Hasil untuk "Political Science"

W. Riker

J. Cressica Brazier, Sharon Klein, Jasmine Lamb et al.

Estelle Ferrarese

Jonas O. Meckling, Nina Kelsey, E. Biber et al.

Amanda Clayton, Diana Z. O’Brien, Jennifer M. Piscopo

What does women’s presence in political decision-making bodies signal to citizens? Do these signals differ based on the body’s policy decisions? And do women and men respond to women’s presence similarly? Though scholars have demonstrated the substantive and symbolic benefits of women’s representation, little work has examined how women’s presence affects citizens’ perceptions of democratic legitimacy. We test the relationship between representation and legitimacy beliefs through survey experiments on a nationally representative sample of U.S. citizens. First, we find that women’s equal presence legitimizes decisions that go against women’s interests. We show suggestive evidence that this effect is particularly pronounced among men, who tend to hold less certain views on women’s rights. Second, across decision outcomes and issue areas, women’s equal presence legitimizes decision-making processes and confers institutional trust and acquiescence. These findings add new theoretical insights into how, when, and for whom inclusive representation increases perceptions of democratic legitimacy. Replication Materials: The data, code, and any additional materials required to replicate all analyses in this article are available on the American Journal of Political Science Dataverse within the Harvard Dataverse Network, at: https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/7190MT In 2017, newly inaugurated President Donald Trump sparked public outrage when he reinstated the global gag order on abortion funding while surrounded by only men. Opprobrium against groups of men making decisions concerning women is not a new phenomenon. Famously, protests erupted in 1991 when an all-male, all-white congressional committee interrogated Anita Hill—a black woman—about being sexually harassed. Nor is public outcry limited to cases that restrict women’s rights. PayPal endured public shaming via social media in April 2016, when it organized a panel of “senior male leaders” to discuss pay equity. That all-male panels confront scorn, especially when their topic addresses matters connected to women’s Amanda Clayton is Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Vanderbilt University, 230 Appleton Place, Nashville, TN 37203 (amanda.clayton@vanderbit.edu). Diana Z. O’Brien is Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Texas A&M University, 2010 Allen Building, 4348 TAMU, College Station, TX 77843-4348 (dzobrien@tamu.edu). Jennifer M. Piscopo is Assistant Professor, Department of Politics, Occidental College, 1600 Campus Road, Los Angeles, CA 90041 (piscopo@oxy.edu). We are grateful for feedback we received from Georgia Anderson-Nilsson, Lisa Baldez, Larry Bartels, Josh Clinton, Maria EscobarLemmon, Martin Gilens, Matthew Hayes, Nahomi Ichino, Cindy Kam, Dave Lewis, Kristin Michelitch, Michael Nelson, Efrén Perez, Kira Sanbonmatsu, Michelle Taylor-Robinson, Liz Zechmeister, and others. This work also benefited from comments provided by seminar participants at Birkbeck, University of London, Indiana University, the Research on Individuals, Politics, and Society (RIPS) lab at Vanderbilt University, the University of Illinois Urbana Champaign, and the University of California-Merced, as well as attendees at the 2016 Empirical Study of Gender (EGEN) conference at the University of Pennsylvania and the 2017 annual meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association in Chicago, IL. Funding for this work was generously provided by the Center on American Politics at Indiana University. [Correction add on 10/08, after first online publication: A correction has been made in References] experiences, suggests that women’s presence can affect how citizens view policy decisions and the institutions and processes that guide them. The backlash against all-male panels thus raises a central question for the study of democratic politics: Does the inclusion of representatives from historically underrepresented groups (typically called descriptive representation) legitimize decisions and decisionmaking procedures in the eyes of the general public? Democratic theorists argue that legislative outcomes, processes, and institutions cannot be legitimate when certain social groups remain systematically excluded from elected office (Dovi 2007; Mansbridge 1999; Phillips 1995). Despite these strong normative expectations, most research on symbolic representation—that is, the link American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 63, No. 1, January 2019, Pp. 113–129 C ©2018, Midwest Political Science Association DOI: 10.1111/ajps.12391

