The rich educational vision Edith Stein developed in the light of the Christian faith must be understood in the light of her early political awareness and of the political thought she sketched out at the end of the tenties, in her strictly phenomenological period. Central to this is her analysis of the concept of community, which led her to criticise the theories of the social contract. This article shows the continuity between the political vision proposed by the young Edith Stein in her phenomenological period, and her vision of education, developed after her baptism and her immersion in the thought of Saint Thomas Aquinas. After outlining the determining role of the concept of community in her political thought, we show how this concept is also essential for understanding her educational vision. The educational mysticism that she developed in the 1930s thus appears to be what might be called a mysticism of community.
Canadian universities are widely considered to be a public good. Social and economic benefits are often touted by media, teachers, and others. However, over the last few decades, Canadian universities have been undergoing a neoliberal transformation. As a political-economic theory and ideology, neoliberalism is evident through corporate-like policies and practices in Canadian universities such as business-based governance models, increased tuition rates, and elevated student debt loads. In this paper, I cast a critical lens and investigate Canadian universities in the present context and uncover the ways that neoliberalism shapes Canadian universities. I briefly trace neoliberalism from a socio-historical context and examine its dissemination worldwide as well as its permeation in Canadian universities specifically. Drawing from expansive literature, I argue that Canadian universities are aligning their aims with market forces.
Rakhymzhan Rashimbetov, Nauryzbay Utpinov, Gilimbek Mazhiyev
et al.
The purpose of the study was to analyse the mechanisms of regulation of Islamic education in different countries and their influence on the religious orientation of students at Islamic schools (madrasas). The study examined internal and external motivational factors determining the choice of religious education in the context of state policy, as well as the key conceptual approaches explaining the transformation of the religious identity of students in Islamic educational institutions. The study was based on a systematic analysis of scientific publications, a comparative analysis of educational strategies in different countries, and a content analysis of sources reflecting the specifics of the interaction between the secular state and religious institutions. The findings of the study revealed that Islamic education is regulated according to three principal models: strict state control (France, China), partial autonomy (Turkey, Kazakhstan), and complete independence of religious educational institutions (Pakistan, Saudi Arabia). In countries with strict state control, religious education gradually lost popularity among young people, while in societies with partial autonomy, religious schools adapted to modern educational standards while preserving traditional elements of teaching. In states with full autonomy, madrasa graduates faced limited opportunities for professional adaptation, which affected their integration into the secular environment. The analysis revealed a major influence of social and economic factors on the choice of Islamic education, including family traditions, social stereotypes, funding levels, and state support. Existing theoretical models (the theory of secularisation, modernisation of education, and the confessional approach) do not provide an exhaustive explanation for the transformation of religious education. In this regard, the study substantiated the need to develop hybrid theoretical approaches that accommodate the political, economic, and cultural aspects of educational policy. The practical significance of the study lies in the possibility of using its findings in the development of educational reforms aimed at balancing secular and religious standards in the educational systems of different countries.
Tax amnesty, which is not regulated in the Tax Procedure Law, has been implemented from time to time since 1924. Tax amnesty, which is seen as an urgent source of income for governments, can have positive or negative consequences for taxpayers. It is understood from the literature that the opinions on tax amnesty practices are divided into two as positive and negative and that there is no full consensus on the subject. The study aims to concretize the theory with a qualitative analysis of the participant opinions covering five different types of taxpayers subject to income tax. For this purpose, content analysis was used in the qualitative study and for this analysis, semi-structured interviews were conducted with five groups of taxpayers subject to income tax (commercial, agricultural, self-employment income, real estate capital income, wage earners) and the results were analyzed with the QSR Nvivo program. Although the analysis results do not present surprising results, they concretely reveal the opinions of income taxpayers on tax amnesty through direct quotations. The results showed that tax amnesties frequently implemented by governments cause taxpayers to expect a new amnesty and cause tax compliance to deteriorate, and are perceived as unfair and unjust by taxpayers who fulfill their tax obligations. In this sense, it was revealed from the qualitative analysis results that taxpayer opinions support the negative view in the theory and literature on tax amnesty practices, but they may accept tax amnesty to revive the economy during or after economic, political or financial crises. In addition to contributing to the literature by focusing on taxpayer opinions in order to concretize the views in the theory and literature on tax amnesty, the qualitative study also draws attention to the need for tax policies to be implemented for a more equitable application of tax amnesties perceived as unjust and offers suggestions.
