Hasil untuk "Early Christian literature. Fathers of the Church, etc."

Wojciech Stawiszyński

Łukasz Libowski

Poprzedzone wstepem i opatrzone komentarzami tłumaczenie dzieła "De Gregorio Thaumaturgo" Rufina z Akwilei, czyli wyjątku z VII księgi jego łacińskiego przekładu „Historii kościelnej” Euzebiusza z Cezarei.

Maria E. Doerfler

The turn of the twentieth century represents an incisive moment in religious thought and theological education. Scholars across Europe and North America were wrestling with the twin influences of Protestant Liberalism and Roman Catholic Modernism, the questions they raised for how to conceive of the origins of Christianity, and how to make them palatable to a rapidly changing world. In her most recent monograph, The Fathers Refounded: Protestant Liberalism, Roman Catholic Modernism, and the Teaching of Ancient Christianity in Early Twentieth-Century America, Elizabeth A. Clark explores these questions in the lives and work of three of the era's most influential figures. Her work stands at the center of this forum, with four distinguished scholars considering its implications.

Małgorzata Chudzikowska-Wołoszyn

Dzieło karolińskiej arystokratki Dhuody z Septymanii (†843) napisane zostało w okresie od 30 listopada 841 r. do 2 lutego 843 r. Tę szczegółową informację autorka zamieściła w ostatniej – XI – księdze parenetycznego traktatu. Podręcznik prezentuje typ piśmiennictwa napominającego dla świeckich, który w literaturze określony został mianem speculum laicalis – zwierciadło laickie. Dzieła tego gatunku pisane były z myślą o przedstawicielach świeckiej arystokracji i rozwinęły się obok dominującej w okresie karolińskim grupy zwierciadeł królewskich i książęcych. W IX w. powstało pięć pism, które z uwagi na podejmowane wątki zaliczamy do zwierciadeł świeckich. Znajdujące się w tym zbiorze dzieło Dhuody zdecydowanie wyróżnia się na tle pozostałych traktatów. Przede wszystkim ze względu na osobę autorki. W dobie kultury karolińskiej Liber manualis Dhuody stanowi jedyny przykład kobiecego pisarstwa. Na uwagę zasługuje także fakt, że księżna z Septymanii zadedykowała utwór swojemu synowi, pierworodnemu Wilhelmowi (826-850). Pozostałe karolińskie specula laicalium napisane zostały przez duchownych na zamówienie wysokiej rangi świeckich urzędników. Bliska relacja łącząca autorkę ze swoim adresatem skutkowała jedynym w swoim rodzaju osobistym charakterem całego pisma. Celem wszystkich autorów tworzących zwierciadłowe instrukcje dla świeckich było nakreślenie pomocnych reguł, dzięki którym adresaci mogliby osiągnąć zbawienie swoich dusz. Główną treścią traktatów staje się wykładnia chrześcijańskiej moralności, która zostaje ściśle zorientowana na grupę świeckich dygnitarzy pełniących cały szereg społecznych i rodzinnych ról – wojowników, urzędników, doradców, synów, małżonków, a także wreszcie ojców. W ten sposób obok istniejącego już etosu mnicha (który objął cały karoliński kler), a także etosu królewskiego (proklamowanego w zwierciadłach dla władców), doprecyzowano typową etykę świecką i tzw. institutiones dla laików. Okazało się, że laicy w sposób tożsamy do osób duchownych mogli, na drodze realizacji odpowiednich dla nich cnót, reguł i przepisów, prowadzić życie podobające się Bogu i prowadzące ich do Królestwa Bożego.  

Antonino González Blanco

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Jorge López Quiroga

El pangermanismo característico de los años 30/40 en Europa y la influencia de autores alemanes como Kossina o Jankhun, en el contexto de la ideología nazi del período de entreguerras y durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial, ha influido en la visión del ‘mundo germánico’ a través del registro arqueológico, y concretamente el mundo funerario, como una cuestión estrictamente étnica, fundamentada en la pureza e inmutabilidad de los componentes raciales a lo largo de los siglos como un signo inequívoco de la identidad de los pueblos. Por lo tanto, las ‘migraciones bárbaras’ eran vistas como un proceso que, aún cuando sea dilatado y complejo en el tiempo y en el espacio, no alteraba la homogeneidad de las diferentes ‘agrupaciones étnicas’, siendo los mapas de hallazgos, en el contexto de esta perspectiva, una prueba de la expansión y asentamiento (Landnahme) de los bárbaros* en tierras del Imperio.

