Hasil untuk "Political Science"

S. Fienberg, F. Mosteller, D. L. Wallace

Gary Gereffi, Stephan Haggard

J. Elster

Elster contrasts two distinct and frequently opposing social science traditions. One was fostered by Adam Smith and is carried forward today by neoclassical economists and rational-choice theorists in political science. It views humans as “economic men,” that is, as motivated by egoistic material concerns. The other tradition has its roots in the work of the French sociologist Emile Durkheim, provides the basis for much contemporary sociology and has adherents among political scientists, particularly political culture theorists such as Eckstein (1988). It views humans as social creatures, having duty-based and other obligations to their fellows. “Sociological man’s” activity is thus constrained by shared social (cultural) norms. Elster is skeptical that these cultural norms generally realize individual self-interest as this is understood in the rational-choice tradition. Indeed, elsewhere he distinguishes “economic man” rationality and “nonra-tional” cultural norms even more sharply than he does in this chapter (Elster 1989b). Overall, Elster holds that, for the most part, cultural norms neither arise from rationality, as neoclassical economists understand it, nor do they serve it.

U. Beck, M. Ritter

M. Lewis-Beck, M. Paldam

D. Easton

K. Dowding

Peter McLaren

Niko Kolodny

According to contractualism, very roughly, an action x of type X is wrong, at least in one unified and distinct way, iff and because any principle permitting actions of type X could be reasonably rejected. According to what I will call the “Thesis,” contractualism gives an account of relational morality, specifying when A owes it to some B not to x. This paper articulates how exactly contractualism gives an account of relational morality. This articulation in turn has several notable implications. Among these implications are that contractualism generates moral requirements that are owed to no one and that, because of this, contractualism may have a harder time giving an account of relational morality than might otherwise have been thought. The overarching point is that, while it might seem a matter of definition that contractualism is an account of what we owe to each other, there is a real question whether it can be.

C. Disalvo

S. Schneider

Valery P. Zhuravel, Sergey N. Grinyaev, Tatyana A. Parfenyuk

The article presents an analysis of the results of the international scientific conference «International problems of the New Geopolitics of the Arctic», held on November 25, 2025 at the Institute of Europe of the Russian Academy of Sciences with the participation of specialists from eight countries. The paper examines the current geopolitical situation in the Arctic region against the background of geostrategic transformations caused by political tensions in Eastern Europe. The authors analyze the Russian position on the development of international cooperation in the North, characterizes the reports of foreign participants of the conference, reflecting the positions of their states on issues of Arctic security, economic development and scientific cooperation. The key contradictions between the militarization of the region and its preservation as an area of low tension have been identified in relation to the Arctic from the countries of the West and the East. New mechanisms of cooperation between Russia and the states of the Asia-Pacific region, the role of China and India as priority partners in the development of the Northern Sea Route and scientific research are considered. Special attention is paid to the issues of scientific diplomacy as a tool for maintaining dialogue in the context of political confrontation.

E. Nisbet, Kathryn E. Cooper, R. K. Garrett

B. Smith

Kefelegn Tesfaye Abate

Perpetual peacebuilding needs inclusive, participatory, and transformative approaches. The practice of conflict approach determines the resolution and relapse of conflicts. This study focuses on the nature and experiences of conflict interventions in the Guji-Burji protracted inter-ethnic conflict. The study uses a qualitative research approach. The data were collected from primary and secondary sources through interviews, FGDs, and document analysis. As per the findings, the Guji-Burji inter-ethnic conflict is cyclical and has caused devastating human security impacts. The structural cause of the conflict lies in the failure of ethnic federalism over boundary conflict and ethnic politicization in post-1991. It is also fueled by the proliferation and illegal use of small arms, dacoity and rhetorical honor, diversion and the ethnicization of micro disputes, and an untransformative approach to conflict interventions. The conflict approaches have failed to address the parties’ positions, interests, and needs to achieve perpetual peace, which is most crucial. Besides, the intervention approaches are not inclusive, participatory, integrated, and transformative but rather partial, politicized, and ethnocentric. Therefore, it requires a transformative approach to intervention that addresses the genesis of the conflict through boundary resettlement, profound community dialogue, and unconditional forgiveness to build trust and realize sustainable peace.

