AbstractUS military sources document more than 1800 conflicts of varying intensity between the United States and tribes from 1830 to 1897. Negative binomial and Tobit regressions both show that hostilities follow political and economic cycles. Politically, conflicts increased in recessionary election years, however, conflicts in non‐election recessionary years lack significant changes. The second major trend is the influence of three economic factors. After western states began to mine gold conflicts drastically increased. Conflicts likewise increased with the expansion of the railroad and with buffalo extinctions at the state level. While nineteenth century Americans had perpetual anti‐Indigenous sentiment, tribal persecution followed political and economic rationales.
This article is a historical study that discusses Abdul Haris Nasution from a political perspective. This research explores Abdul Haris Nasution's career journey and his contributions to the Indonesian military and politics from 1955 to 1959. This study uses historical methods with steps, namely heuristic, verification, interpretation, and historiography. The historical sources used are primary sources, including the Chiefs Staff of mandate in the Republic of Indonesia, Instructions of the Central Warlord, The Mimbar Indonesia, and Nasution's writing books. Secondary sources from the results of previous research, which became the basis of Nasution's thought on the military and politics, such as Abdul Haris Nasution's role in the "Bandung Lautan Api" incident in 1945–1946 and Abdul Haris Nasution's role in the liberation of West Irian, 1957–1962. The results of this research show that Nasution's career in the military field was very bright, starting with joining the Reserve Officers Corps (CORO). On October 17, 1952, Nasution resigned from the Chief of Staff of the Army (KSAD) position and returned to active service in the military in 1955. Nasution contributed to the military field in 1955–1959 to formulate ideal civil-military relations in Indonesia and the "middle way" army concept. Nasution's contribution to the political field in 1955–1959 re-implemented the 1945 Constitution. Nasution encouraged President Soekarno to issue a presidential decree as the beginning of guided democracy.
Ferran de Vargas. 2020. Izquierda y revolución: una historia política del Japón de posguerra (1945-1972). Barcelona: Bellaterra. 222 pp. ISBN 9788472909977
This article discusses the variety of indigenous education in the Lampung Region during the Colonization Period. This study aims to reconstruct past events related to indigenous education in the Lampung Region during colonization. The results of the study show that the application of ethical politics had an impact on people's lives during the colonization period. Lampung, as one of the first colonization destinations in 1905, led to the relocation of 155 families. In the early period before the arrival of the colonists from Java, the people of Lampung had implemented a concept of education in the family with inheritance carried out by parents to their children and grandchildren. The entry of Hindu-Buddhist and Islam influenced them. The variety and education system in the Javanese and Lampung colonists experienced significant developments with the emergence of the Ethical Policy policy initiated by Van Deventer. Indigenous people's education in the Colonization area of Lampung was only obtained from First Class Schools (De Scholen der Ferste Klasse), which later developed into HIS, Second Class Schools (De Scholen Der Tweede Klasse), and Village Schools (Desaschool), or People's Schools (Volkschool) and Schools. Agricultural vocational (Landbouwsclfool or Cultuurschool) Lampung does not have ELS, Europesche Lagera School, HCS, Hollands Chinese School, or Shcakel School types of schools. Meeting the needs of secondary and vocational education is only obtained from schools in Java, Palembang, or West Sumatra because, in Lampung, there are no schools such as MULO, AMS, HBS, or Higher Education in the Dutch colonial period.
This photo essay introduces readers to the two brothers Ramesh and Gopal Baraily. They live isolated, almost invisible lives, separated from their families, confined to the comfort and safety of their small home in the Darjeeling Hills, making ends meet by taking up odd, menial jobs to sustain themselves. This photo essay seeks to capture a day in the ordinary, everyday, mundane life lives of two brothers, marked by their defined physical disabilities and caste identities. Living as outcasts, shunned by family and regarded as a burden on society, these silenced realities begs us to probe deeper into how we imagine ideas of oneness, belonging and home.