Olga S. Chikrizova

The relevance of the study of Islamist terrorism is due to its destructive impact on national and global security, as well as on the dialogue between Western and Eastern, particularly Muslim, nations since the early 2000s. Islamist terrorism reinforces entrenched prejudices against Islam and Muslims, leading to their demonization and the subsequent prevention of constructive interaction between communities professing different religions, thus hindering the establishment of relations based on mutual trust. This study examines the number of terrorist attacks committed by Islamist groups and their victims between 2000 and 2020, and tests the methodology for scoring their terrorist activities. Based on the Global Terrorism Database and the author’s sample of 155 groups broadcasting Islamist ideology, three stages of the development of Islamist terrorism were identified, a direct proportional relationship between the number of terrorist attacks and the number of victims was proven, and the geography of Islamist terrorist activity was analyzed. Methodologically, this study combines the analysis of terrorism as both a political phenomenon and a religious manifestation, and Islamist terrorist groups themselves are seen as political projects masquerading as religiously motivated communities. In contrast to the destabilization of Iraq, which along with Afghanistan became another platform for training terrorists, the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, had little impact on Islamist terrorism. Quantitative analysis revealed that the Middle East and North Africa was mistakenly perceived as the “epicenter” of Islamist terrorism in 2000-2020, as Southeast Asia was the leader in terrorist attacks in 2000, while South Asia occupied 1st place in 2003, 2005-2013, and 2018-2020. It has been confirmed that instability at the local and national levels serves as a fertile ground for Islamist terrorism. The possibilities and limitations of the proposed methodology are outlined, and the prospects for its further application in scientific studies of Islamist terrorism are described.

G. Bridge, Begüm Özkaynak, Ethemcan Turhan

Abstract In this article we introduce a Special Issue of Energy Research and Social Science focused on energy infrastructure and the political economy of national development. Many countries are experiencing transformational growth in energy infrastructure, such as transmission and distribution systems; import, export and storage facilities; the development of domestic energy resources; and construction of new power generating stations based on wind, water, coal, gas and nuclear sources. Large-scale projects like these are frequently justified by appeals to grand narratives – promoting economic growth, securing energy supply, modernizing energy service provision, and transitioning to more environmentally sustainable energy systems - in which the fate of the nation is closely tied to infrastructural development. The papers in this collection present compelling empirical evidence of how claims for energy infrastructure’s national significance and/or necessity intersect with the (re)production of political and economic power. Drawing on case material from Africa, the Americas, Asia, Australia and Europe, they highlight the capacity of different energy technologies and infrastructural assemblages to shape political and economic outcomes beyond their role in storing, transporting or transforming energy. This Introduction to the Special Issue does three things. First, it characterises the scale and significance of the contemporary ‘infrastructural moment’, observing how, in many national contexts, energy policy-making remains centralised and divorced from public participation. Second, it critically differentiates existing literature on the political economy of energy infrastructure to identify five distinctive ways in which research understands the ‘political work’ infrastructure performs. Third, it introduces the papers in the Special Issue and organises them into four key themes. Overall, the Introduction affirms the importance for social science of understanding the economically and politically constitutive power of energy infrastructures. The critical reflexivity this requires is essential to moving towards energy infrastructures that are just, equitable and sustainable.

Campos Neutrais Revista Latino-Americana de Relações Internacionais

M. Palmer, E. Bernhardt, E. Chornesky et al.

Ange-Marie Hancock

Jan Kleiner, Jakub Drmola, Miroslav Mares

Endpoint users are usually viewed as the highest-risk element in the field of cybersecurity. At the same time, they need to be protected not just from the individual-level prism but also, from the states perspective, to counter threats like botnets that harvest weakly secured endpoints and forge an army of so-called zombies that are often used to attack critical infrastructure or other systems vital to the state. Measures aimed at citizens like the Israeli hotline for cybersecurity incidents or Estonian educational efforts have already started to be implemented. However, little effort is made to understand the recipients of such measures. Our study uses the survey method to partly fill this gap and investigate how endpoint users (citizens) are willing to protect themselves against cyber threats. To make results more valid, a unique comparison was made between cyber threats and physical threats according to the impact which they had. The results show statistically significant differences between comparable cyber-physical pairs indicating that a large portion of the sample was not able to assess the threat environment appropriately and that state intervention with fitting countermeasures is required. The resultant matrix containing frequencies of answers denotes what portion of respondents are willing to invest a certain amount of time and money into countering given threats, this enables the possible identification of weak points where state investment is needed most.

