Abstract The failure of traditional approaches to provide security has resulted in introducing a new approach to security in the post-Cold War era known as "sustainable security." This issue is particularly important in the Middle East, where the security situation has deteriorated in recent decades due to traditional security approaches. The main question of this paper is, "What can be done to ensure long-term security in the Middle East?" This paper is based on the hypothesis that sustainable security can be achieved by addressing national security, regional security, global security, and human security at the same time. The paper addresses the problem of security in the Middle East using a descriptive-analytical methodology and utilizing a theoretical framework of critical approach to security. To do this, first, the relevant theoretical literature is discussed; second, the Middle East security issue is addressed. The factors most likely to contribute to long-term security at the human, national, regional, and global levels are discussed.
Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only), Economic growth, development, planning
Reformasi birokrasi adalah salah satu kebijakan strategis yang diambil pemerintah
untuk mewujudkan visi pembangunan nasional dan meningkatkan daya saing Indonesia di
kancah global. Reformasi birokrasi sendiri dapat dipahami sebagai proses menata-ulang,
mengubah, memperbaiki, dan menyempurnakan birokrasi agar menjadi lebih baik yaitu
menjadi birokrasi yang profesional, bersih, efisien, efektif, dan produktif (Kementerian
ESDM, 2019). Reformasi birokrasi pada dasarnya mengarah pada upaya-upaya yang
dilakukan dalam bentuk perubahan-perubahan yang berarti dalam suatu sistem birokrasi
pemerintah (Riyadi, 2008). Reformasi birokrasi gelombang pertama pada dasarnya secara
bertahap mulai dilaksanakan pada tahun 2004 (Perpres No. 81 Tahun 2010 Grand Design
Reformasi Birokrasi 2010-2025).
Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)
In recent years, a small but growing body of scholarly work has emerged on the Hanfu movement in China. Researchers have drawn attention to globalisation, westernisation, national lifestyles, and development, the renaissance of Chinese culture, Han racism, Han ethnocentrism and xenophobia as drivers for the movement. In this article, we suggest that of all the extant literature that currently exists on the movement, the ethnography conducted by Kevin Carrico is the most accurate portrayal of the movement as it stands. However, and drawing upon visual and interview-based fieldwork with members of the movement in 2013 and 2015, our main argument is that existing scholarship has not attended to several nuances in the movement that problematise ideas of race, the way the movement views the recent past and the othering of Manchurian subjects. Unpacking these problematics, this study advances upon existing scholarship: 1) by drawing attention to the way Hanfu enthusiasts demonstrate a great deal of reflexivity around the notion of race; 2) by focusing on the approaches by which Hanfuists interpret the Chinese past beyond narratives of Han ethnic decline; 3) by investigating the mode by which Hanfuists indirectly “other” Manchurian subjects; and 4) by exploring the manner in which Hanfuists hold a broad or “mass” societal “other” as responsible for a new era of moral decline in contemporary China.
Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only), Social sciences and state - Asia (Asian studies only)
Dewasa ini tuntutan dan aspirasi tentang otonomi daerah ditengah-tengah masyarakat sangat kuat, dan ditindaklanjuti oleh MPR wujud TAP MPR Nomor XI/MPR/1998. Hal ini jelas membawa implikasi yang luas, salahsatunya adalah perlunya penyesuaian aspek kelembagaan aparatur pemerintah, baik ditingkat Pusat maupun Daerah. Dalam hal ini, kebijaksanaan otonomi daerah yang tertuang dalam UU Nomor 5 tahun 1974 perlu direvisi, dengan sasaran tertatanya organisasi pemerintahan yang bercirikan: kejelasan visi dan misi, flat atau datar, ramping dan tidak banyak pembidangan, pengembangan jejaring organisasi, strategi learning organization, pengembangan jabatan fungsional, serta organisasi bervariasi.
Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)
North Korea’s missile firings aim at proving technological advancement before deploying the weapons in the field units, as well as demonstrating a show of force to the United States and its allies. These costly firings are financed by earnings from illegal cyberactivities and arms sales. North Korea’s nuclear threat has strengthened Seoul–Washington–Tokyo cooperation and has increasingly gained public support in South Korea towards the idea of possessing their own bombs.
Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only), Political science (General)
Education in Oceania continues to reflect the embedded implicit and explicit colonial practices and processes from the past. This paper conceptualises a cultural approach to education and leadership appropriate and relevant to the Republic of the Marshall Islands. As elementary school leaders, we highlight Kanne Lobal, a traditional Marshallese navigation practice based on indigenous language, values and practices. We conceptualise and develop Kanne Lobal in this paper as a framework for understanding the usefulness of our indigenous knowledge in leadership and educational practices within formal education. Through bwebwenato, a method of talk story, our key learnings and reflexivities were captured. We argue that realising the value of Marshallese indigenous knowledge and practices for school leaders requires purposeful training of the ways in which our knowledge can be made useful in our professional educational responsibilities. Drawing from our Marshallese knowledge is an intentional effort to inspire, empower and express what education and leadership partnership means for Marshallese people, as articulated by Marshallese themselves. Introduction As noted in the call for papers within the Waikato Journal of Education (WJE) for this special issue, bodies of knowledge and histories in Oceania have long sustained generations across geographic boundaries to ensure cultural survival. For Marshallese people, we cannot really know ourselves “until we know how we came to be where we are today” (Walsh, Heine, Bigler & Stege, 2012). Jitdam Kapeel is a popular Marshallese concept and ideal associated with inquiring into relationships within the family and community. In a similar way, the practice of relating is about connecting the present and future to the past. Education and leadership partnerships are linked and we look back to the past, our history, to make sense and feel inspired to transform practices that will benefit our people. In this paper and in light of our next generation, we reconnect with our navigation stories to inspire and empower education and leadership. Kanne lobal is part of our navigation stories, a conceptual framework centred on cultural practices, values, and concepts that embrace collective partnerships. Our link to this talanoa vā with others in the special issue is to attempt to make sense of connections given the global COVID-19 context by providing a Marshallese approach to address the physical and relational “distance” between education and leadership partnerships in Oceania. Like the majority of developing small island nations in Oceania, the Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI) has had its share of educational challenges through colonial legacies of the past which continues to drive education systems in the region (Heine, 2002). The historical administration and education in the RMI is one of colonisation. Successive administrations by the Spanish, German, Japanese, and now the US, has resulted in education and learning that privileges western knowledge and forms of learning. This paper foregrounds understandings of education and learning as told by the voices of elementary school leaders from the RMI. The move to re-think education and leadership from Marshallese perspectives is an act of shifting the focus of bwebwenato or conversations that centres on Marshallese language and worldviews. The concept of jelalokjen was conceptualised as traditional education framed mainly within the community context. In the past, jelalokjen was practiced and transmitted to the younger generation for cultural continuity. During the arrival of colonial administrations into the RMI, jelalokjen was likened to the western notions of education and schooling (Kupferman, 2004). Today, the primary function of jelalokjen, as traditional and formal education, it is for “survival in a hostile [and challenging] environment” (Kupferman, 2004, p. 43). Because western approaches to learning in the RMI have not always resulted in positive outcomes for those engaged within the education system, as school leaders who value our cultural knowledge and practices, and aspire to maintain our language with the next generation, we turn to Kanne Lobal, a practice embedded in our navigation stories, collective aspirations, and leadership. The significance in the development of Kanne Lobal, as an appropriate framework for education and leadership, resulted in us coming together and working together. Not only were we able to share our leadership concerns, however, the engagement strengthened our connections with each other as school leaders, our communities, and the Public Schooling System (PSS). Prior to that, many of us were in competition for resources. Educational Leadership: IQBE and GCSL Leadership is a valued practice in the RMI. Before the IQBE programme started in 2018, the majority of the school leaders on the main island of Majuro had not engaged in collaborative partnerships with each other before. Our main educational purpose was to achieve accreditation from the Western Association of Schools and Colleges (WASC), an accreditation commission for schools in the United States. The WASC accreditation dictated our work and relationships and many school leaders on Majuro felt the pressure of competition against each other. We, the authors in this paper, share our collective bwebwenato, highlighting our school leadership experiences and how we gained strength from our own ancestral knowledge to empower “us”, to collaborate with each other, our teachers, communities, as well as with PSS; a collaborative partnership we had not