This article examines distinct theological frameworks of Al-Farabi and Al-Ghazali, whose arguments significantly contributed to the evolution of Islamic philosophy. Employing a library based qualitative comparative research lens, the study uncovers the differing conceptions of God, Al-Farabi’s rationalist God of Necessary Existence and Al-Ghazali’s voluntarist God of Absolute Will, and how each conceived of creation, causality, knowledge, and eschatology. Al-Farabi, drawing from Aristotle and Neoplatonism, envisioned a cosmos rationally organised and emanating from the self-contemplation of God, where reason and revelation meet harmoniously as the expressions of a singular truth. Al-Ghazali, following Ash’arite and Sufi teachings, argues for the divine’s unbounded power and freedom in creation ex nihilo, the causation of events as occasionalist, and the dominance of revelation over reason, in Al Ghazali’s critique of the falasifa in Tahafut al-Falasifah, a new boundary of philosophical thought and Islamic orthodoxy. The central claim of this study is that the conflict between each other’s ideas is not simply a clash of doctrines, but a deeper conflict between two opposing metaphysical worldviews—rational necessity and divine volition. These worlds profoundly changed the course of Islamic philosophy, kalam, and mysticism, as well as contemporary debates in Islamic philosophy, addressing the integration of reason and revelation. This article contributes originally by reframing the al-Fārābī - al-Ghazālī debate as a paradigmatic metaphysical conflict between rational necessity and divine volition, rather than a merely doctrinal disagreement.
The age of disruption—driven by digital transformation, rapid cultural shifts, and emerging ethical challenges—demands a renewed theological framework for Christian ethics and education. This study aims to develop a missional contextual theology that provides an integrated foundation for scholars, practitioners, and faith-based educators in responding to disruptive social and technological realities. The research seeks to articulate how Christian ethical formation and educational praxis can faithfully participate in the missio Dei while remaining contextually engaged with contemporary digital culture. Using a qualitative theological methodology, this study integrates biblical-theological reflection, contextual hermeneutics, and interdisciplinary analysis of missiology, ethics, and Christian education. Drawing on Bosch’s concept of mission as participation in God’s redemptive movement and Bevans’s dialogical–incarnational model of contextual theology, the article proposes that Christian ethics must be understood as active alignment with God’s justice, love, and holiness. Meanwhile, Christian education is reframed as a transformative pedagogical practice that equips communities of faith to embody the Gospel meaningfully within digital, cultural, and ecclesial spaces. The study concludes that a missional-contextual theological approach offers a constructive and holistic framework for cultivating moral integrity, spiritual discernment, and transformative agency amid disruptive global conditions. Its primary contribution is the development of an interdisciplinary model that strengthens the theoretical and practical foundations of Christian ethics and education, providing valuable guidance for theologians, ministry practitioners, and Christian educators in navigating the complexities of the digital age.
This research analyses the local wisdom of Sigale-gale in Batak Toba culture as a social symbol rich in anthropological, philosophical, and theological meaning. While previous studies have largely examined Sigale-gale from anthropological or folkloric perspectives, limited attention has been given to its theological significance within the framework of Christian religious education. As a representation of a strong patrilineal system, Sigale-gale is positioned not only as a cultural artifact but also as a reflection of the collective spiritual longing of the Batak Toba community. This research applies an interdisciplinary approach: cultural anthropology to understand the traditional social structure of the Batak, Dooyeweerd’s modal aspects philosophy to explore the interconnected dimensions of reality, and Reformed theology to interpret the meaning of humanity as the imago Dei within the context of Sigale-gale. Methodologically, the research adopts a qualitative, literature-based, hermeneutical–theological approach, grounded in critical and interpretive engagement with existing ethnographic scholarship, rather than primary ethnographic fieldwork. The analysis shows that Sigale-gale can function as a dialogical medium between Christian faith and local culture, enabling a theological reinterpretation of human dignity, social structure, and cultural meaning. By integrating philosophical and theological perspectives into cultural analysis, this research proposes a conceptual framework for the integration of Christian Religious Education that is incarnational, contextual, and transformative, particularly in addressing epistemological fragmentation, digitally mediated subjectivity, and the growing tendency to reduce education to instrumental outcomes within global cultural contexts.
