Hasil untuk "Labor in politics. Political activity of the working class"

Dong Yang

The divergence in globalization strategies between the US (retrenchment and polarization) and China (expansion) presents a puzzle that traditional distributional theories fail to fully explain. This paper offers a novel framework by conceptualizing the globalized economy as a "Congestible Club Good," leading to a "Fractured Metropolis." We argue that globalization flows ($M$) are constrained by domestic Institutional Capacity ($K$), which is heterogeneous and historically contingent. We introduce the concept of the "Optimization Cutoff": globalization incentivized the US to bypass costly domestic upgrades in favor of global expansion, leading to the long-term neglect of Public Capacity ($K_{Public}$). This historical path created a deep polarization. "Congested Incumbents," reliant on the stagnant $K_{Public}$, experience globalization as chaos ($MC>MB$), while "Insulated Elites" use Private Capacity ($K_{Private}$) to bypass bottlenecks ($MB>MC$). This divergence paralyzes the consensus needed to restore $K_{Public}$, creating a "Capacity Trap" where protectionism becomes the politically rational, yet economically suboptimal, equilibrium. Empirically, we construct an Institutional Congestion Index using textual analysis (2000-2024), revealing an exponential surge in disorder-related keywords (from 272 hits to 1,333). We triangulate this perception with the material failure of $K_{Public}$, such as the 3.7 million case backlog in US immigration courts. Our findings suggest the crisis of globalization is fundamentally a crisis of uneven institutional capacity and the resulting political paralysis.

Max Falkenberg, Matteo Cinelli, Alessandro Galeazzi et al.

With a folk understanding that political polarization refers to socio-political divisions within a society, many have proclaimed that we are more divided than ever. In this account, polarization has been blamed for populism, the erosion of social cohesion, the loss of trust in the institutions of democracy, legislative dysfunction, and the collective failure to address existential risks such as Covid-19 or climate change. However, at a global scale there is surprisingly little academic literature which conclusively supports these claims, with half of all studies being U.S.-focused. Here, we provide an overview of the global state of research on polarization, highlighting insights that are robust across countries, those unique to specific contexts, and key gaps in the literature. We argue that addressing these gaps is urgent, but has been hindered thus far by systemic and cultural barriers, such as regionally stratified restrictions on data access and misaligned research incentives. If continued cross-disciplinary inertia means that these disparities are left unaddressed, we see a substantial risk that countries will adopt policies to tackle polarization based on inappropriate evidence, risking flawed decision-making and the weakening of democratic institutions.

Lasse F. Henriksen, Jacob Lunding, Christoph H. Ellersgaard et al.

Who represents the corporate elite in democratic governance? Prior studies find a tightly integrated "inner circle" network representing the corporate elite politically across varieties of capitalism, yet they all rely on data from a highly select sample of leaders from only the largest corporations. We cast a wider net. Analyzing new data on all members of corporate boards in the Danish economy (200k directors in 120k boards), we locate 1500 directors that operate as brokers between local corporate networks. We measure their network coreness using k-core detection and find a highly connected core of 275 directors, half of which are affiliated with smaller firms or subsidiaries. Analyses show a strong positive association between director coreness and the likelihood of joining one of the 650 government committees epitomizing Denmark's social-corporatist model of governance (net of firm and director characteristics). The political network premium is largest for directors of smaller firms or subsidiaries, indicating that network coreness is a key driver of business political representation, especially for directors without claims to market power or weight in formal interest organizations.

Rubenita Barros Soares

O presente relato de experiência tem como objetivo apresentar as ações e as atividades de divulgação e popularização da ciência realizadas durante as três últimas edições da Semana Nacional de Ciência e Tecnologia (SNCT), em Paço do Lumiar/MA. Os referidos eventos são de abrangência intermunicipal e contemplam as cidades de São Luís, São José de Ribamar e Paço do Lumiar, todas localizadas no estado do Maranhão. No ano de 2020, o evento aconteceu de forma remota, devido à pandemia de COVID-19. No ano de 2021, aconteceu de forma híbrida e, em 2022, as atividades foram presenciais. A quantidade de participantes nos eventos foi crescente ao longo das edições em função da grande divulgação realizada previamente nas escolas municipais, estaduais e nos institutos estaduais e federais. Essa divulgação era feita por intermédio da Secretaria Municipal de Educação de Paço do Lumiar. Os locais onde os eventos aconteceram eram de fácil acesso, sendo um deles na zona rural da cidade, para poder atender às comunidades marginalizadas do município. A SNCT proporcionou momentos ímpares para que o conhecimento acadêmico pudesse ser socializado, discutido e dialogado com a comunidade extramuro das universidades. A SMCT em Paço do Lumiar está na quinta edição.

