Hasil untuk "Political theory"

Jill Channing, Georgina E. Wilson

The COVID-19 pandemic intensified faculty emotional labor as instructors were expected to sustain learning while responding to students’ grief, isolation, and uncertainty. Educational leadership educators occupy a distinctive role as mentors and models for current and aspiring PK–12 and higher education leaders. Using a secondary phenomenological analysis, we reanalyzed de-identified Zoom interview transcripts (2022) from nine U.S. educational leadership educators (seven women; four educators of color) originally collected to examine caring pedagogies. Guided by Hochschild’s emotional labor theory and feminist care ethics, with particular attention to Tronto’s political theory of care, we conducted a theoretically informed thematic analysis focused on caring expectations, role boundaries, and well-being. Findings highlight five interrelated themes: serving as an “anchor” during crisis; blurred instructional–counseling roles and invisible care work; gendered and racialized expectations of availability; competing care obligations across work and home; and boundary-setting as resistance and sustainability. Participants described deep relational commitments to students alongside exhaustion, role strain, and frustration with institutional cultures that assumed limitless capacity to care without reciprocal support. Emotional labor in leadership education should be recognized as central leadership work, and sustainable cultures of care require systemic policies that redistribute and resource care labor.

Sarah Lenz

The 'twin transition' – the parallel digitalisation and decarbonisation – is being pursued by the European Union as a transformative strategy to combine sustainability and competitiveness. This paper examines the dynamics of this process by applying field theory and legitimacy theory, as well as situation-analytical mapping. The analysis demonstrates that the 'twin transition' is not only a technological, but also a profoundly social and political process of negotiation, characterised by competing interests and normative tensions. Digital technologies are presented as instruments for enhancing efficiency and reducing carbon emissions. However, the results indicate that rebound effects and increasing resource consumption frequently counteract these objectives. Furthermore, the underlying power asymmetries between the Global North and South serve to reinforce existing inequalities. Geopolitical tensions and the control over technological standards are proving to be central areas of conflict, while normative narratives such as resilience and sustainability are being strategically mobilised to secure legitimacy.

Ifeanyi John Obikwelu

The article examines the relationship between ethnic segregation and development in Nigeria. It analyses the social, economic, and political implications. Nigeria’s historical legacies and diverse ethnic backgrounds have formed distinct ethnocultural communities, resulting in violence, conflict, social fragmentation, and developmental setbacks. Understanding the dynamics of ethnic segregation and its impact on development is vital for effective policies and interventions. The article utilises a mixed approach to explore different dimensions of ethnic segregation in Nigeria. The theoretical framework incorporates concepts from ethnic deprivation theory. The study examines patterns and drivers of ethnic segregation, i.e., economic disparities, social exclusion and political marginalisation across ethnic groups. It also investigates historical, social, economic, and political factors perpetuating these segregation patterns. The findings highlight the social consequences of ethnic segregation, including decreased social cohesion, increased intergroup tensions, and limited interaction; negative effects on economic developments, such as reduced investments, favouritism, hindered trade relations, and uneven resource distribution; and political ramifications, including unequal representation, electoral manipulations, power struggles, political instability, and governance challenges. To address ethnic segregation and promote development in Nigeria, the article proposes several recommendations: promoting inter-ethnic dialogue, investing in inclusive education and cultural exchange programs for social cohesion, creating inclusive economic policies and job opportunities, ensuring equitable resource distribution, strengthening governance and the rule of law, supporting conflict resolution and peacebuilding initiatives, and enhancing data collection and monitoring of segregation dynamics. By understanding the relationship between ethnic segregation and development, policymakers and stakeholders can work towards creating inclusive and equitable societies in Nigeria.

