A decade ago, Amitav Acharya outlined his ‘new agenda’ for International Relations (IR) scholars: ‘Global International Relations’. This article seeks to modestly move forward two aspects of the Global IR agenda. First, we foreground a region largely missing from the Global IR literature: the Pacific Islands. That the Pacific has been ‘geo-politically marginal’ has consequences for the Global IR, and broader Political Science and IR scholarship, which has missed out on analysing and learning lessons from a rich and diverse region. Second, the Global IR scholarship has focused on important questions about ontology and epistemology, but with less consideration of methodology. That means that the question of how to move ‘beyond critique’ and do the practical work of studying Global IR remains largely unanswered. In the second part of our article we outline considerations arising from greater Global IR, and broader Political Science and IR, scholarly attention to the Pacific and then provide a grounded perspective of the practicalities of doing research there.
Louise Archer, Esme Freedman, Meghna Nag Chowdhuri
et al.
Abstract Background Formal and informal STEM learning settings are often assumed to interconnect, as conveyed by the widely used metaphor of the STEM learning ‘ecosystem’. While this metaphor usefully conveys the sense of a complex system that comprised interconnected, differentiated parts, it has been critiqued for struggling to engage with power relations and remains more of an aspiration/ ideal, rather than depicting the reality of current STEM learning systems. Results This paper critically reflects on how we might think about and conceptualise the relationships between the myriad of offers that comprise formal and informal STEM learning provision, with the aim of supporting more equitable and inclusive policy and practice. We employ a Bourdieusian conceptual lens, arguing that relationships between formal and informal learning organisations might be more productively theorised as a ‘market’. To explore the purchase of these metaphors, we draw on qualitative data from an international research–practice partnership project conducted between university researchers, practitioners and youth from six makerspaces in five countries. Specifically, we focus on data collected via 230 interviews with 100 + young people, 28 practitioners and a small number of parents, plus 23 youth group discussions/workshops and 62 observations of practice. Analysis identifies four main types of relationship between schools and makerspaces (termed ‘recruitment’, ‘outreach’, ‘hosted visits’ and ‘full-circle’ relationships). Practitioners simultaneously valued maintaining a distance and separation between formal and informal settings (reflecting the distinct value afforded by makerspaces) and called for new and different relationships with schools. Analysis explores the affordances and limitations of both the ecosystem and market metaphors for understanding these relationships between formal and informal STEM learning settings. Conclusion We argue that the market metaphor augments the ecosystem metaphor by offering a more critical understanding and engagement with equity issues and power relations pertaining to STEM learning systems and hence has greater potential to support and inform equity-orientated policy and practice across both formal and informal sectors.
Common fiscal rules are necessary in the EU to avert cross-border negative spillovers from national fiscal policies and to maintain financial stability and confidence in the single currency. The EU fiscal rules have undergone numerous reforms and over time they have become very complex. While fiscal rules have had some impact in constraining deficits, they did not prevent the euro area debt crisis and the rise in debt ratios. The main reason for the low effectiveness of fiscal rules was poor compliance. On average budgetary policies of the EU member states were compliant with fiscal rules in just over half of the cases. The main points of rules' critique were their procyclicality, negative growth impact, excessive complexity, insufficient transparency and weak enforcement. Many countries have broken the rules without facing sanctions. After the suspension of the rules during the COVID-19 pandemic, the Council in April 2024 approved new fiscal rules. The key changes in the rules are: the adoption of a differentiated approach towards each member state, the usage of single operational indicator – net primary expenditure, setting a reference trajectory for countries that do not comply with the rules, and the encouragement of reforms and investment in key domains. The new rules have retained a number of weaknesses of the old rules and have received an ambiguous assessment from expert community.
Die Diskussionen über interkulturelles Lernen in Deutschland sind auf die weit verbreiteten Debatten über die Integration der Migranten in die deutsche Gesellschaft in den 1960er Jahren zurückzuführen. Dabei wurde versucht, interkulturelle Fördermaßnahmen in den sozialpolitischen Bereichen, der Schulbildung und anderen Bereichen einzuführen. Die Gedanken und Argumentationen haben einen großen Beitrag zur Entwicklung der interkulturellen Bildung geleistet. In der vorliegenden Arbeit wird versucht, die Diskussionen im sozialpolitischen Bereich, in der Landeskunde und im Fremdsprachenunterricht in der Schulbildung von 1980 bis 2000 zu analysieren und ihren Einfluss auf die heutige Entwicklung der interkulturellen Bildung und Fremdsprachendidaktik zu beleuchten.