Jan Vávra, Bernd Hans-Konrad Prostmaier, Bettina Grün et al.

Scaling political actors based on their individual characteristics and behavior helps profiling and grouping them as well as understanding changes in the political landscape. In this paper we introduce the Structural Text-Based Scaling (STBS) model to infer ideological positions of speakers for latent topics from text data. We expand the usual Poisson factorization specification for topic modeling of text data and use flexible shrinkage priors to induce sparsity and enhance interpretability. We also incorporate speaker-specific covariates to assess their association with ideological positions. Applying STBS to U.S. Senate speeches from Congress session 114, we identify immigration and gun violence as the most polarizing topics between the two major parties in Congress. Additionally, we find that, in discussions about abortion, the gender of the speaker significantly influences their position, with female speakers focusing more on women's health. We also see that a speaker's region of origin influences their ideological position more than their religious affiliation.

Yu Wang

Fuzzy string matching remains a key issue when political scientists combine data from different sources. Existing matching methods invariably rely on string distances, such as Levenshtein distance and cosine similarity. As such, they are inherently incapable of matching strings that refer to the same entity with different names such as ''JP Morgan'' and ''Chase Bank'', ''DPRK'' and ''North Korea'', ''Chuck Fleischmann (R)'' and ''Charles Fleischmann (R)''. In this letter, we propose to use large language models to entirely sidestep this problem in an easy and intuitive manner. Extensive experiments show that our proposed methods can improve the state of the art by as much as 39% in terms of average precision while being substantially easier and more intuitive to use by political scientists. Moreover, our results are robust against various temperatures. We further note that enhanced prompting can lead to additional performance improvements.

Romero Bomfim dos Santos, Flávio Henrique Albert Brayner

O presente trabalho versa sobre o Movimento de Cultura Popular (MCP), criado na cidade do Recife-PE, em 1960, inspirado pelo Movimento francês Peuple et Culture que tinha como objetivo central a emancipação do povo por meio da educação e da cultura. Com uma proposta educacional popular voltada principalmente para as comunidades carentes do Recife, o MCP começou a ser desenvolvido e também a desenvolver uma educação que buscava contextualizar os seus ensinamentos com os conhecimentos e práticas de vida de cada  estudante. No decorrer do artigo, trazemos, primeiramente, a criação e o que foi o MCP. Abordamos também as fundamentações teóricas da educação popular, cultura popular e dos movimentos sociais. Por fim, trazemos a atuação do MCP nas comunidades periféricas do Recife, as metodologias desenvolvidas pelo Movimento e sua expansão. O artigo foi desenvolvido a partir de uma metodologia documental e bibliográfica.

Hernán Camarero

Presentación

Andrii Voshchepynets, Oleksiy Agapitov, Lynn Wilson et al.

We present the results of processing the effects of the powerful Gamma Ray Burst GRB221009A captured by the charged particle detectors (electrostatic analyzers and solid-state detectors) onboard spacecraft at different points in the heliosphere on October 9, 2022. To follow the GRB221009A propagation through the heliosphere we used the electron and proton flux measurements from solar missions Solar Orbiter and STEREO-A; Earth magnetosphere and the solar wind missions THEMIS and Wind; meteorological satellites POES15, POES19, MetOp3; and MAVEN - a NASA mission orbiting Mars. GRB221009A had a structure of four bursts: less intense Pulse 1 - the triggering impulse - was detected by gamma-ray observatories at 131659 UT (near the Earth); the most intense Pulses 2 and 3 were detected on board all the spacecraft from the list, and Pulse 4 detected in more than 500 s after Pulse 1. Due to their different scientific objectives, the spacecraft, which data was used in this study, were separated by more than 1 AU (Solar Orbiter and MAVEN). This enabled tracking GRB221009A as it was propagating across the heliosphere. STEREO-A was the first to register Pulse 2 and 3 of the GRB, almost 100 seconds before their detection by spacecraft in the vicinity of Earth. MAVEN detected GRB221009A Pulses 2, 3, and 4 at the orbit of Mars about 237 seconds after their detection near Earth. By processing the time delays observed we show that the source location of the GRB221009A was at RA 288.5 degrees, Dec 18.5 degrees (J2000) with an error cone of 2 degrees