Armen Mirzoyan

This article examines the political stability of Armenia and Israel from 2008 to 2023 using the Stability Index of Political Systems (SIPS) model in a comparative context. The article aims to identify the extent to which internal and external factors shape the stability of political systems in small and medium-sized states in the face of a number of regional and global challenges and risks. The comparative analysis reveals that the experiences of both Armenia and Israel reveal a broader pattern: in small and medium-sized states, particularly those located in geopolitically sensitive and security-challenged regions, political stability is primarily determined by the dynamics of external factors. The results indicate that in both countries, external influences, particularly those related to the national security environment, regional conflicts, and foreign policy pressures, had a dominant impact on domestic political processes and institutional stability. In this context, by highlighting the primacy of external factors, the article contributes to the academic debate on how small states ensure their political stability in the face of persistent regional and global vulnerability.

Emma Bell

The British Conservative Party has increasingly embraced a right-wing conspiracy theory according to which a host of unrelated actors are said to be working against the best interests of ordinary British people to advance a “woke” agenda that is left-wing, anti-Brexit, pro-immigration and unpatriotic. Some conservatives, namely former Prime Minister Boris Johnson, have even gone so far as to suggest that these forces form part of a “deep state”, working in the shadows against the elected government and therefore against the people themselves. They purportedly do so by advancing “cultural Marxism” – pushing a silent revolution through, rather than against, the key institutions of the British State. Through an analysis of political speeches and of reports from right-wing think tanks close to the Conservative Party, this article seeks to analyse the British government’s recent attacks on those who it has designated as the principal enemies of the people: the universities, the BBC, the police and the judiciary. These attacks are not just rhetorical but have concrete effects on the ground which may seriously undermine their independence. Whilst there is scant evidence for the apparent left-wing bias of these institutions, painting them as “woke” serves primarily as a useful populist political strategy, placing the Conservative Party firmly on the side of “the people” in the context of the culture wars” and serving as a distraction from serious economic problems.

Тетяна Длугопольська , Максим Сентик

Метою дослідження є узагальнення найкращих практик корпоративної соціальної відповідальності міжнародних компаній, особливо під впливом глобальної пандемії COVID-19. У дослідженні використано методи логічного узагальнення, аналізу, порівняння, групування, графічні та табличні. Особливістю корпоративної соціальної відповідальності є її приналежність до суспільного або квазісуспільного блага, що поєднує корпоративне управління й економіку публічного сектора. Низка сучасних досліджень указує на прямий зв'язок соціальної відповідальності та репутації компаній, оскільки її найбільш важливими факторами визнаються якість товарів та послуг (20,1 %), якість управління (14,8 %), громадянство (14,4 %), фінансовий успіх (13,2 %) та інновації (13,1 %). У статті наголошено, що глобальний уплив пандемії COVID-19 сприяв тому, що організації в прискореному режимі почали розвивати власну стратегічну гнучкість та різні моделі корпоративної соціальної відповідальності. Відтак у 2022 р. рейтинг соціально відповідальних компаній очолили: Rolex, Ferrari, Lego Group, Rolls-Royce, Mercedes-Benz, Harley-Davidson, The Bosch Group, PayPal, Netflix, Intel. Визначено, що пандемія COVID-19 сприяла появі нових соціальних ініціатив: від створення інноваційного фонду кліматичних рішень, відмови від використання пластику до забезпечення дітей із малозабезпечених сімей безкоштовним доступом до Інтернету та гаджетами. У статті доведено, що зростання лояльності споживачів, підвищення репутації корпорацій як привабливих роботодавців безпосередньо впливають на збільшення обсягів продажів, мотивацію співробітників, бажання держави та суспільства взаємодіяти із соціально відповідальними компаніями, зростання ринкової вартості компаній.

Arion Escorsin De Godoy, Veyzon Campos Muniz

O presente artigo, a partir da reflexão sobre o caso Carrefour, busca lançar um olhar para o amanhã, refletindo acerca da inter-relação entre educação, desenvolvimento e direitos humanos. Partindo-se de uma investigação dialética e de revisão bibliográfica, confere-se ênfase à análise do imbricamento entre a educação e o direito, estabelecendo-se dilemas e perspectivas sobre emancipação social. Estabelece-se um panorama sobre o desenho jurídico de enlaçamento entre educação, antirracismo e desenvolvimento sustentável, em nível constitucional e no sistema global de direitos humanos. Em segmento específico, debruçando-se no aludido caso concreto, sob a perspectiva da educação em direitos, explicitam-se dimensões pedagógica, educacional e restaurativa a partir dele. Por conseguinte, em considerações prospectivas, posiciona-se no sentido de que um futuro sustentável depende da garantia presente de efetividade à educação, ao desenvolvimento e aos direitos humanos, em ambientes equitativos e antirracistas.