Abstract Nick Onuf’s constructivism is one of the most important contributions to the field of international relations in what regards the interchange between social and political theories, and philosophy. In this text, I engage with Onuf’s body of work taken as a whole. The guiding thread of the problematization I propose is woven through the attention to how Onuf’s craft and creative undertaking sets certain beginnings in the construction of his framework, and how setting them has important implications for (the conception of) ‘politics’. I would argue that Onuf’s conception of politics is sustained on two central beginnings: the conception of humans as ‘rational agents’ and the framing of what has come to be called ‘modernity’. This way, I emphasize what seems to me the most enduring contribution his body of work can provide not only to the field of international relations, but also to contemporary social and political theories more generally. The first section outlines the relation Onuf establishes between rules and rule, while the following two sections deal, in turn, with his conceptions of ‘agency’ and the ‘modern world’. My goal in these first three sections is to reconfigure Onuf’s constructivism. The fourth and final section moves ahead, giving a step further – perhaps too far, perhaps too radical –, paving a critical engagement with his work through peripheral (re)begininngs.
The article aims to analyse the significance of liberal norms and values in the development of political relations between the EU and ASEAN, an issue which has been only selectively analysed in academic literature. At the same time, the topic of the article fits into a broader landscape of issues associated with the development of relations between international intergovernmental organisations in contemporary international relations, only partially studied in Polish and international literature to date. Considering the essential framework of classic constructivism, as well as significant contributions added by critical constructivism, the article formulates a research hypothesis whereby the European Union and ASEAN are organisations which, while recognising the importance of liberal values and norms, take a different approach to their promotion and protection. The European Union, which attempted to act towards ASEAN as an interpreter and diffuser of the aforementioned values and norms in the 1990s, adopted a pragmatic approach over time, in response to ASEAN’s stance and actions, limiting its role in this respect and taking regional conditions and dependencies into account. In order to verify this hypothesis, three research questions were formulated, namely: What is the place of liberal norms and values in the EU and ASEAN policy documents? Is the respect and protection of liberal norms and values an important element declared in mutual relations? How do both sides approach the implementation of liberal norms and values in practice in selected cases? This article is structured around these issues and discusses the significance of liberal norms and values in EU and ASEAN policy documents, the place and role of liberal norms and values in documents underpinning EUASEAN relations and in EU documents formulated towards ASEAN and the Southeast Asian region and also provides an analysis of EU and ASEAN policy towards Myanmar.
International relations, Political science (General)
La palabra geopolítica está asociada a rivalidades de poder en los territorios, y son múltiples los factores que dan lugar a éstas. A menudo se habla de geopolítica del agua, de los minerales, de las religiones e incluso de las lenguas. En este último caso se toma en cuenta que las lenguas, además de instrumentos de comunicación entre los seres humanos, también son elementos de cohesión identitaria, y por lo tanto de diferenciación. En este caso el enfoque se centra en los grupos humanos que hablan determinadas lenguas y en los territorios que estos habitan, o de los que forman parte como elementos constitutivos, para efectos de identificar rivalidades de poder. Un caso muy interesante en este sentido es el continente africano, donde existen unas 2 mil lenguas, entre las implantadas o foráneas y las autóctonas. Esto da lugar a una compleja realidad lingüística que tiene importantes implicaciones geopolíticas. El hecho concreto en este sentido es que, como parte del proceso de descolonización iniciado en la década de 1950 en el continente africano, está el proceso de reafirmación de sus lenguas autóctonas, algunas de las cuales han tenido un rol significativo y tendrán aún más en el futuro- desde el punto de vista político, económico, educativo y comunicacional, entre las que destacan el suajili, el kirundi, el bambara, el wolof, el amárico y el somalí. Por tal razón, al momento de aproximarse a la comprensión del continente africano, es fundamental tomar en cuenta la dinámica geopolítica de sus lenguas, a fin de completar un esquema de análisis que incluya aspectos económicos, de recursos naturales, demográficos, religiosos, de conflictos interétnicos, entre otros.
