Between 2008 and 2023, the Museo Nacional Centro de Arte Contemporáneo Reina Sofía in Madrid, under the direction of Manuel Borja-Villel, sought to challenge a type of public representation of history that was mainly in place during the Spanish democratic transition. Promoting a historicising vision of the collection that was out of step with the previous directors who had succeeded one another since the museum's creation in 1988-1990, the Borja-Villel team drew on the historiographical currents emerging at the end of the 1990s and sought to make visible historical aesthetic movements from the countries of the South, mainly Latin America, often associated with Marxist-inspired social movements that had traditionally been marginalised by critics and the museum establishment. Inspired by the theories of Chantal Mouffe, this approach aimed to make visible radical artistic practices that had been annihilated by a consensualist transitional discourse. The analysis of one of the major historical exhibitions of its mandate, Campo Cerrado. Arte y poder en la posguerra española. 1939-1953, by art historian María Dolores Jiménez-Blanco, shows how the museum institution ‘makes and breaks’ the public representation of Spain's contemporary history. The aim is to measure the tangible limits of this approach and, above all, the current difficulty in extricating ourselves from a narrative inherited from Franco's historiography and reassumed during the democratic transition.
A principios de 1712, formadas ya las compañías madrileñas, la pretensión del Ayuntamiento de incluir un nuevo actor en la dirigida por José de Prado fue rechazada por sus miembros, especialmente por sus actrices. Ante la insistencia y las amenazas de la Villa, la compañía tomó la drástica decisión de no representar en el corral que se le había asignado, refugiándose la mayoría de sus miembros en la iglesia de San Sebastián. Considerando esta actitud un atentando a su autoridad, el consistorio reforzó sus amenazas, que no hicieron mella en los actores. Sólo tras la petición dirigida por Prado al rey y la intercesión de Garcés, autor de la otra compañía estante en Madrid (y posiblemente de magnates como el duque de Osuna), se resolvió una situación que perjudicaba tanto a la Villa como a los actores.
Raquel Quevedo-Redondo, Marta Rebolledo, Nuria Navarro-Sierra
The changes brought by new technologies and the ensuing rapid development of the communication field have resulted in an increasing number of studies on politicians’ use of the internet and social media. However, while election campaigns have been the predominant research area in political communication scholarship, music has not yet been taken as an object of study alongside spectacularisation and politainment. Aside from some preliminary studies, systematic research on music in politics is scarce. The literature holds that music is a universal language. Music in politics can therefore be deemed to be an identification tool that can help politicians connect with voters and bring together positions between the different actors of international relations. This is an exploratory study about the use of music in political campaigning. It is focused on the role played by the Spotify playlists created by the main political parties in recent election campaigns in Spain. The initial hypothesis is that some of the candidates strategically selected songs to be shared with their followers. A quantitative content analysis (N = 400) of some Spotify playlists showed that there were significant differences in the selection of songs among the different political parties. This research contributes to the understanding of how Spotify has been used for electoral campaigning, as well as shedding some light on the current communication literature on music and politics.
The so-called Historical Memory Act (2007), which aims to recognize the victims of Francoism, has allowed the descendants of Spanish republican exiles to acquire or recover the Spanish nationality, of which they or their ascendants were deprived. After presenting the law briefly, this article, drawing on an survey of descendants of exiles residing in France, analyzes the significance that the acquisition of Spanish nationality may have for the children and grandchildren of exiled Spanish republicans. This appears, depending on the cases, as an attempt to compensate for a loss or a form of reconciliation with Spain. The motivations of the descendants of exiles residing in Latin America, who nearly 95% of the applicants, seem to be different, amalgamating practical considerations and symbolic considerations.
A fragment of a mid-14th-century Catalan translation of the Grandes Chroniques de France is extant in the Archive of the Crown of Aragon, Barcelona. This translation was seemingly based on a Grandes Chroniques manuscript then owned by King Peter IV of Aragon. The present paper aims at identifying the textual family to which this now-lost royal codex belonged, and at finding out what the exact historiographical matter that this manuscript was effectively able to convey into a Catalan version. Upon examination, manuscript 682 from the public library of Cambrai appears to be the Grandes Chroniques copy that offers the closest resemblance to King Peter of Aragon’s personal manuscript, and therefore to the French manuscript upon which the Catalan translation was made.