realised in the past. The paucity of literature that captures Kajin Majol (Marshallese language) and education in general in the RMI is what we intend to fill by sharing our reflections and experiences. To move our educational practices forward we highlight Kanne Lobal, a cultural approach that focuses on our strengths, collective social responsibilities and wellbeing. For a long time, there was no formal training in place for elementary school leaders. School principals and vice principals were appointed primarily on their academic merit through having an undergraduate qualification. As part of the first cohort of fifteen school leaders, we engaged in the professional training programme, the Graduate Certificate in School Leadership (GCSL), refitted to our context after its initial development in the Solomon Islands. GCSL was coordinated by the Institute of Education (IOE) at the University of the South Pacific (USP). GCSL was seen as a relevant and appropriate training programme for school leaders in the RMI as part of an Asia Development Bank (ADB) funded programme which aimed at “Improving Quality Basic Education” (IQBE) in parts of the northern Pacific. GCSL was managed on Majuro, RMI’s main island, by the director at the time Dr Irene Taafaki, coordinator Yolanda McKay, and administrators at the University of the South Pacific’s (USP) RMI campus. Through the provision of GCSL, as school leaders we were encouraged to re-think and draw-from our own cultural repository and connect to our ancestral knowledge that have always provided strength for us. This kind of thinking and practice was encouraged by our educational leaders (Heine, 2002). We argue that a culturally-affirming and culturally-contextual framework that reflects the lived experiences of Marshallese people is much needed and enables the disruption of inherent colonial processes left behind by Western and Eastern administrations which have influenced our education system in the RMI (Heine, 2002). Kanne Lobal, an approach utilising a traditional navigation has warranted its need to provide solutions for today’s educational challenges for us in the RMI. Education in the Pacific Education in the Pacific cannot be understood without contextualising it in its history and culture. It is the same for us in the RMI (Heine, 2002; Walsh et al., 2012). The RMI is located in the Pacific Ocean and is part of Micronesia. It was named after a British captain, John Marshall in the 1700s. The atolls in the RMI were explored by the Spanish in the 16th century. Germany unsuccessfully attempted to colonize the islands in 1885. Japan took control in 1914, but after several battles during World War II, the US seized the RMI from them. In 1947, the United Nations made the island group, along with the Mariana and Caroline archipelagos, a U.S. trust territory (Walsh et al, 2012). Education in the RMI reflects the colonial administrations of Germany, Japan, and now the US. Before the turn of the century, formal education in the Pacific reflected western values, practices, and standards. Prior to that, education was informal and not binded to formal learning institutions (Thaman, 1997) and oral traditions was used as the medium for transmitting learning about customs and practices living with parents, grandparents, great grandparents. As alluded to by Jiba B. Kabua (2004), any “discussion about education is necessarily a discussion of culture, and any policy on education is also a policy of culture” (p. 181). It is impossible to promote one without the other, and it is not logical to understand one without the other. Re-thinking how education should look like, the pedagogical strategies that are relevant in our classrooms, the ways to engage with our parents and communities - such re-thinking sits within our cultural approaches and frameworks. Our collective attempts to provide a cultural framework that is relevant and appropriate for education in our context, sits within the political endeavour to decolonize. This means that what we are providing will not only be useful, but it can be used as a tool to question and identify whether things in place restrict and prevent our culture or whether they promote and foreground cultural ideas and concepts, a significant discussion of culture linked to education (Kabua, 2
Introduction. The article discusses the semantics of paired causative verbs in the Buryat language, which has not been the subject of a special study yet. The aim was to study the semantic features of Buryat paired causative verbs by way of identifying: 1) the types of paired causative verbs, 2) the contribution of each semantic component of a verbt of its general semantics and their correlation, and 3) paired causative verbs as a special case in expressing causative semantics. Materials and methods. The data was collected from works of fiction in the Electronic Corpus of the Buryat language; contextual and distributive analysis were used as the primary methods of research. Results. Semantic analysis of paired causative verbs, illustrative of causative relationships in the linguistic picture of the Buryat world, indicated that in pairs of non-causative + causative verb the latter is a leading component, which demonstrates the power of causative semantics; the verbs of this type most often express various emotions associated with impact and subjective assessment. The other type are represented by pairs of synonymous causative verb + causative verb that are effective in expressing the intensity of the impact; with the semes of the synonymous verbs combined, the meaning of causation in such pairs is enhanced, and their expressiveness and emotionale valuation aspects come to the fore.
