El artículo aborda la experiencia del joven Félix Weil en la Argentina (1920-1922), combinando su rol como heredero empresarial, emisario de la Comintern y partícipe de debates en el comunismo local. Se centra en el análisis crítico de su libro sobre el movimiento obrero argentino, destacando su carácter precursor, las polémicas con los emigrados rusos y su relación con los primeros impulsos marxistas que desembocaron en la fundación del Instituto de Frankfurt.
1789-, Labor in politics. Political activity of the working class
Este artículo explora la evolución política e ideológica del líder obrero chileno Luis Emilio Recabarren, desde las ideas demócratas hasta los postulados del marxismo de impronta leninista, pasando por una fase intermedia bajo la influencia del socialismo evolutivo de la II Internacional. El texto centra su mirada en la concepción del comunismo que fue forjando Recabarren en su praxis teórica y política práctica.
1789-, Labor in politics. Political activity of the working class
A partir del análisis de los resultados de una encuesta realizada a la mayoría de los dirigentes sindicales de las grandes ciudades de Chile (Concepción, Santiago y Valparaíso) en 1963, se hace un ejercicio de proyección, tanto de la historia interna como de la composición de clase del movimiento obrero de la primera mitad de la década de 1960. El estudio da cuenta de un movimiento obrero de fuertes y ásperas nociones sobre las diferencias de clases, crítico de la política y que concibe su enemistad con el patrón a un nivel fundamental, desde lo específico a lo general, de forma normalizada y razonada. Así, se discute y complejiza la imagen del movimiento obrero del período y predominante en cierta historia social, destacando su particular clasismo y politización.
1789-, Labor in politics. Political activity of the working class
When discussing the relations between Marxism and transhumanism it is first necessary to discuss the place of transhumanist discourse in capitalist society. Therefore I will discuss the – controversial – notion of value as the ‘automatic subject of society’. Marx can be read in a way that emphasizes the always already transhumanist character of capitalism – because in capitalism humans are not the subject of society, rather value in its movement of capital accumulation is the ‘automatic subject’. Transhumanism is not opposed to capitalism, but one consequence of capitalism, although there might be opposing and emancipatory potentials in it. Such potentials could be discovered by art..
In a second step I want to reconstruct the situation of the 1910s and 1920s and how ‘automation’ and related notions were discussed and criticized in a heterogeneous formation between Fordism, Russian Formalism, Surrealism and psychoanalysis, especially in relation to artistic strategies. This part is a short sketch of a very complex situation. Why this constellation? Because one of the central features of this discussion was – presumably because of the background of Fordism – to ascribe to art the potential to ‘deautomatize’ perception and cognition.
In the final part I want to juxtapose the first two steps and focus on the example of black British musicians Actress and his AI- Double Young Paint. Can we glimpse at least some idea of what a critical transhumanist aesthetics could be? Is it an aesthetics which uses the automatizing technologies of our current situation, but also disrupts and deautomatizes them.
Este artículo recorre las diversas formas en que el trabajo ha sido objeto de análisis en la teoría feminista. Identifica dos enfoques analíticos generales que, si bien comparten la idea de que la devaluación social del trabajo que realizan las mujeres es una característica definitoria de la desigualdad y la
opresión que sufren, difieren en sus conceptualizaciones sobre el poder social y, por ende, en sus proyectos políticos para la emancipación de las mujeres. El primero, “feminismo de la igualdad”, se centra en la división sexual del trabajo; el segundo, “feminismo de la reproducción social”, se central en el trabajo reproductivo como elemento clave para la reproducción continua de la sociedad capitalista. El artículo analiza ambas perspectivas y da los argumentos de por qué el segundo enfoque logra superar las debilidades del primero.
