Since the turn of the millennium, the Anthropocene has heralded a series of wide-ranging transformations in the social sciences. Today, environmental humanities, new materialism actor-network theory, multi-species and more-than-human anthropologies, and critical zones all share interest earthly entanglements. In Southeast Asia, many of the prominent entanglements are disastrous—ecological degradation, mega pollution, accelerating precarity, sinking cities. A growing body of literature examines entanglements of humans, plants, and animals in Asian areas. In dialogue with this literature, the present set of engagements explore the proposition that Anthropocene entanglements call for a deeper rethinking of the notion of area itself. We are at a moment where the STS analytics of entanglement can be used to reactivate Southeast Asian – and other – areas. Shaped in heterogeneous perceptual, conceptual, sensorial, and political registers, areas emerge in the following set of engagements as layered multiplicities, each with its own distinctive grip on reality. Our gambit is that the ways in which entanglements make areas becomes a critical issue for STS as we go deeper into the Anthropocene.
Polite political communication is the main foundation in creating a civilized democracy. Haedar Nashir, as an Islamic thinker and General Chair of PP Muhammadiyah, emphasized the importance of ethics and morality in political communication. This article discusses Haedar Nashir's polite communication strategies from the perspective of the Al-Quran and pragmatic communication theory, especially in speech act analysis. By using Geoffrey Leech's principles of politeness and the concept of communication in Islam, this article identifies how Haedar Nashir builds a narrative that is inclusive, moderate, and oriented towards social harmony. Furthermore, the role of Islamic education is highlighted as a medium for cultivating ethical values, adab, and wasathiyah, which are essential in shaping leaders capable of practicing polite communication in the political sphere. Based on an analysis of Haedar Nashir's five speech acts, it was found that polite political communication is able to strengthen social stability, increase public trust, and prevent polarization. This article emphasizes that a healthy democracy requires communication that is based on politeness, wisdom and Islamic values
The aim of the current research is to investigate the different aspects of the principle of irresponsibility in the regulation of new media. The research method hired here, is descriptive-analytical and the results indicate that most of the researches having considered the issue of irresponsibility of social media have examined and concluded this issue from the view of the relationship of social media to the behavior of users within the media atmosphere. where some referred to paragraph 10 of article 2 of the resolution of the Supreme Council of Cyberspace regarding the policies and actions of social messengers, which states: "The responsibility for the actions of users in Social networks are the responsibility of the users and the providers of social messaging services are obliged to cooperate with the authorized authorities within the framework of the laws and regulations of the territory", they emphasize vividly on this issue. While presenting an all-inclusive theory regarding the responsibility of new media, along users, it depends on focusingother aspects of the media and analyzing their relations with the state, government,other social media and businesses under supervision of it. Also, in the approval of theHigh Commission for the regulation of policies and major requirements of supporting competition and dealing with the monopoly of cyberspace platforms, other aspects of the market considered. Ignoring the issue aforementioned will lead to the presentation of a theory that may have harmful results culturally, economically and politically. To cut the story short, the aspects are as follows: the responsibility of new media towards the behavior of entire users, and the responsibility of new media towards the national government. The premise of this article is to provide a policy recommendation for the regulation of media on the basis of correct analysis regards to the effective components in the relationship between the new media and the above issues. Considering the political economy, political sociology and comparative studies reflects that in other countries over the universe, such ways have to be paved and must be desired by decision makers.
This paper addresses the scope for action by municipalities in a climate emergency and places it in the framework of ecomodern (urban) policy. We analyse the way in which two German ‘climate emergency municipalities’ translate conflicts of post-fossil transformation into concrete political and planning strategies. Although more than 2,200 authorities around the world have already declared a climate emergency, research on the impact of these resolutions on the political orientation of municipalities is very limited. Our research focus is on the (potentially agonistic) treatment of conflicts in planning. We argue that in times of a socio-ecological crisis, success in conflict resolution cannot refer to appeasement and depoliticisation. Instead, we propose a framework of five criteria, based on critical theory on ecomodern strategies, planning processes and degrowth. Thus, this practice-related and explorative paper connects empirical insights from the German cities of Constance and Berlin with an innovative normative framework. The findings tell a complex story of an, at least partial, admission of the failure of previous climate mitigation strategies, a lack of social institutions of limits, an instrumental relation to nature and a disregard for social injustices. The paper discusses how municipalities, in the context of ongoing tensions over the post-fossil transformation in Germany, on the one hand hold on to business-as-usual approaches, but on the other hand also set political impulses for change.
