Steven M. Radil, Nick Dorward, Olivier Walther
et al.
Existing models of political violence often emphasize discrete transitions, when conflicts emerge, escalate, or subside, without considering the longer trajectories of violence that accumulate across time and space. This paper introduces a spatially explicit longitudinal sequence analysis to address this gap. Using event-level data from the Armed Conflict Location and Event Dataset covering Africa from 1997 to 2024, we classify locations according to the intensity and spatial concentration of violence, tracing how these states evolve into distinct conflict trajectories. Applying optimal matching and clustering techniques, we identify six recurrent patterns ranging from short-lived, localized outbreaks to protracted high-intensity conflicts. We further assess how these trajectories align across neighboring areas, revealing evidence of spatial interdependence, particularly in border regions. By highlighting the temporal rhythms and geographic linkages of political violence, the study advances conflict research beyond isolated transitions and provides a framework for understanding the life cycles of violence.
The rapid evolution of text-to-image (T2I) models has enabled high-fidelity visual synthesis on a global scale. However, these advancements have introduced significant security risks, particularly regarding the generation of harmful content. Politically harmful content, such as fabricated depictions of public figures, poses severe threats when weaponized for fake news or propaganda. Despite its criticality, the robustness of current T2I safety filters against such politically motivated adversarial prompting remains underexplored. In response, we propose $PC^2$, the first black-box political jailbreaking framework for T2I models. It exploits a novel vulnerability where safety filters evaluate political sensitivity based on linguistic context. $PC^2$ operates through: (1) Identity-Preserving Descriptive Mapping to obfuscate sensitive keywords into neutral descriptions, and (2) Geopolitically Distal Translation to map these descriptions into fragmented, low-sensitivity languages. This strategy prevents filters from constructing toxic relationships between political entities within prompts, effectively bypassing detection. We construct a benchmark of 240 politically sensitive prompts involving 36 public figures. Evaluation on commercial T2I models, specifically GPT-series, shows that while all original prompts are blocked, $PC^2$ achieves attack success rates of up to 86%.
AbstractThe year 2025 marks the 120th anniversary of Lochner v. New York, a 1905 U.S. Supreme Court decision striking down legislative limits on work hours in the baking industry. U.S. scholars generally agree this decision harmed workers and was a setback to the labor movement in the United States. The essay borrows from some of the historian E.P. Thompson’s writings on the relationship between historical inquiry and normative values in order to reflect on Lochner and the relative consensus among scholars opposing the decision. That reflection in turn serves as a point of entry for thinking about the role of normative values in doing labor history, what values we propound in the present by writing and teaching about the history of working-class people, and how those issues relate to different ways labor historians can understand what is arguably our field’s central category, class. The essay suggests that, with regard to the Lochner decision and in general, labor history is something of a different activity if the field’s orientation is toward the amelioration of time- and place-specific problems in working-class people’s lives, toward class as inherently a category of violence and injustice, or both.
Este artículo se propone analizar las dirigencias femeninas que surgieron en el Partido socialista a partir del cruce de tres ejes: evolución de las instancias partidarias, la mutación de consignas y programa y las vicisitudes socio-personales de las protagonistas. El artículo defiende la tesis de un cambio importante a partir de 1945.
1789-, Labor in politics. Political activity of the working class
O uso de plantas medicinais convoca perspectivas amplas de saúde das quais emergem práticas de cuidado singulares. Ao afirmar tais práticas como dispositivos coletivos de análise, assevera a dimensão pública do Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS). Nesta proposta, parte-se da necessidade de investir na comunicação entre gestores, trabalhadores e usuários, para assim, abrir diálogo sobre o uso de plantas medicinais na comunidade de Patrimônio da Penha/ES. Relata-se a experiência de uma roda de conversa que produziu questionamentos sobre a gestão dos processos de trabalho. A educação popular e o método da roda foram ferramentas utilizadas para conduzir a troca de saberes. As plantas medicinais serviram como catalisadoras para perspectivas mais amplas de saúde, revelando diferentes relações com o corpo, o bem-estar e a vida. A experiência da roda de conversa demonstrou como a abordagem colaborativa e inclusiva pode redefinir as dinâmicas de cuidado na Atenção Primária à Saúde (APS), aproximando profissionais e comunidade em um espaço de aprendizado mútuo. A iniciativa destaca a relevância de criar espaços de diálogo que integrem diferentes perspectivas e saberes para uma abordagem mais ampla da saúde, estimulando a transformação dos serviços e a formação de redes no SUS.