Mechanism design theory is the art of designing and guaranteeing a set of political and motivational rules in the interaction environment which, by creating the necessary and sufficient internal motivation in the agents, coordinates their behaviors in such a way that simultaneously realizes the individual goals and interests of the agents, and also the collective results desired by the policymakers and planners. This research aims to design efficient and incentive-compatible mechanisms of self-regulation in the income-expenditure system of the provinces, to concurrently maximize the incentive to collect provincial public revenues and reduce provincial imbalances. The library method, in the form of studying the existing laws and regulations, and documents, was used to collect data and information for 2022, and were analyzed in accordance with the approach of mechanism design theory. The findings of the present study show that by creating a complete and guaranteed dependence between the expression and collection of provincial public revenues with the amount of allocation of credits for the acquisition of provincial capital assets, and also the restoration of other provincial spending credits and the acquisition of capital assets, sufficient internal motivation in the provinces can be created. Such informed motivation maximizes the province's income and credit and realizes the provincial balances so that in the first year of implementation, at least 100 Hemats (thousand billion Rials) will be added to the country's general income in addition to the usual process.
This article comparatively analyzes the manifestations and various factors of political populism in the European post-transitional periphery. The main difficulty in mapping political populism in the European post-transitional periphery and defining populist parties most accurately is that, unlike most political forces in developed democracies, such parties do not belong to traditional parties. Moreover, their ideology combines the positions of both right and left parties, which makes it extremely difficult to place them on the classical right-left scale of the party spectrum.
The political agenda of the populist parties of the European post-transition peripheral countries has a different content, but it usually comes down to updating issues that are hushed up by the political establishment: protecting national and cultural identity, taking tough measures aimed at combating corruption and crime, protecting traditional family values, and even harsh criticism of the Council of Europe, the OSCE and the EU and their institutions. A distinctive feature of the populist forces was also that in their majority they called for the protection of the rights and interests of ordinary people and the wider use of the instruments of direct democracy, and thus directly opposed one of the fundamental principles of liberal democracy, taking into account the opinion of the minority.
The article analyzes the emergence of a populist environment, where the responsibility, trust and dignity of politicians are distorted, which in turn leads to a crisis of understanding and civiliarchic culture. The influence of populist parties has grown and most European post-transitional peripheral countries have at least one successful populist party, and populists are among the most influential parties. It is noteworthy that civil society organizations have identified the activities of populist leaders and their parties as the main threat facing the Eastern Partnership countries. Using populist technologies, mainly in the context of an election campaign, leaders and their political groups seek to manipulate public opinion and change the alignment of political parties in the European post-transitional periphery.
Political science (General), Political institutions and public administration (General)
Manijeh Haghighinasab, Azam Mir Soleimani, Payvand MirzaeianKhamseh
Introduction
In the modern world, a brand is a robust tool for differentiation, which is an important marketing strategy (Beritelli & Laesser, 2018). Statistics show that Iran has not yet been able to acquire a fair share of national income despite having great potential. In the Development Vision Document, Iran is ranked 89th in the world and 12th among the regional countries and is still far from its tourism goals (Travel and Tourism Competitiveness Reports, 2019). Thus, concerning the economic, social, and cultural conditions of Iran and its tourism potentialities, it is necessary to address the topic in order to enhance social employment, raise currency circulation, develop transportation, help with the realization of the development vision goals, and attract domestic and foreign investors. It can also pave the way for increasing international interactions and exchanges, helping Iran to become more influential in branding of other products and services—regarding the brand effect of the producer city—and to attain sustainable development. Therefore, the main question of the current research is as follows: What is the model of brand promotion for Fars Province as a tourist destination?
Materials and Methods
The methodology of the current research generally follows the onion model. The primary purpose of this study was to design and validate a model of brand promotion for Fars Province as a tourist destination. The research is characterized by the philosophical foundation of pragmatism, fundamental–applied orientation, and exploratory sequential mixed methods design. Concerning the qualitative aspect, the study used theoretical sampling, in-depth interviews, and the grounded theory approach. Concerning the quantitative aspect, the research employed the stratified random sampling method as well as the structural equations modeling using LISREL 8.8. Software. Based on the grounded theory approach, the in-depth interviews were conducted with 10 practitioners of the tourism industry. The collected data was then analyzed through the MAXQDA Software. Having identified 222 initial concepts under six main categories and 113 subcategories, the study went on to design the final paradigm model. In the quantitative phase of the study, 359 questionnaires extracted from the paradigm model were administered among the practitioners in order to validate the model. The results were tested by the structural equation modeling method using LISREL 8.8. Software.
