Hasil untuk "International relations"

S. Walt

Brian Mcnair

M. Finnemore

E. Adler, P. Haas

C. Hall

D. S. Bennett, A. Stam

R. Pape

Marcelo Andrés Maisonnave, Silvina María Romano , Anibal García Fernández

El artículo analiza el caso Odebrecht en Ecuador como expresión paradigmática del lawfare, entendido como el uso político del aparato judicial y mediático con intereses económicos y geopolíticos. A partir de un enfoque cualitativo basado en análisis normativo, jurisprudencial y documental, se demuestra cómo, tras la llegada al poder de Lenín Moreno, se reconfiguró el sistema institucional para judicializar la política y desarticular el proyecto de la Revolución Ciudadana mediante procesos de persecución que vulneraron garantías constitucionales y estándares internacionales del debido proceso. El estudio examina la Causa Odebrecht y su conexión con Estados Unidos, evidenciando el rol de agencias como el Departamento de Justicia y la aplicación extraterritorial de la Ley de Prácticas Corruptas en el Extranjero, lo que refuerza la dimensión internacional del lawfare. El caso muestra la utilización abusiva de delaciones premiadas sin control, la incorporación de pruebas obtenidas de modo ilegal y la limitación del derecho de defensa, irregularidades que afectaron a líderes como Jorge Glas y Rafael Correa, con consecuencias políticas, económicas y geopolíticas. Para la investigación se tuvo acceso a documentos sobre la causa Odebrecht de público conocimiento, con la reserva de que podría en el futuro modificarse el rumbo judicial del caso, lo que ameritaría nuevas publicaciones. La investigación concluye que la instrumentalización de la justicia en el marco de agendas externas y corporativas no solo persigue opositores, sino que condiciona la función estatal en áreas estratégicas como la infraestructura, consolidando un modelo que profundiza la dependencia, obstaculiza el desarrollo y restringe la autonomía política de los Estados latinoamericanos.

M. Koskenniemi

J. Ruggie

فریبا علی کرمی

از زمان تصویب اعلامیة جهانی حقوق بشر در سال 1948م، حفاظت و حراست از حقوق بشر به استانداردهای رفتاری دولت‌ها در قبال شهروندانشان، همچنین به معیاری برای شکل‌دهی روابط خارجی تبدیل شده است. این تغییر سبب شده است ابزارهای دیپلماتیکی تشویقی و قهری، ازجمله تحریم‌های بین‌المللی، فعال شود. تحریم‌های جهانی ماگنیتسکی در سال 2016م معرفی شد و یکی از مهم‌ترین صورت‌های تحریم‌های حقوق بشری است. در این مقاله، نشان داده شده است که این تحریم‌ها، بیش از آنکه محدودیت‌هایی برای کلیت کشور باشد، افراد و نهادها را هدف قرار می‌دهد. بر این تحریم‌ها انتقادهایی وارد است و خالی از اشکال نیست، اما شکل‌گیری آن اهمیت فزایندة حقوق بشر را برجسته می‌کند و نسل جدیدی از تحریم‌ها را با پیامدهای قابل‌توجه برای حقوق بین‌الملل، حقوق بشر، همچنین روابط بین‌الملل به‌دنبال دارد. در این راستا، با استفاده از روش تحلیل محتوا، زمینه‌های شکل‌گیری تحریم‌های ماگنیتسکی، در کنار پیامدهای این تحریم‌ها بر کشورهای هدف و انتقادهای مربوط به آن‌ها به‌لحاظ حقوقی بررسی شده است.

Habib Yudha Pratama, Mustabsyirotul Ummah Mustofa

Narasi Selat Muria mendominasi wacana media sosial selama peristiwa Banjir Besar Demak Maret 2024. Sementara sejumlah penelitian terdahulu berfokus pada aspek ekologis dan mitigasi bencana, penelitian ini mengeksplorasi hubungan kuasa dan praktik kewacanaan dalam mengonstruksi persepsi publik terhadap Banjir Besar Demak Maret 2024 melalui narasi Selat Muria. Dengan pendekatan analisis wacana kritis Fairclough, penelitian ini menganalisis unggahan dua akun Instagram media lokal. Hasil analisis mengidentifikasi empat wacana utama: ekologis, positivis, spiritual, dan ketakutan. Narasi Selat Muria membentuk hubungan kekuasaan dalam produksi makna atas Banjir Besar Demak Maret 2024. Melalui narasi tersebut, identitas individu dan kolektif dinaturalisasi, dan lembaga penelitian diinstitusionalisasi, sehingga memengaruhi arah kebijakan pemerintah dalam tindakan preventif, mitigasi, tanggap darurat, dan pemulihan. Media sosial cenderung menggunakan narasi Selat Muria untuk menyederhanakan kompleksitas data material terkait peristiwa tersebut. Temuan ini menunjukkan bahwa narasi Selat Muria mengalihkan perhatian publik dari fakta material yang lebih mendesak. Wacana tentang “terbentuknya kembali Selat Muria” berfungsi sebagai mitos yang dapat memicu perlawanan sosial, terutama jika didukung oleh fakta material yang kuat, sehingga memperkuat legitimasi narasi tersebut.