Durante la época desarrollista del régimen franquista se vivió en España un crecimiento económico sin precedentes, lo que vino a llamarse el milagro español, teniendo como consecuencias directas un proceso de industrialización notable, que llevó a este sector a convertirse en el principal sostén del PIB, y, a la par, en el afianzamiento de la clase media. Como consecuencia de este desarrollo económico, se dio la aparición de grandes movimientos migratorios del medio rural hacia las ciudades más industriales y la creación, en los extrarradios de dichas ciudades, de barrios destinados a la acogida de inmigrantes, creándose así zonas marginales y marginadas de la ciudad. Se produjo un cambio radical, acelerado, de construcción compulsiva que tuvo como consecuencia graves desequilibrios sociales y urbanísticos.
Estudio la respuesta política que los gobiernos de Fernando VII dieron, entre 1814 y 1817, a la decisión de las grandes potencias vencedoras de Napoleón de no compartir las decisiones importantes con las potencias que pasaron a considerar “menores”, entre las que destaca una España que había colaborado en la derrota de Napoleón y que, formalmente, conservaba todavía un amplio imperio ultramarino.
The aim of this paper is to study the persistence of gender stereotypes in History Education. This study is conducted through an iconographic analysis of textbooks and the perception of students in Secondary Education in Spain. The educational reforms carried out in Spain over the last twenty five years have improved some aspects of gender equality, especially the introduction of some cross-cutting themes related to this subject. However, investigations related to sexism in school materials have revealed the persistence of some gender clichés. To do this research, we have analysed 128 pictures on three History textbooks for fourth grade students of Compulsory Secondary Education in Spain. In the analysis, various categories were combined and they allowed a multifactorial study. Furthermore, these data have been contrasted with the answers given to a questionnaire on gender stereotypes by 152 students of two grades. The results show that, despite the improvement of textbooks, an imbalance still survives in the representation of male and female genders and in the images associated with them. In the answers to the questionnaire, disparate findings are also perceived. Although some sexist prejudices seem to be overcome, especially those related to the role of men and women at home, images and negative stereotypes about gender relations and women’s role still persist.
María Estela González de Fauve, Patricia de Forteza
Through the analysis of three medical treatises dated from the fourteenth, the sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries –master Estéfano, Enrique J. Enríquez and Antonio de Trilla– we intend to characterize what was considered, on behalf of academical medicine, the ideal to which every doctor should aim when exercising his profession. In one first part, we draw attention to the scientific aspects that the health professional should have. In a second part, to the practices to which every doctor pursuing excellence in his performance should restrain himself. Finally, we highlight the clear intention in the discourse of these three authors who seek, in last instance, a modification in the behaviour and the attitudes of “bad doctors” or “false doctors”. That is the purpose of writing their treatises, which they consider a model to be followed in order to achieve perfection in medical activities.
En las vísperas de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, en el marco del cerramiento de la economía como consecuencia de la crisis mundial de 1929, las relaciones económicas y comerciales entre Alemania y Uruguay se intensificaban a través de un mecanismo complejo y poco transparente de trueque. El relevamiento de las estadísticas de comercio exterior alemanas y uruguayas, y de la correspondencia diplomática permiten analizar las dimensiones y características del intercambio económico entre ambos países. El enfoque desde estas fuentes constituye una aproximación inédita para la historiografía a un tema que no ha sido abordado sistemáticamente pero que generó en aquel momento –y aún genera– muchas interrogantes. Las fuentes consultadas fueron diversos archivos históricos alemanes y la biblioteca del Instituto Ibero-Americano de Berlín. Lamentablemente la documentación de la cancillería uruguaya es muy escasa. La documentación alemana es mucho más abundante pero no completa debido a la destrucción voluntaria o involuntaria que sufrieron los documentos en el derrumbamiento del Tercer Reich. Todos los documentos alemanes utilizados en esta investigación fueron traducidos por la autora.
Mexican migrants in the United States are still widely assumed to be an ethnically homogeneous population. Historically, most Mexican migrants did share many common characteristics, coming primarily from rural communities in the central-western part of the country. Over the last two decades, however, the Mexican migrant population has diversified dramatically, both socially and geographically.
Geographers are yet to theorize much about the politics and practices of fieldwork. Nevertheless, recent publications have shown that this practice could still constitute a judicious approach in geography as long as it was exposed to new epistemological thoughts in social science. These new considerations seem, however, to differentiate themselves from the accumulated experiences and contributions in the field by some modern geographers. This paper considers that, among the professional practice of the aforementioned authors, some techniques used to manage direct or sensory observation should be revised with the aim of underlining their educational role. It exposes how the author explored the history and recent practice of fieldwork to feed his own investigation constructed from two personal experiences in rural Southern Spain and in Western Argentina.