Social Sciences, Labor in politics. Political activity of the working class
Subênia Karine de Medeiros, Gustavo de Oliveira Gurgel Rebouças, Késia Kelly Vieira de Castro
et al.
Trabalhar o conhecimento acerca da ciência em espaços públicos das cidades é um desafio que tem sido aceito por um número cada vez maior de instituições de educação e pesquisa no Brasil. Em especial as universidades, que por meio das atividades de extensão, assumem esse nobre papel de popularização da ciência e deslocam-se para fora de seus muros, construindo ambientes não formais de educação e de transmissão de conhecimento científico. Nesse sentido, a necessidade de incentivar atividades que popularizem as descobertas e proezas da ciência apresenta-se como pauta incontestável para uma sociedade que busca informação e valorização do conhecimento. Com esse objetivo, o projeto Ciência no Parque vem desenvolvendo atividades de alfabetização científica e de popularização das ciências básicas em espaços não formais de educação em cidades do Rio Grande do Norte, de forma a possibilitar o discernimento e a valorização da ciência mediante a promoção de mostras, oficinas e exposições das diversas áreas do conhecimento. Em espaços habitualmente utilizados para lazer e entretenimento, o projeto reúne comunidade acadêmica, estudiosos e sociedade na construção de ambientes que permitem a observação, o questionamento, a experimentação e o saber de temas que conduzem à solidez e segurança dos avanços e descobertas científicas.
Social Sciences, Labor in politics. Political activity of the working class
Eduardo Augusto Farias, Marta Regina Furlan, Ravelli Henrique de Souza
A presente pesquisa tem por objetivo principal discutir a atuação profissional e educativa com pessoas idosas na Educação de Jovens e Adultos (EJA) em favor dos interesses das classes populares. De modo específico, caracterizar a sociedade contemporânea e o processo formativo de pessoas idosas que estudam ou estudaram na EJA à luz dos conceitos de cidadania e humanização, principalmente por considerar que na sociedade capitalista há um processo que caminha para a formação desumana, desigual e preconceituosa. Há, ainda, a situação permeada por sentimentos de angústia diante o “fracasso escolar”, consideravelmente no que tange o processo de rompimento das barreiras para “vencer” o “cotidiano” que impõe toda a espécie de obstáculos e estigmatizações. Por este motivo, faz-se necessária a intervenção do Estado, primeiramente, com políticas educacionais capazes de proporcionar uma vida digna a todos, de forma a promover o acesso a uma educação inclusiva, a partir da relação estabelecida entre equipe escolar e educandos, de maneira efetiva à luz dos direitos sobre os educandos, conforme previsto na Constituição Federal (1988), na Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação (1996), no Estatuto da Pessoa Idosa, e na Declaração dos Direitos Humanos.
