted. The main findings include: 1) most of the participants chose to beautify their pictures and videos before they posted them, 2) the respondents attached higher importance to appearance-based body attributes than competence-based ones, 3) the most frequently applied self-presentation tactic was ingratiation, 4) WeChat usage was not a predictor of Chinese women's self-objectification, and, 5) along with extroversion, self-objectification had an impact on ingratiation, supplication, self-promotion, and exemplification. Meanwhile, use of the electronic curtain and audience sifting to control who can see a post and for how long demonstrated the empowerment of the users when they conduct self-presentation.

Rohman Hakim, Khaerul Umam, Husen Saeful Anwar

The purpose of this study was to analyze the application of e-government through Samsat Mobile Jawa Barat at the Regional Revenue Agency of West Java Province. The theory used in this study uses e-government theory which includes (1) content development, (2) competency building, (3) connectivity, (4) cyber law, (5) citizen interface, and (6) capital. The research approach used is a qualitative approach. Data collection techniques by interview, observation and documentation. The data analysis technique is based on Creswell's thinking with a bottom-up hierarchical approach model. The results of this study indicate that the implementation of e-government through Samsat Mobile Jawa Barat in the Regional Revenue Agency of West Java Province has been running quite well. Although based on Idrajati's e-government theory, there are several criteria that need to be improved. Such as content development criteria that still do not provide an iOS-based Samsat Mobile Jawa Barat application, competency building criteria have not yet produced employees who are experts in managing the appearance of the Bapenda West Java website design and content. The connectivity criteria are good because they are in the West Java region. Cyber law criteria must be added specifically, because it only follows the rules of the central government, the citizen interface criteria still need to be developed because it only has two channels, namely the website and the android application. While the criteria for capital is sufficient, it only needs additional sources of capital apart from the APBD.

Hongna Miao

In the age of continuous media change and the coexistence of multiple forms of media, the relationship between the public’s media use and political participation is an urgent area of study. This paper makes use of large national sample surveys from 2002, 2011, and 2015, summarizes the change of the public’s media use by descriptive statistics analysis, and finds that while the Internet has become an important communication channel, the use of Internet for political information and political participation is still overestimated. Compared to the weak impact of different media channels for political information on political participation, the frequency of media exposure and Internet use play a significant role in political participation. Because of the negative effect of the frequency of Internet use on political participation, the democratization function of the Internet needs to be treated with caution. This paper describes media use and its roles in contemporary China, analyzes the impact of media use on political participation, and extends the cross-cultural application of the theory of political communication.

Zahir Alimoradi

The decentralized organization pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran provinces, along with a variety of public services and climatic, ethnic, cultural and religious differences, have made the country encounter a number of problems. It is evident to everyone that decentralization is one of the most effective actions for the development of countries; however, the implementation of decentralization policies has not been successful in Iran’s provinces. In this research, the realization of local self-government is regarded as an aim for decentralization at the provincial level in order to scientifically identify the consequences of decentralization in the provinces. International status, geopolitical situation, unbalanced development and ethnic and religious variety have made Iran a special case of decentralization; hence, this study was carried out using a hybrid method. After studying the research background, 16 interviews with semi-structured elites were carried out. By analyzing the results of the interviews through content analysis method, seven outcomes of the Provincial Self-Governance include: "General Prosperity", "Income Sustainability", "Partnership", "Economic Agility", "Rule of Law", "Efficiency in Servicing", and "Separatism" was extracted from 20 categories, 112 concepts and 353 primary codes. Then, the model test by modeling the structural equations showed that the local self-government of the provinces has positive consequences in the social and economic spheres, as well as weakening separatism, terrorist activities, foreign interference and strengthening the Iranian-Islamic identity.

Kian Cheng Lee

This article problematises the traditional conceptualisation of the “citizen diplomat” as being confined only to a single nation state sovereignty. At the nexus of transnational “ethnopreneurship,” dual embeddedness, neoliberalism, and post-materialism, citizen diplomats transcend territorially bound identities and perform unofficial dual-accredited roles in the enhancement of bilateral relationships. The protagonist in this case is a transnational People’s Republic of China ethnopreneur who adopts multiple forms of cultural commodification based on both Thai and Chinese resources. As a result, both territories have benefitted from the ensuing informal diplomatic interactions. Traversing the culturally distinctive city of Chiang Mai in Thailand and several flourishing cities in China, the article elucidates the importance of non-traditional diplomats. Put succinctly, it argues for a re-envisioning of transnational ethnopreneurial diplomacy so as to recognise multiple identities, cultures, and markets wherein positive-sum diplomatic returns are achieved. From an intra-Asian perspective, it seeks to remedy a scarcity in the literature – given that existing migrant studies are largely set in North American and European contexts.