Sarah Galey-Horn, Joseph J. Ferrare

In recent years, education policy scholars have begun to utilize social network concepts and methods to describe contemporary policy changes across P-16 levels. While many insights have emerged from this growing literature base, we argue that a more formal network approach rooted in policy network analysis (PNA) is needed to fulfill its conceptual and analytical ambitions. Policy network analysis integrates concepts from social network analysis with theoretical assumptions developed in the field of political science. Toward this end, we first argue that a more rigorous treatment of policy beliefs is needed to analyze the impact of ideas on the policy agenda. Existing literature on the ideological dimensions of market-based reform movements tends to define them largely within the bounds of neo-liberalism and thus far has failed to systematically explain how policy beliefs emerge and converge in this context. Second, we contend that previous work has generally lacked theoretical grounding in formal policy network analysis (PNA). Although there are clear links between the concepts and findings in traditional PNA literature and educational research – particularly the use of networked governance as a concept for understanding the interconnectedness of educational reform networks – a more diligent application of PNA theory and methods would enable educational policy scholars to gain deeper insights into the explanatory processes of policy change. We pay particular attention to the usefulness of these approaches for examining two-mode network data and for modeling ideological policy change.

Somaye Hamidi , Hashem Ghaderi

Opinion on the concept of state has a deep root in the history of western political thought. Although there have been brief and marginal studies in this area in ancient Greece, we notice more attention to the concept of state and its coordinates since the Renaissance. Germany, during eighteenth century, is one of the most important arenas on this concept. As one of its thinkers and contemporary of Hegel, Schopenhauer has also paid attention to the issue of state during his discussions. The problem of the present study is the nature of state in Schopenhauer's political thought. The hypothesis of the present paper is that Schopenhauer's theory of state as opposed to Hegelian thought, rejects the totalitarian and the Hegelian ideal state on one hand, and, based on the rule of the concept of evil and how he views metaphysics in its philosophical apparatus on the other hand, takes on a minimalist and protective nature.

Jaco Barnard-Naudé

This article is a psychoanalytic, primarily Lacanian, reading of Lourens du Plessis’s chapter on Calvin and Calvinism in Hugh Corder’s (in)famous 1988 edited collection, Essays on law and social practice in South Africa. The piece turns on two  reference points, namely the political critique of fraternity in recent critical theory, and narcissism in the psychoanalytic literature. I argue that Du Plessis’s text holds these reference points in a constant aporetic / contradictory tension that reflects not only the fundamental aporia of Eros and Thanatos in the approach of psychoanalysis to civilisation, but also the primordial ambivalence of narcissism and, ultimately, what Gillian Rose calls the Janus-face of universality as such. The political contention of the piece is that apartheid can and must be understood as a regressive and, hence, aggressive narcissistic fraternity for which the spatial shorthand is Carl Schmitt’s nomos as the ‘man-ring’. Du Plessis’s lesson of 1988 is that it is only by way of the appeal to and for universal love that we can think a transformed maternal fraternity / sorority which is below and beyond the law, but to which constitutional democracy nonetheless provides what Jean-Luc Nancy calls ‘a point of approach’ and, as such, a creative breach of the ‘man-ring’. ‘I have long mistrusted the liberation movements even of our democratic societies. I always fear they may have hidden totalitarian aims’ (Kristeva 2008: 353). ‘[I]t is clear that the promotion of the ego in our existence is leading, in conformity with the utilitarian conception of man that reinforces it, to an ever greater realization of man as an individual, in other words, in an isolation of the soul that is ever more akin to its original dereliction’ (Lacan 2006: 99). ‘The point is not to preach concord between individuals, cultures, customs and languages, but rather to face up to discord and the potential impossibility of resolving it. This impossibility itself needs to be viewed as a non-exhaustive but formative condition of universality’ (Nancy 2014: 23-24).