André Bächtiger, S. Niemeyer, Michael Neblo et al.

José Fernández Santillán

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Christopher Barnett, Edward Jackson, Peter O'Flynn et al.

Background: Mobilising investment for sustainable development is a priority for many African governments and their international allies. There are many claims about the social impact of investments in small and growing businesses, and yet these mostly focus on good news stories or a narrow set of metrics (jobs created, tax revenue, etc.). There are relatively few studies that consider the diversity of social impacts, particularly in an African context. Objectives: The aim of this research was to work collaboratively with investors in Ghana to better understand social change and contribute to their own work on improved performance and reporting. Method: Using a theory-based examination of social impacts, the research purposively selected a subset of 13 investments from the Venture Capital Trust Fund (VCTF) in Ghana. Theories of change were used to explore the available documentation, triangulated with insights from fund managers, entrepreneurs, senior managers and, where possible, employees. The findings were validated with VCTF staff. Results: While the research demonstrated the usefulness of a theory-based approach, it found it helpful to develop a smaller set of typologies to capture different impact pathways – a more efficient way to assess and report on social returns. In particular, the research highlights how commonly used metrics like job creation undervalue the social impact of some types of investment. Other lessons also included the value of rural businesses (not typically favoured by venture capitalists) and the potential to further extend impacts to lower income groups, but that this required real intent and leadership on the part of investors and entrepreneurs. Conclusion: We conclude that further research is merited on two fronts. Firstly, research into the scale of the small and medium enterprises and the associated investment required to support the operating costs to really manage, improve, monitor and evaluate social impact. And secondly, further field testing of different evaluation techniques to help stakeholders better understand and improve the social benefits of venture capital.

Patricia Kreibohm

En español El trabajo se inserta dentro de una línea de investigación dedicada a los estudios del terrorismo contemporáneo desde una perspectiva teórica e histórica. Se intenta discernir los mecanismos específicos del engranaje de la violencia, emanada de un sentimiento religioso. La autora formula las siguientes interesantes preguntas; ¿Qué tipo de relaciones existen entre la religiosidad y la violencia? ¿Cuáles son las causas y los rasgos específicos de estas manifestaciones de violencia? ¿La eclosión del terrorismo religioso es original? En inglés The paper is in a new line of investigation dedicated to the studies of the modern terrorism form a theoretical and historical perspective. It tries to discriminate the specific mechanisms of the violence system, expressed in a religious sentiment. The author asks the following questions: What kind of relations exist between religion and violence? What are the causes and specific features of these violent manifestations? Is the eruption of the religious terrorism original?

Christoph H. F. Meyer

The article deals with the question of how non-Christians were represented in premodern Canon law, under which aspects historical research (especially as regards the history of Canon law) has dealt with them so far and how or on under what conditions did it arrive at its conclusions. First, the current state of research as regards the history of Canon law, in general, and the status of non-Christians, in particular, are considered. Then, the focus turns to the semantics and the concept of the infidel in the legal as well as theological tradition of the Catholic Church. As a third step, the project of a bibliography on the status of non-Christians in the normative culture of the Catholic Church between Antiquity and modern times as well as some insights into the history of research gained in the course of the respective bibliographical studies will be presented. The last part of the article takes a closer look at two methodological aspects of research, namely the problem of anachronistic terms and contemporary aspects of valuation.

J. Budds

Nadia Abu El-Haj

A. Lock, P. Harris