This publication is the translation from Japanese of a chapter “Japanese political culture” from a recent monograph “Seiju riron” (“Political Theory) by the distinguished political scientist Inoguchi Takashi, issued in 2015 by Minerva Publishers. His long-time research is not limited by traditional approaches to political culture, which include the investigation of mass consciousness and institution analysis. The researcher showed that the consideration of the specifics of such phenomena as trust and domination of collectivist values appeared to be insufficient to provide a comprehensive and adequate picture of the Japanese political culture. Neither excessively stressing individualism or collectivism, nor extremely underlining trust or distrust, Japanese political culture transforms itself according to endogenous and exogenous changes. The present research includes the conceptualization of such fundamental factors as historical narrative, historical memory, socio-political myths, identity, which are no less important than factors such as the political system design and the specific ratio of political forces.
Introduction. The article provides data on the territory of Kalmyk Steppe and its uluses in relation to the uyezd system of Astrakhan Governorate, outlines features of the former’s administrative structure in relation to the territorial component of public management, and examines historiography of the research issue. Materials. The paper investigates statistical digests, geographical reference books on the territorial composition of Astrakhan Governorate, including Kalmyk Steppe, its area, and ulus structure. Special attention is paid to certain legislative provisions of the Russian Empire concerning the governance of Astrakhan Kalmyks and the ulus administrative system. The work also introduces scholars’ opinions on the status of Kalmyk Steppe as part of Astrakhan Governorate, evolution of administrative governance in the 19th to early 20th centuries. Results. The question of how Kalmyk Steppe used to be classified in statistical and reference publications of the Russian Empire requires further investigation. In some cases, Kalmyk Steppe is designated as part of Astrakhan Governorate to be accompanied by a note that it is incorporated into uyezds of the province, and an indication of its total area. In other cases, there is no mention of the territory at all. This may have resulted from the administrative reforms in Kalmyk Steppe and, in general, changed approaches to Astrakhan Kalmyk people’s governance during the identified period. Nikolay Palmov’s viewpoint that the early 19th-century decrees had allotted the lands to the Kalmyk people to be fully owned by and thus constitute legitimate property of the latter is worth noticing in terms of scholarly research. The official position reflected in government documents and expressed in writings of Russian officials of the examined period states that the lands had been allotted for use and distributed by each ulus individually, i.e. never formed a single whole. So, even if one takes into account that the Kalmyks were governed by a special administrative department which was under the jurisdiction of the country’s ministerial system, there is practically no mention of the uyezd level in administrative/territorial structure of the Governorate, nor there are any essential prescriptions regarding correlation between the latter and the ulus system. This also remains understudied in Russian historiography.
History of Asia, Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)
In recent years, a great number of studies have convincingly shown that diffusion influences states’ probability to democratise. The primary interest of most of these studies has been on how diffusion influences democracy at the national level. The effect of democratic diffusion on the local level has largely been neglected. This paper thus investigates how and to what extent diffusion influences the density and conflict orientation of non-governmental labour organisations (LNGOs), comprising a typical case of civil society groups channelling democratic freedoms, in China’s Guangdong province. Since the province is close to the relatively liberal city of Hong Kong, there is reason to believe that support from international civil society groups based in Hong Kong may be critical for the survival and growth of conflict-oriented LNGOs in Guangdong. In the article, the research question is studied by both comparative analysis of cross-regional data and qualitative analysis of interview data. Both methods confirm that diffusion – or, more precisely, diffusion through international civil society networks – is a prominent factor for explaining the density and conflict orientation of LNGOs in Guangdong. The study demonstrates that democratic diffusion not only has an impact at the state level but also on the regional, intrastate level.
Este artigo busca, a partir da análise de indícios da presença da capoeira no Maranhão nas duas últimas décadas do século XIX, traçar um breve e inicial panorama dessa prática no Estado, entre 1880-1900. Discute, ainda, partindo de um paralelo com a capoeira do Rio de Janeiro e da Bahia do mesmo período, algumas similaridades e diferenças dessa prática nesses locais.