Employing a participatory action research method, this study provides an in-depth analysis of community development programs in Kemiri Village, Gunungkidul, in the Special Region of Yogyakarta. The research focuses on interventions aimed at enhancing the marketing and packaging skills of farmers engaged in cassava production. Through multi-stakeholder collaboration involving local government, NGOs, and academic institutions, the initiatives have successfully equipped farmers with the skills needed for export-standard packaging. The evaluation phase utilized skill assessment tests and focus group discussions, revealing substantial improvements in farmers’ skill sets. Specifically, the farmers demonstrated a marked ability to understand and implement advanced packaging techniques, thereby meeting international export standards. These skill improvements have enhanced their competitiveness, facilitating their capacity to compete in international markets and contributing to community capacity building. In conclusion, this research underscores the transformative potential of participatory community development programs, particularly in empowering rural farmers with the skills necessary for global market engagement.
The Republic of Kosovo is a kind of “node” of problems not only in the Balkans, but in Europe in general. The recognition of Kosovo’s independence laid the groundwork for the destabilization of European security. Today, Kosovo is recognized mainly by the democratic states of the world. These are the countries that currently support Ukraine. In the non-support camp are Serbia, Russia and its few allies such as Belarus, as well as China with its satellites. Although the Kosovo problem is not so clear. Among the countries that do not recognize Kosovo are a number of states (Spain, Romania, Greece, Slovakia), which are wary of the fact that the “Kosovo precedent” may contribute to separatist movements and create problems for them.
15 years have passed since the declaration of independence of Kosovo. However, Belgrade and Pristina function from crisis to crisis. Recently, the usual crises have become somewhat more intense and have made the world talk about the possibility of another war in Europe. Today, the geopolitical consequences of Kosovo’s declaration of independence look quite pessimistic. The representatives of the EU and the USA, understanding the consequences of their actions, are trying to resolve this conflict at any cost in order to demonstrate to the whole world that the situation is under control. Currently exerting pressure specifically on the government of Pristina, these actors are trying to finally achieve full political normalization between Kosovo and Belgrade so that there are no further ethnic tensions in the region and a constant aggravation of the situation in the north of the self-proclaimed republic. Time will tell whether it will give significant results. However, it is possible to at least reduce the tension between Serbia and Kosovo by weakening the manipulative actions on the relations of these countries by Russia.
Funding. The work was supported by the European Commision under the Jean Monnet Module «The European Union’s Common Security and Defence Policy: challenges related to the War in Ukraine» (ESEDEP), № 101127823 — ESEDEP — ERASMUS-JMO-2023-HEI-TCH-RSCH.
Political science (General), International relations
Este documento explora una narrativa difundida durante las primeras décadas del siglo XXI en América Latina.
Se trata de las culturas indígenas ancestrales pero concebidas como una mitología. Dicho discurso, utilizado principalmente para la seducción política, desprecia las características básicas que diferentes estudios antropológicos asignan a las culturas precolombinas.
El trabajo tiene por objeto explorar los motivos por los que semejante mitología pudo haber aflorado exitosamente dentro de sociedades periféricas sometidas a las imposiciones y ensueños de la posmodernidad.
En este aspecto, las penosas condiciones de vida enmarcadas por tecnologías digitales que reniegan del tiempo y el espacio físico parecen propicias para el desarrollo de narrativas que, como es el caso, pueden infundir un sentido de redención.
A partir del triunfo de la Revolución, la sociedad cubana comenzó a transformarse. Fidel Castro al frente del proceso revolucionario impulsó medidas de corte nacionalista y antimperialista que generaron contradicciones entre el gobierno de la Isla y Estados Unidos. En los artículos de Bohemia se refleja la hostilidad y las agresiones norteamericanas hacia nuestra nación en el periodo de 1959-1961, además de mostrarse en numerosas ocasiones la actitud firme del pueblo cubano y de su líder ante cada uno de estos ataques que radicalizaron su conciencia antimperialista.
ntroduction. The article examines the activities of the Russian repressed scientist, agronomistsoil scientist, laureate of the Lenin Prize in the field of agriculture Alexandra Zaitseva and her contribution to the development of agriculture in Kazakhstan.