1789-, Labor in politics. Political activity of the working class
A tendency in contemporary efforts at emancipatory politics and media production can be characterised by a critical attitude to the very notion of representation, in political terms (e.g. in certain calls for “real democracy” issued by members of movements such as Occupy) and in artistic terms (e.g. the performative rather than indexical emphasis of some video art, such as Surname Viet Given Name Nam (1989) or Reassemblage (1982) by Trinh Mi Ha). Agency is often linked to ‘voice’, and emancipation to one’s ability to ‘speak for’ oneself (Lorde 1984; Foucault and Deleuze 1972). But if we insist that people ‘speak for’ themselves, what does this mean for allyship? Activist filmmakers, journalists, scholars and media-producers often justify what they do as ‘giving voice’. Yet, this seemingly simple goal, ‘to give voice’, is rarely elaborated, and the mediating role of the ‘giver’ of voice is often obscured. In this essay, I explore abstract conceptions of ‘giving voice’ and ‘speaking for’ others by reflecting on my own experience making short testimonial videos about protests in UK immigration detention centres with Standoff Films (www.standoffilms.com). The significance of people’s ‘speech’, I maintain, should be assessed with reference to intention, as well as form. ‘Voice’ is powerful not in isolation, but when activated in a living social context. I suggest the primary truth-value of representations resides in the quality of their constitutive social relationships, characterised by honest attempts to listen, interpret and faithfully communicate, rather than in the technical accuracy of mimesis. Silencing, of some extent, is a necessary part of this process. As media-makers, I believe we should reflect on the silences in our representations when possible, and acknowledge when silences are primarily the result of issues in the world, rather than our own failures to ‘give voice’. Rather than forsake representation and proclaim “everyone should speak for themselves!’, self-reflection may cause us to strategically (re)orientate our representations, in dialogue with those we represent in a spirit of solidarity.
Reseña de Franck Gaudichaud, Chile 1970-1973. Mil días que estremecieron al mundo. Poder popular, cordones industriales y socialismo durante el gobierno de Salvador Allende, Santiago: LOM, 2016, 472 pgs.
1789-, Labor in politics. Political activity of the working class
Artikkelen handler om personer som var kjøpt i Afrika, Asia eller Amerika og deretter brakt til den europeiske delen Danmark-Norge på 1700- og begynnelsen av 1800-tallet. Artikkelen tar ikke for seg alle slaver og tidligere slaver som bodde i den europeiske delen av Danmark-Norge, men dreier seg om dem som arbeidet som tjenestefolk i husholdet hos andre, ofte sammen med lokale tjenestefolk. I artikkelen undersøkes det særlig hvordan denne gruppen ble omtalt, klassifisert og kategorisert av og i den dansk-norske staten, særlig i folketellinger, men også i aviser og av domstolene. I retten dreide klassifiseringen rundt kategoriene fri og ufri, mens folketellingene ofte tok i bruk etniske benevnelser eller hudfarge. I avisene ble begge disse strategiene benyttet. Det var likevel langt fra noen systematisk praksis, et poeng som illustreres både av at det i folketellingene ikke fantes noen egen rubrikk for etnisitet, fødested eller nasjonalitet, og at det fantes slaver og tjenestefolk fra India, Afrika eller Amerika der hudfarge og etnisitet ikke ble nevnt. Denne varierte praksisen illustrerer hvordan den koloniale virkeligheten utfordret kolonimaktens byråkratiske og juridiske kategorier, og hvordan koloniens logikk kunne påvirke kolonimaktens praksis, for eksempel ved at skillet mellom fri og ufri arbeidskraft ble aktualisert på en måte som lignet mer på koloniens enn på kolonimaktens.
Socialism. Communism. Anarchism, Economic history and conditions
El objetivo de este artículo es presentar una síntesis de la evolución del movimiento estudiantil desde principios del siglo XX hasta los años 60. Se pone énfasis especialmente en el estudio de la Reforma, en el impacto del peronismo y los vínculos entre acción gremial y política.
1789-, Labor in politics. Political activity of the working class
Microfinance is claimed to be a strong poverty elevation mechanism. Prof Dr. Yunus of Bangladesh is said to be the inventor of the system. But presently, attempts are being made to credit the great Rabindranath Tagore with the idea. However, throughout the world Yunus’ model is on excessive try to wipe out poverty from the globe. Whatever is the result, the irony is that the system is being sliced between breeder of menace (capitalism) and proletariat rules (socialism/communism) whereas, the mentor simply wanted to show how the have-nots can be brought into financial system. Capitalism claps for its success, but with some ulterior motive that has forced Yunus to talk against micro-sharks and socialism is the sole loser in the game. But the core issue is poverty elevation and for that, the system needs neutralization of the dog fight of the two isms (socialism/communism). Further, the system has inherent quality that needs to be overhauling so that even those elements still resting outside the orbit of micro financial system can be accommodated. While it registers success, the mankind will see a different world. Key words: Microfinance, Poverty elevation mechanism, Capitalism, Socialism.