Social Sciences, Labor in politics. Political activity of the working class
Eduarda Filter Schuh, Mariana Kohanoski da Silva, Luciana Boose Pinheiro
A extensão universitária é pautada na relevância do contato dos estudantes de ensino superior com a sociedade, uma inter-relação capaz de gerar transformação social. Ela visa a proporcionar pedagogicamente o exercício e aprimoramento profissional, de forma a criar diálogo, troca de conhecimento e contato com desafios, advindos do compromisso social com quem circunda a academia. Nesse contexto, programas de extensão são ações permanentes e estruturantes que integram diferentes linhas da universidade de modo interdisciplinar, interprofissional e intersetorial; têm caráter orgânico-institucional, orientações para um objetivo comum e devem ser estruturantes na Universidade e pautar-se na indissociabilidade entre extensão, ensino e pesquisa. Para mais, por meio dos diversos programas e projetos de extensão que possui, a UFCSPA oferece aos estudantes vivências que fomentam uma formação crítica e responsável dos indivíduos. Destaca-se o “Programa de Extensão Contação de Histórias na Promoção da Saúde” que, há 15 anos, tem como propósito possibilitar vivências práticas humanizadas entre alunos e pacientes, utilizando-se da literatura para criar cuidados em saúde. Desse modo, o histórico da extensão brasileira evidencia sua importância e a necessidade de valorização dos programas e projetos universitários, por meio de investimento das IES na institucionalização dessas atividades, e gera uma união benéfica entre o meio acadêmico e social.
Social Sciences, Labor in politics. Political activity of the working class
Supriti Vijay, Aman Priyanshu, Ashique R. KhudaBukhsh
In an era where societal narratives are increasingly shaped by algorithmic curation, investigating the political neutrality of LLMs is an important research question. This study presents a fresh perspective on quantifying the political neutrality of LLMs through the lens of abstractive text summarization of polarizing news articles. We consider five pressing issues in current US politics: abortion, gun control/rights, healthcare, immigration, and LGBTQ+ rights. Via a substantial corpus of 20,344 news articles, our study reveals a consistent trend towards pro-Democratic biases in several well-known LLMs, with gun control and healthcare exhibiting the most pronounced biases (max polarization differences of -9.49% and -6.14%, respectively). Further analysis uncovers a strong convergence in the vocabulary of the LLM outputs for these divisive topics (55% overlap for Democrat-leaning representations, 52% for Republican). Being months away from a US election of consequence, we consider our findings important.
For almost a decade now, scholarship in and beyond the ACM FAccT community has been focusing on novel and innovative ways and methodologies to audit the functioning of algorithmic systems. Over the years, this research idea and technical project has matured enough to become a regulatory mandate. Today, the Digital Services Act (DSA) and the Online Safety Act (OSA) have established the framework within which technology corporations and (traditional) auditors will develop the `practice' of algorithmic auditing thereby presaging how this `ecosystem' will develop. In this paper, we systematically review the auditing provisions in the DSA and the OSA in light of observations from the emerging industry of algorithmic auditing. Who is likely to occupy this space? What are some political and ethical tensions that are likely to arise? How are the mandates of `independent auditing' or `the evaluation of the societal context of an algorithmic function' likely to play out in practice? By shaping the picture of the emerging political economy of algorithmic auditing, we draw attention to strategies and cultures of traditional auditors that risk eroding important regulatory pillars of the DSA and the OSA. Importantly, we warn that ambitious research ideas and technical projects of/for algorithmic auditing may end up crashed by the standardising grip of traditional auditors and/or diluted within a complex web of (sub-)contractual arrangements, diverse portfolios, and tight timelines.
O objetivo deste ensaio consiste em analisar os impasses na educação na interface entre escola e democracia. Para analisar a escola e a democracia, partimos da proposição de Freud (1996) de que existem três profissões impossíveis – educar, curar e governar. Essa referência permite outra forma de interpretação, em que a discussão sobre a questão da educação escolar se encontra para além do senso crítico do sujeito da razão esclarecida. A justificativa deste ensaio tem como ponto central compreender as contradições que se apresentam nos impasses da educação para a realização da sociedade democrática em que o professor e o aluno se anulam no campo das relações educativas. A metodologia utilizada encontra-se no campo da teoria crítica, tomando como aporte teórico a Filosofia da Educação. A nossa conclusão se refere diretamente ao elogio da escola como lugar para o exercício da realização da democracia, em que o aprender com o ensinar ocorre numa relação de diálogo, na plena igualdade em estar presente com o outro. Essa experiência escolar de estar presente com o outro seria a possibilidade da realização da pertinência pedagógica do aprender com o ensinar.