Cities. Urban geography, Urbanization. City and country
Конкретные геополитические конструкции формируются на основе анализа исторической традиции и реально имеющихся ресурсов, как своих собственных, так и конкурентов. Создаются модели стратегического поведения, которые определяют международный вектор движения государства. И главную роль в этом процессе играют политические элиты и их лидеры, которые артикулируют основные принципы и цели своего государства. Было давно замечено, что именно от уровня качества профессиональной подготовки правящих элитных сообществ зависит и качество разрабатываемых ими геополитических конструкций. Именно политические элиты и их лидеры отвечают за итоговый вариант принимаемой внешнеполитической стратегии. Их основная задача – формулировка новых смыслов, которые затем воплощаются в геополитическую практику. Именно на основе этих частных высказываний и заявлений часто и формируются итоговые программные документы, носящие концептуальный характер. В настоящей статье мы приведем только видимую часть такой работы, направленной на формирование стратегических позиций России. Анализ подобного рода политических источников всегда носит в большей мере идеологический характер и непосредственно связан с сущностью общенациональной идеи и существующей в стране политической мифологией.
A paternidade responsável é um dos fundamentos do Estado Democrático de Direito por revelar-se como essencial para o desenvolvimento saudável da criança. Entretanto, a inegável realidade nos informa que muitos não possuem pai registral e, pior, em face dos vários obstáculos existentes, alguns jamais atingirão esse objetivo. Por tudo isso, trazemos um breve relato, mais prático do que teórico, de como auxiliar essas pessoas - principalmente, menores de idade - a identificar um pai que seja presente em sua vida. Nesse contexto, é fundamental a atuação do Defensor Público em proteção desse direito. Passando pela demonstração dos problemas mais comuns enfrentados pelas mães e de como superá-los junto com elas, a abordagem também traz a figura paterna como culpada-vítima dessa situação. O artigo não tem por escopo exaurir o problema, mas, sim, tornar o tema presente para ser discutido.
Jurisprudence. Philosophy and theory of law, Political institutions and public administration (General)
Una Solución Federal Ibérica para Las Españas es un artículo que resume las ideasfuerza de mi libro La Constitución Profunda de Las Españas y la Federación Ibérica. El procés secesionista de 2017, que se frustró con la aplicación del artículo 155 de la Constitución, culmina en tono de enfrentamiento una larga historia de desencuentros, que se ha producido en relación con la inserción de Cataluña en España, o mejor dicho Las Españas; en idéntica medida que hay otra historia mucho más afortunada y feliz basada en el pactismo y la concordia. Una
historia análoga se ha escrito también en relación con la inserción de Euskadi en Las Españas.
El autor propone un pactismo de nuevo cuño, que solucione problemas endémicos que nos impiden avanzar, a través de una solución federal, que se abre también a Portugal, si el país hermano así lo quiere, a fin de constituir una Federación Ibérica, que ampliada con vínculos confederales de carácter sobre todo atlántico, pero también con extensiones en el Pacífico y hasta el Mediterráneo, daría origen a una gran potencia global. Frente a la tensión separadora y a la centralista, se propone un ambicioso proyecto común, nacional y metanacional entre iguales, que alumbre esa gran potencia cultural, económica y política, que podemos ser.
The purpose of this article is to analyze the philosophy of values developed by Cornelius Castoriadis from his theory of the imaginary institution of societies. By understanding the emergence of imaginary significations, it is possible to identify their manifestations through the representations, the affects and the intentions of individuals. In this context, values correspond to a series of significations that motivate the conduct of individuals. In fact, in a specific society, individuals believe in symbols that make sense for them. The presentation of the values does not reflect a moral project, but rather a socio-political construction that must be carefully described in order to identify the alteration of values over time. The article explores the way in which Castoriadis poses the problem of the persistence of past values with the risk of depending on established norms without being able to really transform them. In this perspective, Castoriadis refers to a fundamental value which is that of autonomy capable of questioning existing imaginaries.