Rajkumar Pujari, Chengfei Wu, Dan Goldwasser

Social media discourse frequently consists of 'seemingly similar language used by opposing sides of the political spectrum', often translating to starkly contrasting perspectives. E.g., 'thoughts and prayers', could express sympathy for mass-shooting victims, or criticize the lack of legislative action on the issue. This paper defines the context required to fully understand such ambiguous statements in a computational setting and ground them in real-world entities, actions, and attitudes. We propose two challenging datasets that require an understanding of the real-world context of the text. We benchmark these datasets against models built upon large pre-trained models, such as RoBERTa and GPT-3. Additionally, we develop and benchmark more structured models building upon existing Discourse Contextualization Framework and Political Actor Representation models. We analyze the datasets and the predictions to obtain further insights into the pragmatic language understanding challenges posed by the proposed social grounding tasks.

Adrián Ascolani

A mediados del siglo XX, el Partido Comunista de la Argentina fue la fuerza política que procuró generar un movimiento de masas rurales, liderando las organizaciones sindicales y de productores agropecuarios, que actuara en un “frente democrático, antioligárquico y antiimperialista” con otros actores sociales para lograr una reforma agraria profunda y otros derechos específicos. En este artículo se reconstruye ese accionar en el período 1958-1962, vinculándolo con las políticas agrarias del gobierno de Arturo Frondizi, perjudiciales para estos sectores, empleando fuentes diversas generadas por los actores mencionados.

Ian Moura Martins, Igor Bergamo Anjos Gomes, Teresa Cristina Cantanhede Borges et al.

O presente trabalho analisa a utilização de recursos didáticos que podem ser aplicados no ensino de Geografia, sobretudo, no contexto do ensino remoto e híbrido, recursos esses que podem ser produzidos manualmente ou via aplicativos/programas. Em seu percurso metodológico, este estudo consistiu em uma pesquisa participante de base fenomenológica organizada em quatro etapas: aplicação do questionário de sondagem; oficina sobre as categorias geográficas e recursos didáticos; construção dos recursos; e finalizando com o questionário de avaliação, que possibilitou compreender se e como os alunos assimilaram as categorias geográficas Lugar e Paisagem, bem como a operacionalização delas por intermédio dos recursos didáticos. A análise dos dados permitiu apontar a necessidade de se pensar em metodologias e o uso de recursos alternativos para aperfeiçoar o processo de ensino-aprendizagem. Dentre todos os recursos didáticos utilizados no estudo, o quiz foi o mais bem avaliado pelos alunos em razão de sua dinamicidade. O resultado apontou que os recursos didáticos podem potencializar o ensino de Geografia, mas, para aplicá-los é de extrema importância que o pesquisador/professor conheça antes de tudo as demandas de sua comunidade escolar e a realidade dos atores sociais envolvidos nesse processo para não incorrer na armadilha de realizar dinâmicas sem conteúdo.

Emanuele Brugnoli, Rosaria Simone, Marco Delmastro

The media attention to the personal sphere of famous and important individuals has become a key element of the gender narrative. Here we combine lexical, syntactic and sentiment analysis to investigate the role of gender in the personalization of a wide range of political office holders in Italy during the period 2017-2020. On the basis of a score for words that is introduced to account for gender unbalance in both representative and news coverage, we show that the political personalization in Italy is more detrimental for women than men, with the persistence of entrenched stereotypes including a masculine connotation of leadership, the resulting women's unsuitability to hold political functions, and a greater deal of focus on their attractiveness and body parts. In addition, women politicians are covered with a more negative tone than their men counterpart when personal details are reported. Further, the major contribution to the observed gender differences comes from online news rather than print news, suggesting that the expression of certain stereotypes may be better conveyed when click baiting and personal targeting have a major impact.

Julie Jiang, Xiang Ren, Emilio Ferrara

Estimating the political leanings of social media users is a challenging and ever more pressing problem given the increase in social media consumption. We introduce Retweet-BERT, a simple and scalable model to estimate the political leanings of Twitter users. Retweet-BERT leverages the retweet network structure and the language used in users' profile descriptions. Our assumptions stem from patterns of networks and linguistics homophily among people who share similar ideologies. Retweet-BERT demonstrates competitive performance against other state-of-the-art baselines, achieving 96%-97% macro-F1 on two recent Twitter datasets (a COVID-19 dataset and a 2020 United States presidential elections dataset). We also perform manual validation to validate the performance of Retweet-BERT on users not in the training data. Finally, in a case study of COVID-19, we illustrate the presence of political echo chambers on Twitter and show that it exists primarily among right-leaning users. Our code is open-sourced and our data is publicly available.