Palavras-chave: capoeira - Maranhão - século XIX.
Jathilan is one of the names for traditional Javanese trance dance which takes its roots in the most archaic levels of local culture but remains very popular nowadays. It is also described as a horse dance for the horse effigies made of woven bamboo are the hallmark props used by the performers. Horse dance is a part of the folk culture, still untouched by institutionalization or commodification; it can be performed for both ritual and entertainment purposes. Trance is its main attraction, though through the lens of local beliefs it is interpreted in terms of spirit possession thus it is understood that spirits can enter performers’ bodies and fulfill their needs while being manifest in material world, but also allow the dancers to perform various feats demonstrating invulnerability to physical harm (like eating glass, walking over hot coals, being whipped or even run over by a motorcycle).
The purpose of this paper is to provide a thorough description of how trance in jathilan is performed and understood, based on existing literature, practitioners’ first-hand accounts and numerous performances observed and documented; but also to consider it in the wider context of Javanese beliefs and practices involving spirits, possession, and exorcism, which persist alongside with Islam.
History of Asia, Political institutions and public administration - Asia (Asian studies only)
Viet Nam’s indigenous environment has long played a key role in its history and culture. My new book, Việt Nam: A History from Earliest Times to the Present, begins with a quotation: “‘Mountains are like the bones of the earth. Water is its blood,’ wrote a Vietnamese geographer in 1820. Lowland Viet Nam is aquatic.”1
It is known that the Hungarians, who were transferred from Asia to Europe, have been in many geographical regions throughout history and interacted with various tribes there. The Hungarians lived in a Ural unit for a while, then they left the Ugor community and started to live independently. Following an independent life, Hungarians interacted with various tribes. Huns are also thought to be among the tribes with which the Hungarians interacted, and we see that this relationship has an important place in the Hungarian consciousness as much as it is reected in scientic studies. The aim of this work is not to explain the idea of the Hun-Hungarian relationship scientically but try to show how this thought is reected in Hungarian legends and chronicles. In line with this, this work will give information about Medieval Hungarian Chronicles, examine the opinions about the Hun-Hungarian relationships in the chronicles, and in the light of these chronicles convey the Hun-Hungarian legends living in the collective consciousness of Hungarians. i. However, when the abundant number of chronicles which are of great importance for Hungarians is taken into consideration, we have narrowed down the scope by looking into the chronicles by Anonymus and Simon Kézai, chronicles which are the fundamental chronicles of Hungarian cultural history and which also have formed the basis for other chronicles to follow. The Hun-Hungarian relationship and its legends will be limited to how they are represented in these chronicles.
What are the characteristics of contemporary Japanese nationalism? And is there a “surge of nationalism in Japan,” as so often claimed (Kitaoka 2001; Sasaki 2001; Hasegawa and Togo 2008; NYT 2013), or even a “drift to the right” in the country (Kato 2014; Nakano 2015)? Distinguishing between elite maneuverings and popular attitudes, in this article I first identify what I consider to be the major topics of current nationalist discourse, and then introduce the chief proponents of strengthening of nationalist attitudes in society. In the final section, I discuss some recent attempts to instill nationalist attitudes in young people through middle-school education, especially the teaching of history and civics, but also through moral education. I conclude that in light of a political establishment tarnished by never-ending scandals, attempts to force moral education into the curriculum as a way of fostering nationalist and patriotic attitudes among young people is a particularly duplicitous undertaking, discrediting the very notions so highly praised by its advocates.
The Indian past of the Great War is a subaltern record that either has not been investigated or left forgotten and unacknowledged in the annals of Indian history. In order to deconstruct the polemics of this intentional or inadvertent loophole of history, the objective of the paper is to invest the Indian history of the Great War in the historiography of India's independence struggle. Gayatri Spivak, in her essay Can the Subaltern Speak attempted to invest the subaltern with a historical agency. It is an indispensable notion that intends to resolve the discrepancies, the invalidity and glaring lacunae in the Indian history.