Foreign and security policy have long been removed from the political
pressures that influence other areas of policymaking. This has led to a
tendency to separate the analytical levels of the individual and the
collective. Using Lacanian theory, which views the subject as ontologically
incomplete and desiring a perfect identity which is realised in fantasies, or
narrative scenarios, this book shows that the making of foreign policy is a
much more complex process. Emotions and affect play an important role,
even where ‘hard’ security issues, such as the use of military force, are
concerned. Eberle constructs a new theoretical framework for analysing
foreign policy by capturing the interweaving of both discursive and affective
aspects in policymaking. He uses this framework to explain Germany’s often
contradictory foreign policy towards the Iraq crisis of 2002/2003, and the
emotional, even existential, public debate that accompanied it. This book
adds to ongoing theoretical debates in International Political Sociology and
Critical Security Studies and will be required reading for all scholars working
in these areas.
The article develops an approach for close reading of auto-generative writing agents (i.e. bots). It introduces the concept of bot-mimicry (a practice of writing in a bot-esque style), and argues that bot-mimicry inherently entails that reader and writer alike imagine a conceptual (fictional) bot which could have written the text. As such, it investigates the concept as a fruitful way of engaging with cultural, aesthetic and political conceptions and imaginaries surrounding bots. Furthermore, and through an example reading of the “Olive Garden tweet”, the paper develops, introduces and applies a quasi-materialist approach, where seemingly immaterial elements such as implicit conceptual bots are considered through a framework inspired by materialist media theory from the fields of software studies, media archaeology, and electronic
literature.
В умовах низької суспільної довіри до центрального банку країни актуалізується питання щодо поліпшення комунікаційної політики центрального банку, яка б допомогла моніторити очікування агентів фінансового сектору і пристосувати свою політику ближче до їхніх сподівань. Тому останнім часом все гостріше постає питання проведення якісної комунікаційної політики центральними банками, яка б допомогла реалізувати всі аспекти своєї діяльності, виявити, на що націлені очікування суб’єктів фінансового ринку, і пристосувати свою політику якомога ближче до їхніх сподівань, насамперед для підвищення рівня довіри. Національний банк України є сучасним, відкритим і незалежним центральним банком, який інтегрований до європейської спільноти центробанків і намагається підтримувати довіру суб’єктів економіки. Центральний банк України у своїй стратегії визнає комунікацію невід’ємною частиною своєї діяльності та запорукою ефективної реалізації своєї політики, спрямованої на досягнення поставлених цілей. Проаналізовано сутність поняття «комунікаційна політика» і досліджено її генезис. Визначено роль комунікацій у діяльності центрального банку. Обґрунтовано зв’язок суспільної довіри до центрального банку і його комунікаційної політики.
Education (General), Theory and practice of education
This study combines different theoretical strands on development regarding the importance of the manufacturing industry for economic growth. Through a confluence of the Keynesian-Kaldorian, structuralist and neo-Schumpeterian frameworks, the paper argues that the manufacturing industry presents some special properties, which are not found in other sectors. The first section describes Anglo-Saxon structuralism, focused on structural change dynamics, and the Latin American structuralist view of underdevelopment, according to which economic development results from technical progress induced or enabled by capital accumulation. The second section examines the Kaldorian approach to growth, understood as “laws”, where Kaldor explains the differences in international growth rates recovering important elements in the contemporaneous debate. The third section investigates the neo-Schumpeterian route to development, exploring relations between innovation, economic dynamics and catching-up in a sectoral specific approach.
JEL Code: B10, E12, O1, O14
The spatial analysis of violence has gained specific relevance in peace and conflict resolution research in recent years, what has shed light on how armed conflicts arise, how they evolve and what factors affect their transformation. Regarding the Colombian case more in particular, this possibility is still to be developed and has mainly focused on the spatial relationship of armed groups with their main sources of funding, disregarding different possibilities such as the dispute over territory with other armed groups or against the State. Taking into consideration this gap in the literature, this article addresses an aspect of the Colombian conflict that has been scarcely studied so far, namely, what happened when paramilitaries and guerrillas coincided in time and place? The predominant response attributed to paramilitarism a victory wherever it disputed the local power to the guerrilla. However, taking as a reference two enclaves such as the north-east and south-west of Colombia, where the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the National Liberation Army (ELN) are deeply rooted, the article tries to refute the alleged displacement effect attributed to paramilitarism. This is done by analyzing the data provided by the Observatory on Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (ODHDIH) attached to the Vice-Presidency of the Republic, and examining the dynamics of guerrilla activism, which show how paramilitarism was not enough to displace the guerrillas from the tenclaves of their deepest roots and control.