Dotan Leshem

Ideas of incisive change in global politics continue to structure debates in the theory of international relations. The periodization of modern international politics has traditionally revolved around Westphalian statehood, the “Wilso-nian Moment,” post-World War II decolonization

Laura T. Raynolds

M. Tishehyar, Sh. Shirkhani

Türkiye, the strategic bridge between Asia and Europe, has a unique geopolitical position that encourages cooperation with neighboring and regional partners. The purpose of this study is to identify the key transport corridors in Türkiye using the SWOT model and evaluate the potential of these routes. The purpose of this research is to discover the current transportation and communication capacities of Türkiye and how they are useful for neighboring countries and Central Asia. This study examines strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats to address challenges and uncover opportunities.Issues such as lack of budget, imbalance in energy transfer and political instability of neighboring countries have affected the country and make it face challenges. But the ports of Türkiye and the favorable geopolitical position of Türkiye, as well as the presence of extensive airline lines and important airlines company such as Turkish Airline, in this country, is a significant potential for commercial and economic growth in the transportation sector. If the challenges are resolved and attention is paid to the opportunities and privileged positions of Türkiye and the countries of Central Asia, they will be able to benefit from cooperation. Key words: Türkiye, Transportation Corridors, Energy, SWOT model, Central Asian Countries.

Marta Gębska

Yu. L. Obolenskaya

The article seeks to determine the extent to which the national cultural code of the Spaniards is influenced by the designations of people’s place of residence or birth. The historical, cultural, etymological, psycholinguistic and conceptual analysis of such nominations as capital, ciudad, villa, pueblo, aldea, burgo reveals their role in the formation of the national and social identity of the Spaniards, as well as in their mythological, conceptual and linguistic picture of the world. The history and semantics of Spanish toponyms, the mythologems associated with them, as well as the structure of Spanish cities and the way of life there, which are reflected in the language people use, further justify the multicultural nature of their linguistic consciousness. Nearly 80 % of the country’s population perceive themselves as city residents, which is decisive for the social self-identification of Spaniards, as not only the residents of Madrid and other capitals of autonomous communities suffer from the ‘capital resident complex’, but also those who inhabit the ancient capitals of both Christian kingdoms and Muslim Spain of the «Al Andalus» era. The Spanish concepts of ciudad, villa, pueblo, capital and the history of the mythologem of Madrid are regarded as deep-rooted historical and cultural phenomena. Mentioning the symbolic cities of Sagunto, Numancia and Zaragoza, which also play a crucial role in the worldview of the Spanish, is equal to describing the heroism and resilience of the Spanish people. The «carnival element» and the love for puns, which clearly characterize both the national linguistic consciousness and the way the Spaniards speak, nurtured another mythologem — a small Andalusian town of Lepe acquired the status of «capital of jokes».

J. Agnew, S. Corbridge

R. Gilpin

Nelidov V.V.

The article provides a general evaluation of the Russian direction of Japan’s foreign policy as of late 2023 and analyzes the factors that determine its contents. It considers the speeches of the Prime Minister of Japan, the sections of the Japanese Foreign Ministry’s publications which focus on Russia-Japan relations, analyzes the state of economic ties given the sanctions imposed by Japan on Russia, and studies the place of Russia in Japan’s National Security Strategy, adopted in late 2022. The author comes to the conclusion that, despite the obvious influence of the U.S. on the Japanese position regarding Russia, one can hardly speak of Washington bluntly imposing its views on Tokyo. Rather, we find an already established consensus regarding this issue between Japan and the U.S. Meanwhile, the “foreign pressure” is not limited to interaction with the United States, as cooperation with multilateral formats of the “collective West” starts to play an increasingly important role for Japan. From the point of view of domestic politics, the situation also facilitates the continuation of Tokyo’s anti -Russian course, as, within the country, those expressing alternative points of view are de-facto subject to ostracism and “cancelling.” But, even given all these negative factors, one can still glimpse some signs of pragmatism in the Russian direction of Japan’s foreign policy. This lets one hope that, should the Ukrainian crisis be resolved, the Japanese leadership will not put obstacles in the way of normalization of Russia-Japan relations.