T. Bernauer

Natalia Carballo Murillo

El objetivo de este artículo es proponer un marco conceptual y teórico para entender las percepciones, las actitudes y los tipos de masculinidades como aspectos que pueden presentarse entre la población y la adopción de medidas en materia de población en Costa Rica durante la segunda mitad del siglo xx. La construcción de la propuesta se hizo a partir de la revisión de bibliografía secundaria. La principal reflexión es, a pesar de que en Costa Rica no hubo una política con objetivos específicos para controlar la natalidad, si se dio la creación de una serie de instituciones con objetivos en materia de población. En el actuar individual ante dichas instituciones y objetivos, mediado por el contexto y por el impulso del Estado (de todo el aparato desarrollado entre las instituciones nacionales e internacionales) se ponen en evidencia las percepciones, actitudes y roles de género, así como la influencia de actores como la iglesia católica.

Yanli Hu, O. V. Plebanek

The article compares the theoretical foundations of ethno-cultural policy in the Eurasian region.Aim. The goal set by the authors is to compare two approaches in the theory of social dynamics, on the basis of which the ethno-cultural policy of the modern states of the region — Russia (USSR) and China — is based.Tasks. Identification of fundamental differences in the geopolitical strategies developed by the theorists of Eurasianism and Chinese scientists.Methods. In the context of the implementation of this task — a comparison of the methodological foundations of real political projects in the Eurasian space, through logical analysis, differences are established in the theories of geopolitical dynamics proposed in the Eurasian concept and in Chinese science. The method of comparative analysis of ethno-cultural and ethno-economic policies in the Eurasian region of the two most influential powers allows us to conclude that alternative theoretical concepts and their paradigmatic limitations are adequate to real geopolitical processes.Results. The study showed that the concept of Eurasian geocivilization, which was formed as overcoming the limitations of the Slavophile version of Russian civilization in the context of the collapse of traditional approaches in social theory and in the context of historical collisions of the early twentieth century, had a positive potential, partially realized in the policy of the Soviet state. But the conceptual limitations imposed by the inadequate theoretical basis — the theory of civilizations existing at that time — did not allow the formation of a single Eurasian cultural space to be completed. The Eurasian unity represented by the Soviet Union was consolidated by institutional means, but it was not realized as a cultural synthesis. Chinese scientists have proposed an alternative project for the integration of the Eurasian space — the “One Belt — One Road”, which began to be implemented already in the XXI century. This project is based on Marxist theory and concepts of the second half of the twentieth century, complimentary to Marxism or being neo-Marxist.Conclusions. The incompleteness and instability of the Eurasian project in the Soviet version is a consequence of the limitations inherent in the geopolitical theory itself, which does not take into account the positive potential of Marxist theory and social concepts developed in the second half of the twentieth century. Chinese scientists use the scientific potential of Eurasianism in interpreting the Russian mentality and consider the politics of modern Russia through the prism of Eurasian connotations, but Eurasianism as a geopolitical theory, in their opinion, has not passed the test of history. Therefore, Chinese policy in the Eurasian space is based on other theoretical foundations — in addition to classical Marxism, neo-Marxist approaches. The Chinese authors conclude, in this regard, that Russia is still facing the problem of choosing a geopolitical strategy, which in turn is due to the paradigmatic uncertainty of Russian science.

R. Lall

Csaba Kollár

A magánbiztonsági szektorban végzett legfrissebb, a foglalkoztatási adatokat is vizsgáló felmérés alapján a szektorban a 2019-es év végén 4300 társas, aktív vállalkozás működött hazánkban. A társas és az egyéni vállalkozásokban foglalkoztatottak száma túllépte a 60 ezer főt, több mint 88 ezer főnek van érvényes személy- és vagyonőri, illetve magánnyomozói igazolványa. A Személy-, Vagyonvédelmi és Magánnyomozói Szakmai Kamara 4499 tagot tart nyilván. A szektorban egyaránt megtalálhatók az alap-, közép- és felsőfokú végzettséggel rendelkező munkavállalók, akiket a hagyományos foglalkoztatás mellett gyakran valamelyik atipikus foglalkoztatási forma szerint alkalmaznak. Tanulmányomban több adatforrást elemzek online dokumentumelemzés, online résztvevő megfigyelés, szövegbányászat és szakértői megkérdezés módszerével annak érdekében, hogy egzakt képet tudjak adni a fontosabb pozíciók és foglalkoztatási formák vonatkozásában, illetve, hogy a hazai magánbiztonsági szektor innovációs potenciáljának fejlesztése és jövője szempontjából megalapozott összegző megállapításokat fogalmazhassak meg.