The article examines the contextual missiological approaches needed to effectively reach the Indian diaspora by highlighting the various cultural, religious, and identity challenges faced by Indian migrants. The author critiques traditional missiological frameworks, advocating for strategies that acknowledge the cultural heritage of Indian migrants to communicate the Gospel effectively. The paper proposes a descriptive qualitative methodology that merges theological analysis with existing scholarship to create relevant, culturally sensitive evangelistic practices. It promotes a holistic framework that integrates biblical hermeneutics with cultural insights and calls for flexible, adaptive missional strategies to cultivate authentic expressions of faith rather than a singular Christian identity. The study also illuminates the historical intricacies of Indian migration, the diverse demographics within the diaspora, and the unique challenges and opportunities for effective engagement with these communities in their contexts.
Taking into consideration both of the statements of the Catholic magisterium and the pastoral environment of Catholic institutions, this essay offers some observations on the roots and objectives of interreligious dialogue. Framing dialogue in the faith experience of Christ as Lord allows the dialogue of life to emerge as a living expression of the way of life of every faithful Catholic. To live in Christ is the essence of being the Church. The mission of the Church is to proclaim the saving work and living presence of Christ. Christian spirituality is an intentional search for the fullness of Christ’s humanity so that the community at prayer can embody the Risen One under all circumstances. This “embodiment” necessarily includes encountering human “others”, diminishing the feeling of separateness, and discerning human conditions and possibilities for growth. To accomplish this task, Catholic Christians are invited to find Christ in all phenomena, including in other religions as disclosures of what it is to be human. To grow spiritually under the present circumstances of our communities, Catholics can begin to listen to hear the “voice” of the Good Shepherd wherever it resounds. In hearing the authentic ring of this voice of mercy and love, the community discerns that a previously “unknown” Christ is present before us, inviting a deepened understanding of Christ, both human and divine. Out of this understanding arises an affirmation of the Christologies of the historical Catholic consensus, now impelling the Church toward new forms of mission, service, and contemplation. This essay takes note of recent trends in Christology, suggesting correction courses for both progressive and traditionalist approaches.
Prophecy, prophet(s) and prophesying were usual religious and spiritual phenomena in ancient Israel which do pose challenges for the contemporary church. Sending of divine messages or revelation to the covenant people through the chosen spokespersons were part of deity and human transactions. The violent and crazy act of the prophet in the course of relating the messages of the divine has posed certain apprehensions and was often a source of fear in the people. Such manner of display by prophets is often done as a way to authenticate and make their oracles look as though they are original. The methodology employed in this brief study is an exegetical word study of key concepts and words as used in biblical texts and its applicability in African Initiated Churches. The researcher additionally employed a comparative approach on Ancient Israel and African Initiated Churches. The study discovered that in biblical times, ecstatic prophecy at times involved violence, crazy displays and emotional outbursts. Similarly, among the African Initiated Churches such practices are still employed with all the privileges and dangers attached to them. In the process of receiving or/and delivering divine messages, a state of ecstasy might be expressed by the recipients of the messages.
