A. Vleeming, H. Albert, H. Östgaard et al.
Hasil untuk "Europe (General)"
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J. Branco, B. Bannwarth, I. Failde et al.
P. Panagos, M. V. Liedekerke, A. Jones et al.
J. Lamichhane, S. Dachbrodt‐Saaydeh, P. Kudsk et al.
Sigifredo Laengle, J. Merigó, Jaime Miranda et al.
F. Grigoli, S. Cesca, E. Priolo et al.
J. Albrecht
Șerban. Henrieta
In political science today, the notions of “governance“ and “good governance“ compete as synonyms. The negative connotations of the first term (from the sphere of significance of the idea of leadership, or also care for one or more minors or immatures of any age, apprentices, etc.) are clear. That is why the preference for the phrase “good governance“ is justified, it is democratic, it is even a correct ethical preference. Extremely suggestive of “good governance“ is the image of the good steering of a ship at sea (κυβερνάω), protecting it from rocks and any other dangers and ensuring it a maximum advance with as little consumption as possible, an image also consistent with the etymology involved for governance that we choose to translate by the phrase “good governance“. The complexity of the topic is addressed via a multitude of aspects and directions of analysis including, but not limited to, the differences between “digitalization“ and “digitization“ , the Council of Europe view on digital good governance, the recommendations made by OECD in the Romanian situation in what concerns digitalization, the case of “Ion“, the IA governance adviser etc. The study concludes that digital good governance should ensure and not challenge in any way the defining characteristics of good governance: participation, rule of law, transparency, responsiveness, the orientation towards consensus social inclusion efficiency and efficacity, accountability, the guaranty of human rights and good practices. The governing of the digital space and of the algorithms should prevail over the governance of the citizens by the algorithms.
Ivana Hadjievska
The subject of this review is the book by Görkem Akgöz, titled In the Shadow of War and Empire: Industrialisation, Nation-Building, and Working-Class Politics in Turkey (Brill, Leiden, 2023, xviii, 374 pp. (hardback), ISBN 978 -90-04-41674-1; Open Access (paperback), ISBN 978-90-04-68714-1). I believe that it is an important review subject, as it is a representative of the new currents in the field of labor history, where through a discursive approach to the sources testifying the human condition of the working class, new knowledge is gained about the processes of nation-building and capitalist modernization. The thematic focus in the book is on the industrialization processes in Kemalist Turkey and the impact of the etatist regime on the formation of the new civil and working-class identities. The author offers successful attempts to debunk older official historiographical narratives regarding memory and ideology about workers' lives and relations on the factory shop-floor in the period from the beginning of the 20th century to the mid-1950s.
Esther Borges
Published in 2023 by Palgrave Macmillan, Narratives of the Unspoken in Contemporary Irish Fiction: Silences that Speak proposes to explore the topic of silence by analysing how it is embedded in language, culture, society and institutions and providing a forum for the discussion of the uses (and abuses) of silence in the context of Irish fiction. The essays cover a span of different well-known authors in the Irish literary sphere such as Donal Ryan, Emma Donoghue, Colm Tóibín, Evelyn Conlon, Kevin Barry, Edna O’Brien, William Trevor, Claire Keegan, Maeve Kelly, Eibhear Walshe, Emer Martin and Sally Rooney
Marie Macková
Mattia Caprioli
It’s widely accepted that the number of eight thousand Byzantine soldiers slaughtered at the battle of the Scultenna river (643), reported by Paul the Deacon, using as his source the “Origo Gentis Langobardorum”, has been greatly exaggerated, mainly to glorify the winner of the fight, the Lombard king Rothari, and as a mere indication of his apparently overwhelming victory. However, this number also represents the only numerical indication from direct sources about the army of Ravenna between 6th and 8th century (the only other number for an Imperial army of the period in Italy, though not the army of Ravenna, is given for the battle of Forino, fought in the year 663). Moreover, historians tended to disregard this number only on the basis of caution and by considering that armies of the same period usually couldn’t even reach such numbers (a not surely verifiable notion, at times even contradicted by period sources). The aim of this article is to analyze more precisely and in dept why the number of eight thousand fallen soldiers given by the “Origo” and Paul the Deacon is indeed exaggerated, and also to give a plausible estimate of the actual forces under the direct command of the Exarch at the battle of the Scultenna river, particularly the troops stationed in Ravenna, using a comparative approach between written sources between the 6th and 8th century, by using modern studies and estimates of the strength of the Byzantine army and by considering the available epigraphic evidences linked to the Imperial forces in Italy.
José Manuel Díaz Martín
El presente artículo da a conocer el comentario al Cantar que fray Luis de León explicó en su cátedra de Biblia el curso 1585-86. Con ese fin repasa, en primer lugar, la relación de fray Luis con dicho texto bíblico, situando así sus lecciones en una línea de evolución. A continuación, estudia el único testimonio conocido de las mismas, el manuscrito conservado en la Angelica de Roma. Y, finalmente, expone los resultados del análisis de su contenido. Este revela, por un lado, lo mucho que depende de estas lecciones la tertia explanatio del comentario latino de fray Luis al Cantar, y subraya el valor de la misma como vehículo de su teoría de la alegoría y su teología de la historia; y señala sumariamente, por otro lado, las discrepancias entre el texto escolar y el publicado, investigando sus posibles razones. El artículo concluye con la publicación del fragmento inédito con que fray Luis expuso los rasgos del prelado ideal que encontró indicados en el texto bíblico.