Tahmasb Alipuriani, Mokhtar Nouri

The institution of the modern state, based on the liberal doctrine of social contract, has been questioned in the age of globalization by the formation of paradigmatic transformations of political thought from different think tanks. This kind of criticism of liberal discourse encompasses a range of critical thinkers such as Michel Foucault, Jacques Derrida Giorgo Agamben, Jacques Rancière and others. But the critique of the state by contemporary thinkers is not confined to this category of thinkers, but communitarianism, with its thinkers such as Al-Sadir McIntyre, can be regarded as one of these critical schools of thought in the paradigm of contemporary political philosophy with a critical look at the most important liberal propositions of modern times such as individualism, state neutrality, universality of this kind of thinking and an emphasis on concepts such as communitarianism, virtue, state moral interventionism, and contextualization. The focus of this article will be to examine McIntyre's critical attitude towards the issue of "state neutrality." The question is, "What is Al-Sadir McIntyre's view of the institution of government? And what is his position on the neutrality of the state in liberal thought? "It is assumed that “First of all, McIntyre has no endorsing view of modern government and its grand narrative, and is in favor of communism. It also denies the impartiality of the state in liberal thought and advocates the rule-based interventionism of the state to moralize citizens ". Macintyre is a new Aristotelian thinker who emphasizes the restoration of virtue and prosperity in the modern age as it was in the classical Greek era.

Sarah Prusoff LoCASCIO, Hee Won Cho

Background: Attitudes toward breastfeeding in public are one potential barrier to optimal breastfeeding rates and durations.Method: Questions about breastfeeding experience and attitudes toward breastfeeding in public were asked in face-to-face interviews as part of the Korean Academic Multimode Open Survey (KAMOS), May-July, 2017. The response rate was 65.8% (2000 respondents nationwide).Results: A majority of Koreans disagreed (1 or 2 on a 4-point scale) with the statement “Women should not breastfeed their child in open, public places” (53.9%) and agreed (3 or 4 on the 4-part Likert scale) with the statements “I do not feel uncomfortable seeing women breastfeed their child in open, public places” (64.0%) and “Breastfeeding a baby, instead of letting the baby cry, in public places is better for other people” (71.8%). However, despite these generally positive attitudes, the majority also said that they would not breastfeed in public (57.4% of women) or, in the case of men, would not want a close female relative to do so (63.8% of men). Breastfeeding in public was positively correlated with the duration of breastfeeding. People were more positive about breastfeeding in public if they: were parents; did not use formula and breastfeeding a similar amount; had children who had been breastfed in public; were older; were Buddhists rather than Christians. An attempt was made to compare attitudes toward breastfeeding in public and breastfeeding durations internationally, but was inconclusive due to not perfectly comparable data.Conclusion: Our results may be useful in planning public health campaigns in South Korea or future attempts at international comparisons to better understand and address the effect of public opinion regarding breastfeeding in public on breastfeeding rates and durations.

S. Roman

A. Jödicke

Tavip Agus Rayanto

As one of the potential source of local government revenue, it seems that the Local Government Owned Enterprise (Badan Usaha Milik Daerah BUMD) have contributed very little to the whole Local Government Revenue (Pendapatan Asli Daerah). It is also ironic that insofar the existence of BUMD has been much rely on the government regulation and given monopoly in its business. The ambiguous mission of BUMD — between an agent of development and a profit center — proved to be the main obstacle for its management system. From the strategic management perspective and SWOT analysis, it is found out that BUMD should adopt a turn-around approach, to minimize its weaknesses and try to get maximum benefit of the wide-opened opportunities. The strategic issues to be tackled by the BUMD management are quite complex. But among the most important issues are: the lack of professional human resources, the inflexible organisational structure and the low product or service quality. To address these issues, it is recommended that BUMD would come up with strategic human resource development programs, to apply more adaptive and flat organisational structure, and to adopt Total Quality Management (TQM) system in order to be more responsive to its customers.

M. W. Karanja

Iwan W. Morgan