Antonio Ignacio Molina Marín

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Jacek Bonarek

After the turbulent events of 1204 and after gaining the power by the Latins in Constantinople, Nicaea was supposed to become the center of post-Byzantine world as the capital of a country newly created by Theodore I Laskaris. It definitely fulfilled all the conditions to become the most significant town in the north-west­ern part of Asia Minor. The sovereigns from the Laskaris dynasty supported its development as well, although it must be emphasized that it was not the only cen­ter of their country. Next to Nicaea both Magnesia and Nymphaion need to be mentioned. Nicaea became an important cultural and scientific center of the new empire. Nevertheless, it was not an exceptional place as the distinguished represen­tatives of Byzantine scientific and cultural world lived also permanently in other towns (also in those towns which were under the Latins’ rule). What is more, the educational system of Nicaea was criticized (e.g. George – Gregory II of Cyprus). The last but one emperor, Theodore II Laskaris (1254-1258), tried to make Nicaea the only center of Byzantine Greeks country. Nevertheless, as early as three years after his death the Byzantine Greeks regained Constantinople, the real capital of the world, and Nicaea again became the center of secondary importance.

Mariusz Terka

Christian reflection of God’s Revelation, given especially in Jesus Christ, from the very beginning has developed with a personal tension between the continuing message of the Old Testament and the newness brought on by the New Covenant. The Christian attitude towards the traditions of Judaism have held a special place in this field. Many of the early Christian writers engaged in this attitude, proclaim­ing the superiority of the Gospel to the Law of Moses, meanwhile also underlining the idea of continuity, which occurred between the Church and Israel. These same views found their way into the teachings of St. Augustine, among others, in his Enarrationes in Psalmos. The main perspective from which he looks at this prob­lem always remains the mystery of Christ and the Church. That is why his views are theological in nature, and not socio-political. The Synagogue, which symbolizes the Jewish people, is described by St. Augustine as a mother figure. Christ leaving her behind was due to the rejection by the Synagogue, which is – according to St. Augustine – based on a misunder­standing of the mystery of the Incarnation and the Paschal Mystery. Which is also why, Christ is left crucified for synagogue, which does not see his beauty, but only his scandal. Another metaphor, which Augustine uses to try and describe the Church and its relationship to the people of the Old Covenant, is the image of God and the physical Church building. It is based on the foundation, which is not only Christ, but also the apostles and prophets. Therefore, what determines the belonging to the Church of the Jews, as well as the Gentiles, is their regard to Christ and the prophetic-apostolic tradition. The Church – the building of God is not something newly created, but in determining its identity refers to the tradition of Israel as the chosen people and because, like him, can be called God’s heritage. His rejection by part of Israel, expressed in the crucifixion of Christ, led the di­vision in himself. The primary legacy of Abraham has been split. Some remained the wall of the church, others turned to dust. Thus, St. Augustine teaches two types of Israel: the corporeal, which rejects Christ and the spiritual, which is the true Church. What determines the division within the chosen people, and what is the cause of this rupture, which occurs in it, is a phenomenon referred to by Augustine as the term „physicality” (meaning of the body), consisting of directing the heart towards temporal and earthly values. The physicality and the related closure to God, involves not only the opposi­tion of the Jews against Christ himself, but also of the Church and this is expressed in the various forms of persecution of Christians. This enmity, however, does not mean their complete separation, as Augustine points out that the thread binding the Jewish people to the Church, is their common origin. Although Jews, like Esau, have lost their heritage and their place was taken by Jacob – the true Israel, or the Church, after all, he also comes from Abraham, and belongs to the chosen people. This makes the reciprocal relationship of Jews and Christians not a simple ratio of the persecutor and the persecuted, but has a deeper dimension, which takes place between the dynamics of communication and conflicts, struggles and relationships. It is because of this that, even though Jews do not recognize Christ at the time of his coming, they may still believe in Him if they have already ac­complished the work of salvation, for it is He alone who restores their vision of faith. Therefore, their fate, whose image is the figure of Cain – the persecutor, turns out to be not so much intended as a providential event. The possibility of faith was open not only to the individual repenting (returning from the wrong path) Jews, but also to the whole nation.