Zuyao Yu

Ertit Volkan

It has been stated in academic studies and popular media that Islam began its rise in dominance in Turkey with the accession of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) to power in 2002 under the leadership of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. However, contrary to claims of societal Islamization, in light of quantitative and qualitative studies this study argues that despite the AKP and its leader Erdoğan being in power, the following evidence has been observed in Turkey: praying rates have decreased, extramarital sexual relationship has become prevalent, the number of mosques per person has decreased, the belief in virginity is a point of honour for fewer people, people‘s clothes have become more flatteringly formfitting and more attractive, including women’s head-scarves; secular experts rather than religious officials are being sought for help concerning problems in daily life, homosexuality has become more socially acceptable visible, traditional family structures has been shattered. Therefore, it is claimed that AKP (or Erdoğan) has failed in efforts to Islamize Turkey over the past 15 years (2002-2017) despite having all the governmental means and opportunities to do so. This study argues that the classical theory of secularization, which claims that modernization leads to secularization, can still explain not only the social transformation seen in historically Christian and Western European countries and their offshoots, but also the social transformation of Turkey, a Muslim-majority country that has been governed for the past 15 years by a political party with clear Islamic sensitivities.

Fabrice E. Lehoucq

This paper outlines the logic and consequences of the classical theory of electoral governance. By empowering the executive with the administration of elections and the legislature with the certification of the vote tally, this theory expected elected officials to generate widely acceptable election results. This paper argues that the classical theory breaks down when the same party controls the executive and the legislature. Developments in several presidential systems offer tentative support for its central hypotheses. Only when parties delegated election governance to an autonomous court system did election conflicts stop promoting political instability. Comparisons between US and Latin American separation of power systems also suggest that political developments in the north and south are much more similar that commonly assumed.

YE Liyu, WANG Chao, GUO Chunyu et al.

<b>[Objectives]</b> With deepening research on the geographical and climatic environment of the Arctic, the political and military value of submarines in the region has been well recognized. Although the thick ice in the Arctic provides natural protection for submarines, it also poses a risk to submarines during the ice surfacing process. A method for accurately predicting the ice surfacing process and transient ice loads can be the most important issue in the design of submarine shells and choice of ice thickness.<b>[Methods]</b> In this paper, a numerical method for dealing with the submarine and ice contact problem is developed. First, the peridynamic theory on the capture of material fractures is briefly introduced and the feasibility of peridynamics in modeling the ice failure problem is discussed. To reflect the physical reality of submarine-ice interaction, a contact detection algorithm is established to prevent the interpenetration of the submarine surface and ice material particles, and a method for calculating the contact load is introduced. Finally, based on peridynamics and the contact detection algorithm, a numerical program for predicting submarine-ice interaction is compiled. Using the DARPA SUBOFF submarine model, the ice surfacing process of a submarine is simulated.<b>[Results]</b> The results show that this method can vividly capture the ice failure process, which corresponds to observations of the ice surfacing process of American nuclear submarines, and the dynamic ice load can be calculated over time.<b>[Conclusions]</b> This method provides new concepts in the study of submarine-ice interaction, and its results support the optimal shell structure design of arctic submarines.

Ilona Dobosiewicz

[for abstract in Polish, scroll down] Ilona Dobosiewicz University of Opole The Changing Canon of American Literature and the Question of American Identity: Over Half a Century of Debates and Controversies Abstract: The article discusses the ways in which political and cultural revolution in the 1960s together with such social practices as university open admissions and affirmative action have changed the canon of American literature. It presents the factors that have led to the broadening of the canon and argues that the evolving canon of American literature no longer constructs a teleological meta-narrative of a unified tradition but instead reflects the ways in which multiple traditions and cultures engage in a dialog and influence one another. Keywords: literary theory, cultural theory Abstrakt: Artykuł omawia zmiany jakie zachodziły w postrzeganiu pojęcia kanonu literatury amerykańskiej w wyniku rewolucji politycznej i obyczajowej lat sześćdziesiątych ubiegłego wieku oraz takich praktyk społecznych jak uniwersytecka polityka otwartych drzwi i akcja afirmatywna. Pokazje jakie czynniki doprowadziły do rozszerzenia kanonu i wskazuje, że obecny kanon literatury amerykańskiej nie konstruuje już teleologicznej meta-narracji dotyczącej jednolitej tradycji, ale pokazuje w jaki sposób różnorakie tradycje i kltury wchodzą ze sobą w dialog i wzajemnie na siebie oddziaływują. Słowa klucze: teoria literatury, teoria kultury