History of Asia, Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)
Introduction. In the modern Buryat society, the knowledge of one’s own history, roots, culture, and language is becoming increasingly important. There is also a growing interest in genealogical research as many have started to search for data about their ancestors and their family trees in various archives. To illustrate, one may mention an increasing number of requests made for materials on the lineage and pedigrees of Buryats kept in the Center of Oriental Manuscripts and Xylographs of the Institute for Mongolian, Buddhist, and Tibetan Studies of the Siberian Branch of the RAS. The aims of the present article are, firstly, to add to the data on the Khargana clan of Khori Buryats and, secondly, to investigate the background of Galsan-Zhinba Dylgirov (1816–1872?), an outstanding Buryat religious enlightener of the nineteenth century. The research is based on textological, comparative-historical and historical-biographical methods. Data. The article draws on the evidence contained in Dylgirov’s autobiography written in Tibetan in 1864-1872 and xylographed in the Tsugol Datsan. Dylgirov’s lineage is cited in the first chapter of the book and could be read only by few of those who were literate in Tibetan. Results. The lineage goes back to eight generations, including Dylgirov himself, and covers over 150 years. The origin of the family associates with the ancestor known as Shonoguleg who lived at the turn of the eighteenth century. Of particular interest are also legends and stories that supplement the family history. The examination of the lineage sheds light on the origin of the ethnonym Baatarzhan, a branch of the Khargana clan. Also, the family history contains new data on the Buryat self-governing administration before the first third of the nineteenth century. Clearly, the data of Dylgirov’s autobiography may be useful for further genealogical research.
History of Asia, Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)
Introduction. This article under takes a study of the clan name Shoshoolog (Šošōlog) in the context of ethnogenesis and ethnic history of the Mongolic and Turkic peoples of Inner Asia and Siberia. New historical and ethnographical data, including the evidence of ethnonymics as a part of the ethnic history of the Mongolic and Turkic peoples of the region will contribute to the knowledge of the migration and settlement history of the Shoshoolog people. The study aims at examining the etymology of the term šošōloγ, the area where it wasspread and theways of itsspread. Data and methods. The authors have taken into account written documents, ethnographical and folklore sources that contained references to the ethnonym in question. The written sources of the period between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries, mainly in Russian, such as Cossacks’ otpiski (reports), and, more recent, travel and census reports, contain various forms of the ethnonym, often incorrectly spelled but still of interest as evidence pointing at the settlement areas of the ethnic group, as well as a source for linguistic speculation. The ethnographical sources include references to the ethnic group in question based on the legends and sagas shedding light on the people’s origin and settlement patterns both in the Baikal area and in Mongolia. The folklore texts written down by N. N. Poppe, S. P. Baldaev, etc. Include the stories of the Shoshoolog as a Buryat clan with a strong Shamanic background, as well as various forms of the ethnonym. Granted the available knowledge of the historical patterns in the language evolution, the orthographical forms of the ethnonym contained in different records were used as the data for further phonetical reconstructions and localizations of the ethnonym’s phonetic shape in terms of chronological and geographical dimensions. This data, alongside other material on the ethnonymics and onomastics of Mongolic and Turkic peoples, contributes to the linguistic part of the database in the field. Conclusions. A comparative analysis of ethnonymic evidence contained in a variety of sources examined resulted in phonetic reconstructions of the ethnonym under study to finally shed new light on its etymology, as well as to project further developments of its phonetic shape.