Ludwik Gładyszewski, Stanisław Longosz

nie dotyczy

Bożena Stawoska-Jundziłł

The paper presents the results of studies of epitaphs for children up to almost eight years of age from the city of Rome (3rd-4th c. – B. Stawoska-Jundziłł, Vixit cum parentibus. Children aged under seven in Christian families from Rome of 3rd-4th c., Bydgoszcz 2008) in comparison with the views of John Chrysostom on the upbringing of small children. The content of over 2000 children from Rome demonstrates a high status of even the youngest offspring in the Christian families from this city. The founders cared for their religious „endowment”, bestowed their love on them and tried to remember them as members of the family even if they had died after a few days or months. It was unquestionably believed that small children are immediately saved, go to God and commune with the saints. Thanks to this the family could hope for their support and prayers. Whereas, John Chrysostom only casually mentions small children and, what is more, ambivalently: on one hand presenting them on the basis of thorough observations of their behavior and looking after them and on the other hand as mindless creatures, a harbinger of va­luable person following the Stoics e.g. Seneca. As far as the most important for me question of the death of small children is concerned he takes a stand similar to that of the Romans. The children are really without sins (they did not commit them consciously) so God shall accept them only through the hardships of illness and death. Now they are asleep (unlike in the studied epitaphs) but they will rise from the dead and join their parents. Thus, the despair after their death is pointless; God decided the best for them. The difference lies in the fact that the founders of epitaphs more decidedly see the perfection of posthumous existence of even the smallest children who there reach their full maturity whereas John does not seem to be interested in this issue since he directs his teaching mostly to maturing and mature Christians in the earthly life and not in the beyond.

Ryszard Stefan Groń

W opracowaniu

Juliusz Jundziłł

W opracowaniu

Franciszek Drączkowski

Der heilige Severin (410-482) wirkte in der Provinz Noricum an der Donau (das heutige Ósterreich). Sein Leben und Tatigkeit schilderte Eugippius im Werk Commemoratorium („Tagebiicher”). Der Papst Johannes Paul II. im Brief Quasi lucerna ardens, geschrieben zum Anlass des 1500. Todestages des heiligen Severin, betont die verstandige Verbindung des besinnlichen Lebens des Mónchen mit dem Wirken fur die Armen, Kranken, Verfolgten und Geschadigten. Fur Menschen von heute bleibt er das glanzende Vorbild ais Meister des geistigen Lebens, ais Organisator der Hilfstatigkeiten und karitativen Aktionen und auch Beschutzer der Menschenrechte.

Lefferts A. Loetscher

American Protestants in the early nineteenth century faced intellectual and social challenge which made conspicuous the weakness of their own divided condition. The American Revolution—which was part of a larger upheaval in the Atlantic Community—had spread Enlightenment ideas, with their aggressive attack on orthodoxy. Quite typical was the lament of a convention of Massachusetts Congregational ministers in 1799 over “the present decay of Christian morals and piety, and the awful prevalence of speculative and practical infidelity.” Well before the middle eighteen-thirties the tide of deism had ebbed, but some, like the editors of the newChristian Review, were still building sea walls against it.

A. F. Walls

In the course of the past century the centre of gravity of the Christian world has shifted completely. Europe, once the centre, is now at best an outpost on the fringe of the Christian world, some would say an outpost likely to be overwhelmed. The great majority of Christians, and the overwhelming majority of practising Christians are, and are clearly going to be, Africans, Americans or Asians. And of these, the most startling expansion—the greatest Christian expansion since what were for Europe the Middle Ages—has been in Africa, where Christians have been increasing in geometrical progression, doubling their numbers every twelve years or so, for over a century. The greater part of African Church history, however, has still to be written. Hagiography we have in abundance, and hagiography, like mythology, is a valid literary genre; but (again like mythology) it is a poetic, not a scholarly category. Of missionary history we have a little, though very little in proportion to the vast resources which the missionary society archives supply; but missionary history is only one specialized part of African Church history; by far the greater part of African Christian life and African Christian expansion goes on, and has long gone on, without the presence, let alone the superintendence, of the European missionary.

J. A. McGuckin

This paper offers three considerations: a) the Jewish ascetical tradition in the life of Jesus and the primitive Gospel tradition; b) the Alexandrian system offered by Clement and Origen, which through developing monasticism did so much to set the tone of ascetical doctrine throughout the ancient Christian world; and c) what relation, if any, survived between Jesus and his great Alexandrian disciples in this matter, after the lapse of a century and a half. It is thus a study in continuity and discontinuity.

Cepoat

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Zbigniew Wójtowicz

tłumaczenie