Ekaterina Kozuharova, Giuseppe Antonio Malfa, Rosaria Acquaviva
et al.
Mediterranean countries are a cauldron of cultural exchange, with a strong emphasis on wild plants in cuisine traditions. Many of these plants belong to the family Apiaceae. The common climate determines the common range of distribution. While many plants have wide distribution, the range of distribution of others is restricted to Western Mediterranean or North Africa. This review investigates wild plants from the family Apiaceae traditionally used as food in 13 study sites—11 countries in the Mediterranean and adjacent territories—the mainland and 3 islands. The aim is to trace patterns of native distribution versus consumption. As a result, 81 wild umbellifers are listed, traditionally used as food. Their consumption and distribution patterns are described and discussed. Interestingly in 8 of the 13 study sites (61.5%) are recorded 50 plant taxa (66.7% of all wild umbellifers, traditionally used as food) which are consumed in only one particular country. These are as follows: 8 taxa in Morocco, 9 taxa in Spain, 2 taxa in Sicily, 3 taxa in Bulgaria 3 taxa in Crete, 8 taxa in Armenia, 14 taxa in Turkey, and 3 taxa in Jordan. However, these 50 restrictedly consumed plants are distributed in more than one country (except 15 taxa, which are endemics). Many of the plants that are used in certain countries are not consumed by the neighboring people. The results of the two statistical tests, namely Jaccard index and heatmap clustering (double dendrogram), are discussed. The presence of an outlier, such as Bulgaria, which shares borders, history, and culture with Greece and Turkey, emphasizes the importance of local climate for plant distribution and consumption over cultural interactions. The same was observed for some pairs of countries, such as Spain and Morrocco and Turkey and Armenia, although they had the highest number of common plants that are both distributed and consumed as food.
Algunas historiografías europeas, como la española, la portuguesa y la belga, han hecho del poder municipal un objeto de estudio privilegiado. En Portugal, los órganos concejiles de las pequeñas y medianas núcleos urbanos y los hombres que los ocuparon siguen constituyendo un campo de análisis prometedor, pero los recursos documentales disponibles no siempre permiten su estudio en profundidad, algo que afortunadamente no ocurre en el Algarve, sobre todo para Loulé. Así, partiendo desta villa, pretendemos contribuir a una mejor comprensión de la estructura organizativa del municipio, del proceso de selección de los funcionarios municipales, de los intentos de otros poderes de influir en estas prácticas y del perfil sociológico de los individuos que ocupaban estos cargos en las pequeñas ciudades del Portugal medieval.
Emily G. Simmonds, Kwaku Peprah Adjei, Christoffer Wold Andersen
et al.
Summary: Quantifying uncertainty associated with our models is the only way we can express how much we know about any phenomenon. Incomplete consideration of model-based uncertainties can lead to overstated conclusions with real-world impacts in diverse spheres, including conservation, epidemiology, climate science, and policy. Despite these potentially damaging consequences, we still know little about how different fields quantify and report uncertainty. We introduce the “sources of uncertainty” framework, using it to conduct a systematic audit of model-related uncertainty quantification from seven scientific fields, spanning the biological, physical, and political sciences. Our interdisciplinary audit shows no field fully considers all possible sources of uncertainty, but each has its own best practices alongside shared outstanding challenges. We make ten easy-to-implement recommendations to improve the consistency, completeness, and clarity of reporting on model-related uncertainty. These recommendations serve as a guide to best practices across scientific fields and expand our toolbox for high-quality research.
Through a social network key methodology, we will ask ourselves how the elite groups were defined and shaped during the War of Succession. Traditionally, it has been established that the Monarchy was divided between the kingdoms of the Crown of Aragon, supporters of Archduke Carlos and the territories of Castile, defenders of Felipe V. However, they do not seem to have been monolithic blocks. To demonstrate this, the elites of the Basque provinces and Navarra will be taken as a sample. The starting hypothesis is that these loyalties are closely related to the ties that these families were maintaining over time with those who were leading each side of the war. Likewise, these positions led to the mobilization of people and resources in favor of one or another suitor, which was a key piece for the future of the war.
Organizado por el Foro por la Memoria de la Comunidad de Madrid y la Federación Estatal de Foros por la Memoria y con la asesoría histórico-científica de la Cátedra de la Memoria Histórica del Siglo XX, de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid, cuyo titular es el profesor Julio Aróstegui, del 20 al 22 de abril de 2012 tuvo lugar en Rivas-Vaciamadrid (Madrid) el “Primer Congreso de Víctimas del Franquismo”. Este congreso pretendía facilitar el encuentro de asociaciones que trabajan por la recuperación de la memoria democrática y de las víctimas de la Guerra Civil y el franquismo.
This essay analyzes representations of the everyday in the Madrid cityscape from the beginning of the 1980s until the mid 1990s. During the Transition, Spanish cinema started to explore forms of interaction that negotiated recently born stimuli and social, economic and ideological formations, displaying as strong commitment to the representation of social reality and, more specifically, the marginalized. From the late 1980s to the mid 1990s, filmmakers tackle a social fabric characterized by a «presentism» that leaves behind a productive commitment to recent Spanish history and the capacity of the citizenry to decisively intervene within the constitutive pillars of social reality. In the studied period, Spanish cinema encounters an ever-flowing social, approaching it from different perspectives, turning into a representational mechanism that codifies the practices of the everyday –that is, the recurrent forms of interaction through which individuals function with a given social structure.