History of Asia, Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)
The collapse of socialism as a consequence of primarily economic inefficiency has raised in front of the post socialist countries the dilemma of choice (what a miracle) the path to capitalism. On this reversible, historical process, the leading Western countries have had a ready answer the Washington Consensus. The strict implementation of the ten Washington reform economic policies conceived on the neoliberal doctrine led to the construction of the Anglo-Saxon development model of capitalism. The Washington narrative had the unreserved support in the measures and decisions of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, though it originally intended as a set of neo-liberal crisis solution measures in Latin American countries. The consistent implementation of the Washington Regulations with the shock therapy method has had mostly negative consequences for the economic growth and development of both the transition and Latin American countries. Countries that have approached economic reforms in a gradualistic manner, respecting national characteristics and interests, such as the "East Asian tigers", have as a rule achieved economically respectable growth and social well-being. Кључне речи: Washington Consensus, transition, neoliberal politics, IMF, liberalization, deregulation, shock therapy. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS The demolition of the Berlin Wall in 1989 marked the symbolic beginning of the end of socialism as a socioeconomic and political system of social relations. The construction of the socialist state and the social order of social justice and equality have taken a fiasco and have lost the historic battle with capitalism doi: 10.5937/bastina30-25575 Originalni naučni rad * Full professor, avramovic.n@pravni-fakultet.info ** Assistant professor, stanimirdj@hotmail.com БАШТИНА, Приштина – Лепосавић, св. 50, 2020 Nenad M. Avramović i Stanimir B. Đukić 2 on the economic front. The victory of capitalism in the last decade of the 20th century, in political terms, marked the end of the “Cold War” and announced the practical domination of the only planetary superpower in the system of changed international relations. The ex socialist countries started a reversible program of transforming political and economic institutions into a desirable capitalist model, bringing the wheel of history backwards. The transition of post-socialist states required radical changes on the ideological plane, changes of the political system, social change and, above all, tectonic economic transformation, confirming the thesis that the road to communism had failed. This decade-long social experiment, until then unused in the history of civilization, has raised the dilemma how to trace the most efficient transition path? The choice of a transition path, as a real social unknown, was primarily in the domain of the decision-making of yesterday countries of the socialist laggards. But successful bourgeois provincial states with decades of legislative and practical experience could serve as a model, advisory or financial support. The authors present the concept of a transition path based on the Washington Consensus for which it (unwillingly) designated most of the post-socialist states of Europe and comment on its effectiveness. And right on, its creators were the leading countries of the Western world and competent international institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. The results of the implementation of the rules of the Washington Consensus, which is based on ten macroeconomic reform policies, did not bring projected expected benefits to the European states of the former socialist lag. And, the monitoring and implementation of the Washington narrative were provided by the IMF in which institutional voting supremacy has the United States and leading Western countries, which, as the originator and creditor, are directly financially interested in its consistent implementation. Therefore, the paper analyzes the basic premises for the application of the Washington “Manifesto”, the experience of Latin American countries, as well as alternative solutions that are present in a modern economic practice of East Asian countries that have undergone a sui generis transformation of their economic systems, achieving far more respectable economic results. NEOLIBERAL DOCTRINE AND THE WASHINGTON CONSENSUS The legally simplified economic history of capitalism can be grouped into three temporally not strictly defined zones. The first model which promoted the bourgeois economy was Adam Smith’s liberal capitalism, based on the Laisses faire synth (“let it go how it goes”). Bezbjednosni aspekti migracionih procesa na prostoru Evropske unije 3 Liberal capitalism spans the period from the late 18th century to the Great Economic Crisis of 1929. It is based on the idea that society should be left to free political and economic development without the intervention of the state in social relations... In this model, that is, the system of economy, the role of the state is generally small and limited only to internal and external security and the most necessary administration. (Gorčić 2009:28) The cumulative weaknesses of the liberal market resulted in the Great Economic Crisis, and the outlet was predominantly proposed by the John Maynard Keynes, seeking a path to macroeconomic equilibrium through greater participation of the state in economic life. Analyzing this situation, Keynes came to the conclusion that the market system of capitalism was unable to ensure sustainable development. This is why government intervention is needed to provide (solvent) demand at the necessary level, and thus together with the private (market) sector (which alone cannot) require the required level of investment for full employment. In order to achieve this, he requires government intervention in the areas of public works, fiscal and monetary policy. (Gorčić 2009:344) The second phase or state capitalism begins with it. The benefits of state interventionism in the mid-1980s were, in practical terms, threatened by the first oil crisis and a drastic rise in world oil prices, which led to rising inflation and falling production and employment. The reaction of the economic, scientific and professional public ensued. Some, by then, the governing economic paradigms needed to be changed. Businessmen and economists at the University of Chicago, led by Professor Milton Friedman, a fierce proponent of “market fundamentalism”, have suggested as a way out of the economic recession returning to the free market free from state interference, believing that deregulation, liberalization and privatization of the economy according to the old classic formula will solve encountered problems. (Mesarić 2008:216) The renewed premise of liberal economic theory is generally accepted by the governing political executive structure with Regan at the head of the United States, or by Prime Minister Thatcher in the United Kingdom. The neoliberal economic doctrine, conditionally the third phase of capitalism, has come to life. For neo-classics, laissey-faire became a dogma, and the benefits of free trade became an object of faith. Economics was described as the science of allocating scarce resources for different needs, and from this it should be concluded that free enterprise, under condition that the government did not interfere in its activities, would use resources in a way that most benefits the whole of society. (Robinson, Eatwell 1981: 67) Neoliberal economic theory and practice are gaining a new upgraded social, economic and geopolitical dimension, and multinational corporations a special place in the account of states whose economic sovereignty is collapsing. Nenad M. Avramović i Stanimir B. Đukić 4 Money, which in classical economic doctrine was only a mean of exchange, austerity, and accumulation, in neoliberal, global capitalism, becomes a goal for itself, because it acquires not only wealth but also economic and social or political power. The main feature of this new, radical pattern of capitalism is the shift towards maximizing profits at all costs, especially by reducing labor costs. Increasing competition is pushing production to relocate to countries with lower labor costs and lower tax burdens, and with other benefits. The social goals, which at the time of the Keynes doctrine, had some relevance, are now completely lost. The profit motive is absolutized, and money receives the meaning of the highest social value. Profit motive and money as top value also penetrate into areas outside the economy, such as education, health, culture, sport, as well as other social and public activities. Due to the huge increase in the economic and social power of large corporations, Gailbite called this time corporate capitalism, warning of the symbiotic connection of the modern corporation and state, “based on the division of power and the resulting rewards” (Galbraith 1977:283). Neoliberal economic system proceeds from Smith’s “invisible hand” and the dominant role of the free market, the minor and constantly declining regulatory role of the state, the liberalization of international economic flows, privatization... Some kind of legal codification neoliberal economic doctrine was accomplished by adopting the Washington Consensus, a kind of neoliberal Scripture with (incidentally or not) the ten (divine) commandments. The Washington Consensus emerged as a project of the International Monetary Fund in 1989 and was intended to solve the debt problems of Latin American countries. With its approval by the world’s leading monetary institution, it has received international verification, which has been endorsed by the World Bank and the United States Treasury. (Avramović 2019:31) The Washington Consensus consists of ten macroeconomic reform policies, which J. Williamson intended to solve problems in Latin American countries. (Bukvić 2011) The original principles of the Washington Consensu
Perkembangan teknologi informasi dan komunikasi (TIK) telah mengubah pola
interaksi antara pemerintah dengan warganya. Pemanfaatan TIK dalam pemerintahan
telah lama dilakukan yang dikenal dengan electronic government (e-government).
Penerapannya terus berkembang sejalan dengan perkembangan TIK itu sendiri. Di dalam ranah e-government, muncul terminologi e-government 2.0, yaitu penggunaan teknologi web 2.0 oleh pemerintah untuk interaksi yang sudah bersifat dua arah dengan warga negara, dimana salah satu produk teknologi web 2.0 tersebut adalah media sosial, yang secara nyata telah banyak digunakan pemerintah dalam aktivitas kebijakan dan pelayanan publik. Dengan berkembangnya trend penggunaan media sosial tersebut, penulis mencoba mengupas tentang peran penggunaan media sosial dalam membentuk citra pemerintah di tengah era digital ini.
Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)
Dalam perilaku organisasi konsep kekuasaan dan kewenangan seringkali dipahami hampir identik. Namun jika dianalisis lebih jauh lagi, kedua konsep itu bisa digunakan sebagai satu indikator dalam mengukur perilaku sebuah organisasi. Dimana dapat disimpulkan, semakin seimbang dan kongruen antara fungsi kekuasaan dan fungsi kewenangan dalam sebuah organisasi, menunjukan semakin modern organisasi tersebut. Sedangkan jika seballiknya, artinya semakin menjadi “kesenjangan”antara kedua fungsi tersebut, menunjukan semakin tradisional organisasi tersebut. Tulisan ini secara lengkap menjelaskan hal tersebut.
Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)
Menurut UU No. 22 Tahun 1999 kedudukan daerah propinsi dengan daerah kabupaten/kota sama-sama daerah otonom. Diantara keduanya tidak ada hubungan yang bersifat hierarki. Namun dalam praktek administrasipebliknya hal ini tidak serta merta bisa dipisahkan begitu saja. Wilayah Daerah Propinsi. Bahkan dalam konteks Negara kesatuan, kedua daerah ini harus mampu mengembangkan semangat otonomi yang mengusung integrasi bangsa. Untuk itu tulisan ini secara khusu menguraikan hubungan yang muncul antara kedua daerah tersebut terutama dalam penganganan kewenangan yang dimlikinya.
Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)
and fourth chapters of the book follow the history of the white nationalist movement and how it co-opted the Tea Party. White nationalists used the anger directed at President Obama as an opportunity to enter into mainstream politics. Tea Party organizations became a way for white nationalists to participate in mainstream politics behind the cover of economic and taxation concerns. But the Tea Party movement was short-lived, losing much of its momentum by 2016. Fording and Schram suggest that this is because it lacked a charismatic leader—that is, until Trump. They show that the Tea Party provided a base of supporters for Trump and that Trump provided a leader the base could rally behind. Rather than tease out the precise causal sequence of these events, they appear to view these relationships as more symbiotic. The second half of the book focuses on how Trump’s racist appeals were instrumental in his victory in 2016. They devote chapters to (1) the role of conservative media in creating an echo chamber for Trump, (2) how lowinformation voters responded to Trump’s appeals, and (3) documenting the predictive power of outgroup hostility in voting for Trump. Racism played a central role in Trump’s campaign and a powerful role in white Americans’ votes. Despite a decline in the levels of white racial conservatives and extremists (p. 34), the activation of these attitudes by Trump’s campaign was enough for him to eke out a win in the Electoral College. Each of these chapters is compelling, and they combine to form a full picture of how the electorate reacted to the changes the authors outlined in the first half of the book. Any book that tries to take as broad an approach as this one will raise as many important questions as it answers. The strength of this book is in making the explicit connection between the politics of racism during the Obama administration and how Trump campaigned in 2016—leading to what the authors refer to as the mainstreaming of racism. Fording and Schram are clear and transparent in their discussion of how they measure outgroup hostility but are somewhat conceptually fuzzy about what exactly is meant by mainstreaming for the mass public. Political elites, particularly Trump, are using racialized political narratives that activated white racial extremists. But the authors’ data show that outgroup hostility declined throughout the time of their surveys. Trump did not make racism more popular, and a majority of the public is not espousing racially conservative or extreme attitudes. One could argue, then, that outgroup hostility is not mainstreamed in the mass public. Racial attitudes were more predictive of turnout and vote choice in 2016 than other cycles, but it is unclear whether this was enough to be considered mainstream. A related question is why was Trump not penalized for his racist remarks when such comments only resonated with a “narrow slice” of the public (p. 119)—particularly during the primary when partisan-based judgments would be minimized? Was his ability to mobilize new racial extremist voters enough to offset the loss of racial moderates, or are we underestimating the extent to which racism appeals to rankand-file Republicans? Further study of how norms operate in such a context could help answer these questions. Some readers may also take issue with the measurement of outgroup hostility, particularly when trying to explain political outcomes beyond Trump. The measure itself combines the standard racial resentment items, feeling thermometers for immigrants and Muslims, a question about the number of immigrants who should be allowed into the United States, and an item that asks how likely it is that immigrants will take jobs away from people already here. Given the emphasis on Trump’s rhetoric in helping forge this outgroup hostility, we assume that attitudes toward Asians, particularly Chinese people, might also coalesce into this outgroup hostility if adequate measures of this sentiment existed. By thinking about outgroup hostility as a more generalized attitude, Fording and Schram’s approach contrasts with recent works such as Nazita Lajevardi’s (2020) Outsiders at Home: The Politics of American Islamophobia, Yan and Galea’s “Racism and the COVID-19 Epidemic” (American Journal of Public Health, 2020), and our research, which emphasizes the importance of animosity toward specific outgroups. Fording and Schram’s approach makes sense given that the focus of their study is on the broader shifts in mainstreaming the ideas of white nationalism and the rise of Trump, rather than specific policy debates. However, this raises a broader concern that the field needs to continue to wrestle with. It would be worthwhile to develop a broader theory about which types of concepts (group-specific or general) matter when and why. This is, clearly, outside the goals that Fording and Schram set, but their work does provide more evidence of the necessity of answering such questions.