Social Sciences, Labor in politics. Political activity of the working class
The COVID-19 pandemic, with millions of Americans compelled to stay home and work remotely, presented an opportunity to explore the dynamics of social relationships in a predominantly remote world. Using the 1972-2022 General Social Surveys, we found that the pandemic significantly disrupted the patterns of social gatherings with family, friends, and neighbors, but only momentarily. Drawing from the nationwide ego-network surveys of 41,033 Americans from 2020 to 2022, we found that the size and composition of core networks remained stable, though political homophily increased among non-kin relationships compared to previous surveys between 1985 and 2016. Critically, heightened remote communication during the initial phase of the pandemic was associated with increased interaction with the same partisans, though political homophily decreased during the later phase of the pandemic when in-person contacts increased. These results underscore the crucial role of social institutions and social gatherings in promoting spontaneous encounters with diverse political backgrounds.
Jochen Hartmann, Jasper Schwenzow, Maximilian Witte
Conversational artificial intelligence (AI) disrupts how humans interact with technology. Recently, OpenAI introduced ChatGPT, a state-of-the-art dialogue model that can converse with its human counterparts with unprecedented capabilities. ChatGPT has witnessed tremendous attention from the media, academia, industry, and the general public, attracting more than a million users within days of its release. However, its explosive adoption for information search and as an automated decision aid underscores the importance to understand its limitations and biases. This paper focuses on one of democratic society's most important decision-making processes: political elections. Prompting ChatGPT with 630 political statements from two leading voting advice applications and the nation-agnostic political compass test in three pre-registered experiments, we uncover ChatGPT's pro-environmental, left-libertarian ideology. For example, ChatGPT would impose taxes on flights, restrict rent increases, and legalize abortion. In the 2021 elections, it would have voted most likely for the Greens both in Germany (Bündnis 90/Die Grünen) and in the Netherlands (GroenLinks). Our findings are robust when negating the prompts, reversing the order of the statements, varying prompt formality, and across languages (English, German, Dutch, and Spanish). We conclude by discussing the implications of politically biased conversational AI on society.
Farhan Ahmad Jafri, Mohammad Aman Siddiqui, Surendrabikram Thapa
et al.
The detection of hate speech in political discourse is a critical issue, and this becomes even more challenging in low-resource languages. To address this issue, we introduce a new dataset named IEHate, which contains 11,457 manually annotated Hindi tweets related to the Indian Assembly Election Campaign from November 1, 2021, to March 9, 2022. We performed a detailed analysis of the dataset, focusing on the prevalence of hate speech in political communication and the different forms of hateful language used. Additionally, we benchmark the dataset using a range of machine learning, deep learning, and transformer-based algorithms. Our experiments reveal that the performance of these models can be further improved, highlighting the need for more advanced techniques for hate speech detection in low-resource languages. In particular, the relatively higher score of human evaluation over algorithms emphasizes the importance of utilizing both human and automated approaches for effective hate speech moderation. Our IEHate dataset can serve as a valuable resource for researchers and practitioners working on developing and evaluating hate speech detection techniques in low-resource languages. Overall, our work underscores the importance of addressing the challenges of identifying and mitigating hate speech in political discourse, particularly in the context of low-resource languages. The dataset and resources for this work are made available at https://github.com/Farhan-jafri/Indian-Election.
Carefully standardized facial images of 591 participants were taken in the laboratory, while controlling for self-presentation, facial expression, head orientation, and image properties. They were presented to human raters and a facial recognition algorithm: both humans (r=.21) and the algorithm (r=.22) could predict participants' scores on a political orientation scale (Cronbach's alpha=.94) decorrelated with age, gender, and ethnicity. These effects are on par with how well job interviews predict job success, or alcohol drives aggressiveness. Algorithm's predictive accuracy was even higher (r=.31) when it leveraged information on participants' age, gender, and ethnicity. Moreover, the associations between facial appearance and political orientation seem to generalize beyond our sample: The predictive model derived from standardized images (while controlling for age, gender, and ethnicity) could predict political orientation (r=.13) from naturalistic images of 3,401 politicians from the U.S., UK, and Canada. The analysis of facial features associated with political orientation revealed that conservatives tended to have larger lower faces. The predictability of political orientation from standardized images has critical implications for privacy, the regulation of facial recognition technology, and understanding the origins and consequences of political orientation.