Results and Discussion
Branding is recognized as a strategic approach to using tourism potentialities and promoting a tourist destination so that it can bring about the advantage of sustainable development. Using a mixed methods approach, this article intended to design and validate a brand promotion model for Fars Province as a tourist destination. Having confirmed the first hypothesis, the results showed the brand promotion for Fars Province is influenced by the causal factors, including the tourism potentialities in the province, the need for creating a sustainable competitive advantage for the province, and efforts made for enhancing the economic growth. The second hypothesis confirmed that the contextual factors (i.e., the available resources and facilities, social and cultural conditions, institutional and administrative security, and structures) have an impact on the formulation of an inclusive strategic tourism plan by the tourism practitioners. To explain the third hypothesis and draw conclusions, the study revealed that the brand promotion for Fars province, including awareness of the tourist destination brand and brand equity of Fars Province, significantly affects the strategy adopted by the tourism practitioners in formulating an inclusive strategic tourism plan. Hence, tourism administrators should focus on macro tourism policies and the potentialities and resources of Fars Province in order to determine the relevant tourism goals and select the target tourism market at the provincial level. The confirmation of the fourth hypothesis shows that the intervening factors (regional, global, political, economic, and infrastructural conditions, as well as managerial weaknesses) positively affect the adoption of strategies which promote tourist destination brands. Finally, the fifth hypothesis illuminates that any strategy for formulating an inclusive strategic tourism plan positively affects the consequences of its application (i.e., sustainable development). Thus, in addition to policymakers, the issue requires the consideration of tourism practitioners in the private sector, such as travel agencies, hoteliers, and educational centers. The activities and steps which can be influential in applying the inclusive strategic tourism plan are the alignment of tourism practitioners’ activities in the private sector with the national inclusive and strategic plan, identification of the target market and presentation of services commensurate with this market, and active participation in the local society to motivate and empower its residents.
Management. Industrial management, Management of special enterprises
Samuel Huntington's The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order is a seminal text in postcolonial theory and contemporary wartime cultural studies. The Washington Post has recently described him as "a prophet for the Trump era". This paper is a response to the dangers of two practices in politics and the academy worldwide: (1) adopting such a view by high rank policy makers; and (2) the Library of Congress' classification of Huntington's book as textbook of "history” that is being taught to students of history, postcolonialism, and cultural studies around the world. Drawing from some postcolonial and literary theorists, including Depish Chakrabarty and Gayatri Spivak, the paper deconstructs Huntington's notion of "history" which has been found to be based on secondary sources, selective, ignorant, and marginalizing non-Western histories, including five hundred years of philosophical and scientific contribution of Islamic civilization to the sleeping Europe and the West. The paper calls for the combat of such a dangerous theory and its abolition from the syllabus of the departments of English and history as well as from the usage by high rank political decision makers. After establishing the similarities between Huntington and the nihilist philosopher, Frederick Nietzsche, the researcher concludes with a possible solution to the problem of adopting Huntington's view of the inevitable future clash between civilizations: the belief of the contemporary philosopher of phenomenology and hermeneutics, Paul Ricouer that the reality of the existence of the Self cannot be attained without embracing the Other into the Self, becoming one with it, which ultimately eliminates any conflict or violence between individuals, communities and civilizations. This principle is one of theprinciples of Islam which calls a Muslim Self to be one with the other.
The study explores the adjustment of the Italian parliamentary system to the change of balance between political parties. The results of several aspects of the breakdown of the March 2018 parliamentary elections are examined in the use of certain law-making mechanisms such as laws, decrees, delegations, votes of confidence and decentralised procedures, analysed as a dependent variable. An interpretation of the characteristics of the legislative process is then proposed on the basis of elements of continuity and change in three independent variables: parliament fragmentation, governability and electoral volatility. The case study is the XVIII legislature, focusing on the first year of activity of the government-parliament subsystem.
This article scrutinizes the conceptual history of international anarchy. The argument purported here is that even though the idea of international anarchy is often seen as very central for the academic discipline of international relations, the concept is in fact not found from the forerunners or classics of the discipline. The assumption of international anarchy is commonly seen as a defining feature of a Realist school of international relations. Yet, the concept and especially its “Realist” implications are not to be found in the classics of Realism, from Thucydides, Machiavelli or Hobbes. The idea of “international anarchy” emerges quite tentatively during the First World War, in the writings of theoreticians like Dickinson and Spiller. But even then it does not carry the neo-Realist overtones of international anarchy as permanent condition of international relations. It is only in the 1980’s that the discipline starts to huddle around this concept.