Satoru Fujishige, Zaifu Yang

We examine a spontaneous decentralized market process widely observed in real life labor markets. This is a natural random decentralized dynamic competitive process. We show that this process converges globally and almost surely to a competitive equilibrium. This result is surprisingly general by assuming only the existence of an equilibrium. Our findings have also meaningful policy implications.

J. PEDERSEN

The article is a paper read at the “Roundtable on Inflation” of the International Economic Association held in Elsinore in 1959. The author discusses practical issues pertaining to wages and the control of the monetary system. He considers the relation of inflation to employment and productivity and reviews the measures for the control of wages. JEL: E24, E31, E42

Sebastian Sevignani

In this paper, l examine the alternative social networking site Diaspora* from a Marxist standpoint. The investigation focuses on privacy, and contributes to a better understanding of this issue within the context of capitalism in general. First, I describe Diaspora*’s way of production by pointing out its alternative character as part of the free software and copyleft movement. Second, dominant theories of privacy related to individual control, exclusion, and property are introduced. Third, the problem of privacy in capitalism is described wherein dominant concepts of privacy will be contextualised on behalf of a critical political economy analysis that refers to the Marxian concept of ideology critique, Marx’s differentiation between a societal sphere of production and a societal sphere of circulation, and his analysis of capitalist fetishisms. Fourth, taking into account the problem of privacy in capitalism, the alternative potential of Diaspora* is evaluated. Finally, a brief outline of a Marxist theory of privacy is proposed.

Marcelo Rosa

O artigo busca, por meio da análise da atuação do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (no Brasil) e do Landless People's Movement (na África do Sul), analisar as formas emergentes que o Estado adquire nesses dois contextos sociais. O objetivo central é mostrar que nesses países, chamados aqui de não exemplares, é preciso que se desenvolva uma teoria complexa que rompa com o dualismo sociológico Estado/Sociedade civil. Romper com os esquemas analíticos tradicionais, voltados para o caso europeu, significa necessariamente ter que trilhar novos, e menos preconceituosos, caminhos para compreender as formas políticas de pertencimento social nos países do sul.<br>This article analyses the actions of the Landless Workers' Movement (MST - Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra) in Brazil, and the Landless People's Movement in South Africa, in order to examine the form that the State assumes in these two social contexts. Its main objective is to show that in these countries, here defined as non-model, it is necessary to develop a complex theory to break away from the sociological dichotomy state/civil society. To break with the traditional analytical schemes, focused on the European case, it is necessary to embrace new and less biased ways of understanding the political forms of social belonging in the southern countries.

Ulises Schmill

Los temas que se analizarán en esta réplica son los siguientes: 1. Presentaré mi propia versión y crítica de la “cláusula alternativa tácita”; 2. Defenderé la tesis de que la const-inconstitucionalidad no es algo “dado”, sino que debe estar establecida de manera positiva por un órgano jurídico; 3. Intentaré demostrar la imposibilidad de considerar que existen constinconstitucionalidades a priori; 4. Haré algunas observaciones críticas sobre los conceptos de norma y sistema jurídico; 5. Presentaré una posible reconstrucción teórica del orden jurídico, que será el fundamento para presentar los conceptos de la derogación y de la anulación condicionada; 6. Expondré la tesis de que la derrotabilidad es anulabilidad condicionada, entre otros motivos, por inconstitucionalidad; 7. Por último, expondré lo que en mi opinión es la omisión fundamental en el ensayo que se comenta, que es la relación esencial entre los conceptos de la regularidad y los de anulación y los sujetos que la establecen.