Marília Bezerra Rodrigues, Maria do Livramento Alencar de Holanda
O presente estudo tem como objetivo geral compreender as perspectivas das/os assistentes sociais do Núcleo Ampliado de Saúde da Família e Atenção Básica (NASF-AB) do município de Iguatu-CE quanto à utilização da educação em saúde como instrumento de trabalho do Serviço Social. O processo de pesquisa deu-se por meio de pesquisa de campo com abordagem qualitativa; utilizou-se como técnica de coleta de dados entrevistas semiestruturadas e as informações coletadas foram analisadas e sistematizadas com base na técnica de análise de conteúdo. A partir dos achados da pesquisa, evidenciam-se algumas potencialidades quanto à utilização da educação em saúde, tais como: o fato de constituir espaços potentes no processo de desconstrução do modelo de saúde medicalocêntrico; proporcionar um ambiente de troca e construção de saberes junto aos usuários quanto às diversas formas de cuidado; o seu importantíssimo papel no incentivo à organização e participação popular, entre outras. No que se refere especificamente ao uso da educação em saúde como instrumento técnico-político do serviço social, viu-se que essas práticas dialogam diretamente com a dimensão pedagógica da profissão, bem como com o projeto ético-político do serviço social, na medida em que se busca construir uma educação em saúde emancipatória, baseada no respeito da autonomia dos sujeitos.
Social Sciences, Labor in politics. Political activity of the working class
The purpose of this study is to analyse COVID-19 related news published across different geographical places, in order to gain insights in reporting differences. The COVID-19 pandemic had a major outbreak in January 2020 and was followed by different preventive measures, lockdown, and finally by the process of vaccination. To date, more comprehensive analysis of news related to COVID-19 pandemic are missing, especially those which explain what aspects of this pandemic are being reported by newspapers inserted in different economies and belonging to different political alignments. Since LDA is often less coherent when there are news articles published across the world about an event and you look answers for specific queries. It is because of having semantically different content. To address this challenge, we performed pooling of news articles based on information retrieval using TF-IDF score in a data processing step and topic modeling using LDA with combination of 1 to 6 ngrams. We used VADER sentiment analyzer to analyze the differences in sentiments in news articles reported across different geographical places. The novelty of this study is to look at how COVID-19 pandemic was reported by the media, providing a comparison among countries in different political and economic contexts. Our findings suggest that the news reporting by newspapers with different political alignment support the reported content. Also, economic issues reported by newspapers depend on economy of the place where a newspaper resides.
Data-driven predictive algorithms are widely used to automate and guide high-stake decision making such as bail and parole recommendation, medical resource distribution, and mortgage allocation. Nevertheless, harmful outcomes biased against vulnerable groups have been reported. The growing research field known as 'algorithmic fairness' aims to mitigate these harmful biases. Its primary methodology consists in proposing mathematical metrics to address the social harms resulting from an algorithm's biased outputs. The metrics are typically motivated by -- or substantively rooted in -- ideals of distributive justice, as formulated by political and legal philosophers. The perspectives of feminist political philosophers on social justice, by contrast, have been largely neglected. Some feminist philosophers have criticized the paradigm of distributive justice and have proposed corrective amendments to surmount its limitations. The present paper brings some key insights of feminist political philosophy to algorithmic fairness. The paper has three goals. First, I show that algorithmic fairness does not accommodate structural injustices in its current scope. Second, I defend the relevance of structural injustices -- as pioneered in the contemporary philosophical literature by Iris Marion Young -- to algorithmic fairness. Third, I take some steps in developing the paradigm of 'responsible algorithmic fairness' to correct for errors in the current scope and implementation of algorithmic fairness.