The Sewol Ferry tragedy in April 2014 has drawn a renewed attention to the role of religion in South Korea. Theologians and religiously-motivated NGOs in Korea at the time and thereafter have called for the need for religion, and religious organizations, to become more actively involved with societal needs, especially after disasters, to help alleviate their pain by providing relief aid and counselling. Such calls for the greater involvement of religion in relief efforts have coincided with Pope Francis’ repeated calls for the Catholic Church’s greater involvement in social affairs on behalf of the poor and the underprivileged. This paper contends that these developments in and outside of Korea provide an opportune time to renew discussion on oft-misunderstood liberation theology. This is because the latter’s advocacy of an interpretation of the teachings of Jesus Christ from the perspective of the poor and the marginalized for the purpose of alleviating unjust economic, social, or political conditions is as compelling today as it was some 60 years ago when it first arose. The paper offers a reassessment of the role of religion in light of liberation theology, arguing that religion can make itself more relevant to people’s lives today by engaging more actively with social issues. The paper will pay special attention to liberation theology in the Korean context, namely <i>minjungshinhak</i> or “people’s theology.„ The paper also discusses the implications of liberation theology for secularization theory, arguing, among others, that the former refutes the “decline of religion„ thesis of the latter, since liberation theology manifests a different role of religion in contemporary society rather than its diminishing significance.
This paper analyses the response of the Municipality of Barcelona to the Syrian refugee crisis in Europe as an alternative solution that challenges the national government’s restrictive approach. This response introduces the Ciutat Refugi Plan with a city-to-city network at the municipal level that involves other European cities in creating safe routes for refugees at the local government level. In line with multi-level governance theory, I argue that central governments’ inaction has pressured local governments to take action during the Syrian refugee influx. Relying on the influence of local government networks, the Municipality of Barcelona uses discourse as a tool of action in opening discursive spaces for humanitarian political responses to the refugee crisis. Using critical discourse analysis, I test this argument by examining in-depth interviews, speeches of people in power that have appeared in news articles, and statements on official websites.
This paper examines capital adequacy regulation in Germany. The first part reviews capital adequacy regulation from the 1930s up to the financial crisis and identifies two main trends: a gradual softening of the eligibility criteria for equity and increasing reliance on internal risk models. While the first trend has been reversed following the financial crisis, internal risk models still play a central role. Therefore, the second part discusses the problems with the use of internal risk models and discusses the potentials of Basel 2.5 and Basel III to alleviate the identified problems. It is concluded that the relevant problems are not resolved. Therefore, in the final part some suggestions of how the problems could be addressed properly are given.
Carens’ book covers a wide range of issues concerning the ethics of immigration, and although he is best known as a theorist of open borders that argument takes up a relatively small part of the book, and is indeed a small part of his writing on immigration. In this essay, I examine the relationship the radical arguments for open borders, and the more contextual arguments about specific issues such as birthright citizenship, naturalisation and temporary workers which fall short of that radical position. This relationship is complex, and reveals that, although this is a highly readable and accessible book, it rests upon a highly complex method of doing political theory. I critically examine that method and look at the problems it raises for the relationship with political theory and activism. I ask what role the radical arguments for open borders are supposed to play in the public sphere, and, in the end, what role political theorists are supposed to play in that sphere.
Although even before the end of World War II the world was preparing itself to fight a relapse into stagnation, the harrowing role inflation was to have as a constant in the post-war economic scene was scarcely perceived. This resulted in several countries’ policy makers being caught off guard, with inflation proving to be a most intractable problem. The present article argues for a shift in emphasis in economic policy from monetary and fiscal issues towards growth, its determinants and its relationship to anti-inflation policies. The evolution of thinking on the problem of inflation is first considered. Employment and growth are then analysed in relation to inflation and economic policy. The author points out that full-employment and growth are neither synonymous nor interchangeable.
JEL: E31, E24, E52, E62
The performance of the Brazilian banking industry after price stabilisation and threat of a systemic crisis is evaluated. A theoretical approach to banking crisis as a possible result of credit expansion is developed. The results indicate that problems encountered by the Brazilian banking industry in 1995 were bank-specific and did not constitute a bank crisis. Banks which were over-extended or had unsound credit facilities were denied funds in the interbank credit markets. However, financially sound banks were able to make the transition to price stability conditions, partly due to a successful government support program.
JEL Codes: G21, G01
This paper presents the foundations of a systematic epistemic case for democracy as a collective decision-rule and explores the implications of this epistemic claim for normative justifications of democracy, scientific explanations of its empirical success, and policy reforms. As far as the epistemic case is concerned, the paper proposes an account based on the concept of “democratic reason,” or the collective intelligence of the people in politics. The paper argues that, counter-intuitively, democratic reason is more a function of the cognitive diversity of the individuals taking part in the decision than of their individual ability. As an account of democracy’s epistemic benefits, the argument from democratic reason supplements procedural accounts based on fairness and equality to provide a complete functionalist explanation of democracy. Finally, the argument supports policy reforms increasing citizens’ participation in the collective decision-process.