Political institutions and public administration (General), Political theory
The article summarizes the key scientific approaches to the study of terror in the contemporary world focusing on the concepts of (de)modernization, (de)civilization, and the revival of religious movements with rational economic aims under the slogans of “just war” or “cosmic war” with the forces of evil. The author starts from Norbert Elias’ work on the civilization process and the formation of the modern state as a pacified society to underline that the problem of violence lies outside Elias’ scope, and demonstrate the existing approaches to supplementing his theory with (a) the definition of decivilization trends and the criteria for the identification of decivilization processes; (b) the description of the role and place of brutal violence in modern society; (c) a comprehensive but also heterogeneous picture of terrorism, especially suicide terrorism, i.e. its causes, manifestations and consequences. The author agrees with S.P. Huntington, that we live in a world with an increased risk of conflicts between civilizations and cultural strains rooting in the religious tradition (the re-politicization of religion and religious nationalism are considered attempts to fuse traditional religion with modern politics). Thus, the author concludes that the contemporary terrorism and especially its suicidal form is not only a specific form of (political) struggle, but also - metaphorically speaking - a “slap in the face” of the civilized Western world, an effort to challenge, shake and undermine the stability and the patterns of life in modern society. However, terrorism wants to influence not only the power system of society, but also the collective psyche of large groups and parts of the population to create a sort of theatre of horror with the rationally designed, staged and performed means of violence.
Study of cultural values and political life of the community in Riau Malay, which is believed to be able to support the application of the principles of democracy at the local level. This is considered important because of the values and culture that lives and grows a reflection of power relations between individuals, groups, social institutions, and governments in the region that has lasted along time. Political system and democratic governance requires the participation of all citizens in the political process is important. On this basis, the research interest in restoring the values and culture of the Malay community, which will be explored from theoretical perspectives - normative and empirical, both in the kingdom, independence, and decentralization (regional autonomy)today, in order to understand the knowledge local power relations and their implications for the democratic process that relies on the framework and capabilities fikir society itself.In this research, emphasis will be devoted to the use of qualitative methods. The data analysis technique used the descriptive analysis. As a non-statistical analysis techniques, in addition to presenting information and facts for what it is, a description and interpretation of the data, tables, graphs, or figures are available is also a typical sharpness of this method of analysis. Analysis will also be preceded by exposition and explanation of empirical facts (deductive) that relate directly to this study. In addition, empirical facts will also conceptualized with the theory which is then tested in a rational (inductive).
Political science (General), Political institutions and public administration (General)
This paper offers an approximation to the economic thought of the Colombian economists of the middle of the 19th century. It takes some of the most influential economists as a reference: Florentino González, Salvador Camacho Roldán, Aníbal Galindo and Miguel Samper. The way in which the free trade doctrine was incorporated in the thought of the Colombian statesmen is analyzed, mainly with regard to the conception of State. The methodology used is a study of the texts and the rhetoric therein. The conclusion is that the political prescriptions of the economic liberalism, which include the promotion of free trade, the theory of comparative advantage in international trade, the rejection of monopolies and the suspicion on the action of government, exerted a partial influence in the foundation of the liberal nineteenth-century project.
Economic history and conditions, Economics as a science
The Greek rhetorical tradition and its development during the Hellenistic period allowed rhetoric in Rome to have a broader purpose, ceasing to be the source of creation of technical manuals with function and utility for a particular forensic activity. Cicero and, subsequently, Quintilian wrote a series of handbooks, rhetorical treatises, or literary dialogues with the purpose of establishing a complete theory of the new symbolic, political and persuasive role of the orator, not only through the creation of new rhetorical theories, but also of new frameworks for philosophical thought. This is the moment when rhetorical theory conceives the word as an image, and it is only through the process of representation that one can understand and construct a discourse about reality.