Leandro Sessa

Reseña de Martín Bergel, La desmesura revolucionaria. Cultura y política en los orígenes del APRA, Lima, La Siniestra Ensayos, 2019, 382 pp.

Vanessa Fagundes Siqueira, Mara Elisângela Jappe Goi, Jaqueline Pinto Vargas et al.

Neste trabalho serão apresentados e discutidos os dados extraídos de um curso de formação continuada de professores da área de Ciências da Natureza realizado na Universidade Federal do Pampa (Unipampa), campus Caçapava do Sul, Rio Grande do Sul. A experiência realizada indica o desenvolvimento de competências no processo de elaboração e resolução de problemas que pode ser realizado em curso de imersão com professores das áreas de Ciências da Natureza e essa se vincula à constituição de um grupo de formação continuada de professores, bem como se justifica pela necessidade de instituir um grupo docente embasado no estudo da Resolução de Problemas no Ensino de Ciências. Os resultados apontam que o trabalho desenvolvido oportunizou o aprimoramento de habilidades nos docentes, bem como contribuiu para minimizar as dificuldades encontradas na prática docente.

Andrey Schelchkov

Este texto analiza la disidencia en el Partido Comunista chileno en los años 30, conocida como la división hidalguista. Surgida a causa de conflictos políticos internos, acompañada por una lenta intromisión del Secretariado Sudamericano de la Internacional Comunista, manifestó escasas divergencias con la doctrina partidaria. El artículo se basa en la documentación del Secretariado Internacional trotskista, lo que permite analizar sus relaciones con el trotskismo chileno, revelando la actitud ambigua del partido Izquierda Comunista al acatar las decisiones del Secretariado conservando su independencia política en el ámbito nacional.

Liviu P. Dinu, Ana-Sabina Uban

In this article we propose a stylistic analysis of texts written across two different periods, which differ not only temporally, but politically and culturally: communism and democracy in Romania. We aim to analyze the stylistic variation between texts written during these two periods, and determine at what levels the variation is more apparent (if any): at the stylistic level, at the topic level etc. We take a look at the stylistic profile of these texts comparatively, by performing clustering and classification experiments on the texts, using traditional authorship attribution methods and features. To confirm the stylistic variation is indeed an effect of the change in political and cultural environment, and not merely reflective of a natural change in the author's style with time, we look at various stylistic metrics over time and show that the change in style between the two periods is statistically significant. We also perform an analysis of the variation in topic between the two epochs, to compare with the variation at the style level. These analyses show that texts from the two periods can indeed be distinguished, both from the point of view of style and from that of semantic content (topic).

Sharu Goel, Sandeep Kumar Pandey, Hanumant Singh Shekhawat

Emotions play an essential role in public speaking. The emotional content of speech has the power to influence minds. As such, we present an analysis of the emotional content of politicians speech in the Indian political scenario. We investigate the emotional content present in the speeches of politicians using an Attention based CNN+LSTM network. Experimental evaluations on a dataset of eight Indian politicians shows how politicians incorporate emotions in their speeches to strike a chord with the masses. An analysis of the voting share received along with victory margin and their relation to emotional content in speech of the politicians is also presented.

William Theisen, Joel Brogan, Pamela Bilo Thomas et al.

Forms of human communication are not static -- we expect some evolution in the way information is conveyed over time because of advances in technology. One example of this phenomenon is the image-based meme, which has emerged as a dominant form of political messaging in the past decade. While originally used to spread jokes on social media, memes are now having an outsized impact on public perception of world events. A significant challenge in automatic meme analysis has been the development of a strategy to match memes from within a single genre when the appearances of the images vary. Such variation is especially common in memes exhibiting mimicry. For example, when voters perform a common hand gesture to signal their support for a candidate. In this paper we introduce a scalable automated visual recognition pipeline for discovering political meme genres of diverse appearance. This pipeline can ingest meme images from a social network, apply computer vision-based techniques to extract local features and index new images into a database, and then organize the memes into related genres. To validate this approach, we perform a large case study on the 2019 Indonesian Presidential Election using a new dataset of over two million images collected from Twitter and Instagram. Results show that this approach can discover new meme genres with visually diverse images that share common stylistic elements, paving the way forward for further work in semantic analysis and content attribution.