Ariel Alberto Eiris
La actuación de Pedro José Agrelo en el año 1812 fue de importancia singular para el proceso político y para el análisis de la redefinición de los letrados y juristas, que figuras como él, debieron realizar ante los profundos cambios políticos e institucionales. Por todo ello y dada la falta de trabajos específicos, el artículo propone estudiar el carácter de su desempeño como fiscal y juez de la Revolución que se conducía desde Buenos Aires, a través de lo cual se buscará comprender la articulación que se daba entre las facciones políticas con relación a la redefinición institucional del derecho. Ello permitirá comprender a través del caso de Agrelo cómo se integraban las tensiones políticas con las prácticas jurídicas y los nuevos proyectos esbozados, tomando como parámetro temporal únicamente la primera mitad del año 1812, dada la complejidad de procesos articulados allí.
Diana María Gómez Sepúlveda
Este artículo presenta los alcances de una experiencia docente sobre la enseñanza de la historia y la memroia con estudiantes del grado quinto de básica primaria. En la primera parte, abordo el lugar de la experiencia, la cual movilizó el quehacer docente hacia nuevas búsquedas y diálogos entre saberes, sujetos y realidades. En la segunda parte, se analiza la enseñanza de la historia y la memoria. La primera aún cautiva de su herencia, a partir de la recordación de ciertos hechos y personajes, con recientes transformaciones en su didáctica y legislación escolar; por su parte, la enseñanza de la memoria, de ingreso más reciente en la escuela, asume la temporalidad a través de la palabra, el sentir y la corporeidad del otro, cuyas versiones pueden ser oiciales, polémicas u omitidas. En la última parte, se narra la experiencia docente cuyo eje articulador fue el 9 de abril de 1948 y la toma y retoma al Palacio de Justicia, proponiendo desde la sistematización de experiencias, la memoria de las vivencias, para la construcción de conocimientos compartidos a través de una lectura relexiva y sensible de lo acontecido.
Izabela Lewandowska-Malec, Krzysztof Fokt
I Sympozjum Historyków Państwa i Prawa Polskiego w Krakowie (16 stycznia 2012)
H. Crebolder, J. Heyrman
Pedro Barruso Barés
Mindaugas Pocius
The aim of this article is, referring to the documents from Russian State Archive of Social Political History and other sources, to reveal how the leaders of the Central Committee of the All-Soviet Union Communist party (bolsheviks) and officers from the Central Committee apparatus valued manifestations of national communism demonstrated by J. Paleckis and his conflicts concerning the issues of sovietization of Lithuania with A. Sniečkus. The other purpose of this paper is to find out whether J. Paleckis, emphasizing specific conditions in Lithuania and wishing to mitigate the course of sovietization, received any support from the leaders in the Kremlin; why A. Sniečkus, who used to criticize J. Paleckis, did not try to remove him from the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist Party or dismiss him from the position of the chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Council of Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic. This article presents efforts made by J. Paleckis in order to find allies in Moscow, establish patron-client type relationship with Andrei Zhdanov, a secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Soviet Union Communist party (bolsheviks). The analysis of the sources allows us to draw some conclusions. It could be maintained that the secretaries of the Central Committee of the All-Soviet Union Communist party (bolsheviks) and leaders of divisions of the Central Committee apparatus closely watched the conflict displayed between J. Paleckis and A. Sniečkus and the majority of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist party (bolsheviks) led by the latter. These communists were anxious for unhealthy working climate in the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist party (bolsheviks). J. Paleckis‘s political conflicts were caused by manifestation of his national communism ideology, tendency to take care of local interests and his intersection with strict Marxist classic position taken by A. Sniečkus and by majority of other members of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist party (bolsheviks). It could be stated that political “heresy” of J. Paleckis, who was involved into a risky political games behind the scenes in order to make efforts and mitigate the course of sovietization policy, and his proposals to write into the agenda some elements of national communism seemed to the leaders of the Central Committee of the All-Soviet Union Communist party (bolsheviks) not just unnecessary but even hazardous. J. Paleckis’s attitude did not comply with provisions and interests of the authorities in the Kremlin, therefore, his efforts were not supported and were valued only negatively. On the other hand, the line of sovietization of Lithuania, to which A. Sniečkus adhered and his methods of governing the party, substantially coincided with the principal position of the authorities of the USSR, as well as with the general line of the Communist party, and, therefore, a prospect of losing the post of the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist party was negligible. J. Paleckis‘s efforts to compete with A. Sniečkus strengthened the authority of the latter. The first secretary of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist party deliberately avoided taking considerable sanctions against J. Paleckis, he did not seek to dismiss J. Paleckis from the position occupied. This would have not been beneficial to A. Sniečkus, because a potential strike from Moscow could be directed against J. Paleckis, a “nationalist” and “heretic”. If J. Paleckis had been removed from the political arena, nobody would have covered A. Sniečkus against potential Moscow repressions. Continuous stress caused by confrontation with J. Paleckis allowed A. Sniečkus to manifest himself as a flawless implementer of political line of the Centre and, because of this, to enhance his position as the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist party.
P. Guldberg, F. Rey, J. Zschocke et al.
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