Materials. The article uses archival documents, and many sources are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. In particular, the documents of the State Archive of Karaganda region on scientific and technical documentation, the State Archive of Akmola region and materials of periodicals of those years were studied.
Analysis and results. The authors comprehensively investigate her scientific activities in Akmola and Karaganda regions and pay special attention to her contribution and new scientific discoveries in the steppe arid zone. The study examines the merits of A. Zaitseva in the opening of an experimental station as part of the Akmola camp of wives of “traitors to the Motherland”, known as the women’s camp in the Soviet Union. It also presents her activities as a researcher in Karlag as a head of the department of agrotechnics and agrochemistry during the Great Patriotic War and in the difficult post-war years. In particular, her contribution to the sowing of winter wheat on the stubble of spring crops and grassland crop-rotation, introduced into the production practice of collective and state farms in Karaganda region. Separately, her activities in the All-Union Research Institute of Grain Farming in Akmola region as a head of the department of agrosoil science have been investigated. Particular attention is paid to her participation in the practices to reduce wind erosion while developing virgin and fallow lands in Northern Kazakhstan.
History of Russia. Soviet Union. Former Soviet Republics, International relations
The year of 1866 would represent a challenge for Romanian diplomacy, as by the dethronement of Al. I. Cuza, the great powers would be led to discuss the rescinding of the 1859 act and, implicitly, the return to the political regime which would have caused the two principalities serious damage to their autonomy, both on an internal level, as well as external and it would be met with opposition from the great powers, as the young Romanian national state would meet its major objectives, thus creating a favorable international context in order to acquire state independence.
“Technological decoupling” has become a key factor that affects China-U.S. relations. The United States has been trying to cut its ties with China in the field of emerging technologies in an attempt to win the bilateral strategic competition. Compared with traditional high technologies, emerging technologies have lots of uncertain implications, and the security problems brought by these technologies have made the United States fall into the dilemma of “insecurity.” As a result, successive U.S. administrations view “decoupling” as both a strategic move to address challenges from emerging technologies and a means to suppress China’s development. Taken together, national security, ideology, and competition in the digital industry are distinct motivations behind the U.S. technological decoupling with China. Toward this end, the United States has formulated whole-of-government and whole-of-society measures, aiming at decoupling through a combination of domestic and foreign policy tools. As the target of technological decoupling, China holds the belief that the U.S. policy is a strategic misjudgment which is incompatible with the development trends of emerging technologies. Instead, China and the United States should strengthen their collaboration at levels of technology, industry, security, and ideology to reduce the risk of miscalculation and enhance ties in emerging technologies.
Barnomsorgen i Finland har en gemensam historia med övriga Norden, dels genom Fröbeltraditionen, dels genom de värderingar som ligger till grund för det nordiska välfärdssamhället. Under en lång tid har daghem och skola utvecklats utifrån olika utgångspunkter och styrprocesser. Men under de senaste åren har dessa kommit att konsolideras i en politiskt underbyggd reform. En tradition av omsorg och fostran för barn mellan 0–6 år omskrivs till småbarnspedagogik, och i den nya läroplanen som tagits i bruk 2017 betonas barns perspektiv och barns delaktighet som centrala utgångspunkter för verksamheten, som en ny ideologisk värdegrund för den moderna småbarnspedagogiken i Finland. I artikeln analyseras vilka uttryck för barns perspektiv och delaktighet som framträder i de finländska styrdokumenten. Vi lyfter också fram olika faktorer som bidragit till att orienteringen mot barns perspektiv och delaktighet etablerats senare i Finland jämfört med de övriga nordiska länderna.
There is an expectation today that International Relations (IR) theory ought to engage with philosophy as a meta-knowledge capable of grounding and legitimizing knowledge claims in the discipline. Two assumptions seem to lie behind this expectation: first, that only philosophy can supply the necessary meta-theoretical grounding needed; second, that theory is inherently a philosophical register of knowledge. This article treats these assumptions with scepticism. While not denying philosophy’s contribution to IR theory, the article makes the case for contextual intellectual history as an alternative mode of political and international theory. It seeks to shed light on the ‘philosophization of IR’ by depicting the broad contours of the historical and continuing rivalry between philosophy and history in the humanities and social sciences and, by reference to Machiavelli and Renaissance humanism, reminding the discipline of IR of the value of studying politics and international relations in a historical mode.