For an institution that has formally existed for almost two millennia and has been directly involved in global affairs for most of that time, Orthodox Christianity1 is remarkably marginal in research and academic dialogue, as both an institution and a political actor, especially when compared to its Western Christian counterparts—the Catholic Church and the myriad variations of Protestantism—and the two other religions that have been coexisting with Orthodox Christianity across the same geographies for centuries, Islam and Judaism. In that regard, Global Eastern Orthodoxy: Politics, Religion, and Human Rights, edited by Giuseppe Giordan and Siniša Zrinšcǎk, is a welcome attempt to offer insights on the role of Eastern Orthodoxy in a globalized world, through a multidimensional, interdisciplinary perspective. Giordan and Zrinšcǎk have brought together theoretical arguments from various disciplines—sociology, political science, international relations, political theology—“to reflect on the need for overcoming binary categories, such as tradition/modernization, us/them, public/private, identity/plurality, religious teaching/secular human rights perspective” when discussing Christian Orthodoxy (2). Giordan and Zrinšcǎk claim to reflect theoretically on these “antithetical categories,” by reconsidering the social scientific approaches usually employed in analyzing Eastern Orthodoxy, through the introduction of “interdisciplinary matrixes and approaches,” using theoretical, legal, and empirical data (2–3). Religion—any religion—is a topic that sits constantly on the thin fence dividing the public and the political from the private and the personal. Religion, therefore, is by default a topic ridden with complexity, especially when one attempts to disentangle with clarity the relation between religion, politics, and human rights. The task is perhaps even more burdensome in the context of Orthodox Christianity, due to the multiple layers of sociopolitical elements and actors associated with the role of the Orthodox Church as an institution traditionally. In the twenty-first century, these interrelations are further complicated by
The New Prophetic Churches is a religion in the mix, demonstrated by their points of contact with classical Pentecostalism, the prosperity gospel, African independent churches, and African traditional religion. New Prophetic Churches have points of contact with classical Pentecostalism with reference to the doctrine of baptism in the Holy Spirit and speaking in tongues. They are also influenced by the African traditional religions with reference to their connection with the spirit world. In addition, they have points of contact with the African independent churches concerning the use of healing and deliverance products. Furthermore, they have points of contact with the prosperity gospel in teaching the message of material blessing. The original form of these influences is presented in this article as opium religion, whereas the corrupted form of these influences is presented as opioid forms of religion. The latter refers to a somewhat dangerous mix of religious teachings, advocated by self-appointed spiritual leaders within the New Prophetic Churches. These spiritual leaders have concocted this mixture contrary to the original purpose of such teachings with the intention to satisfy their commercial desires to the detriment of the spiritual wellbeing of their followers and the sa-credness of religious teachings, particularly Christian teachings. Relying on a literary analysis, this article challenges the religious teachings of opioid religions that undermine the original good intentions with which these teachings are mixed. It suggests that any religious teaching in the Christian tradition should be consistent with the eternal purpose of God's mission, identity in Christ, and the fundamental tenets of the Christian tradition. There are neo-Pentecostal churches that are consistent with the mission of God, bringing solutions to various challenges in Africa. However, the focus here is on the New Prophetic Churches that have transited from the opium of religion to religion as opioids.
The topic of humanity and philosophical anthropology have been indispensable in human history, and a true depiction of man's status in the creation is foremost in theistic religions. In the lofty view of Allama Javadi Amoli, the essence of humanity is described as "the theist living being" who is perfected on the foundation of religious doctrines with the possible telos of the arch of human ascention being "the Comprehensive man", a doctrine treated in the literature by such philosophers and mystics as Ibn Arabi and Mulla Sadra who consider the Comprehensive man as the theophony of all Divine attributes of perfection and beauty, and the credit for innovation of the term "Comprehensive man" in the Islamic tradition going to Ibn Arabi.In this study which provides a descriptive and analytic account with a special focus on the thoughts of Javadi Amoli, the necessity of perfect human and its relation to Divine vicegerency lead to the conclusion that the purpose of creating the cosmos is the perfect human, and achieving the perfect humanity is a requisite for Divine absolute vicegerency. In this respect, the perfect human is certainly the vicegerent of God such that the world is terminated if it is devoided of the perfect human.Extended abstractIntroductionHuman is combined with a physical body and a divine soul and has a special reflection on himself in the world of creation. And in terms of special talents such as intellect, will, lust, and evolution, he has been placed in the prostrate position of the divine angels. He can become the de facto vicegerency of God in the world to the extent of following and developing the power of reason and the special application of free will and obedience to God's commands. This privilege and position is specific to humans in a kind of way.Regarding this truth and prominence of human, there are conflicting opinions among thinkers, especially about the position of the divine vicegerency of man; Because, recognizing and recognizing the existence called "Human" throughout history among thinkers, especially philosophers and mystics, has been a concern that cannot be hidden and overlooked, and it is also discussed in most schools of thought that how far is the ultimate ascension and ascension of human. A Comprehensive man being with characteristics such as governorship, perfection, and vicegerency is a clear and outstanding example of God's vicegerency, and the last degree of the ascension of existing perfection shines a possibility, and it is the ideal point of discussion of some thinkers such as Ibn Arabi and the developers of his thought; The originator of such a term is described in the Islamic literature of Ibn Arabi.In this study which provides a descriptive and analytic account with a special focus on the thoughts of Javadi Amoli, the necessity of perfect human and its relation to Divine vicegerency lead to the conclusion that the purpose of creating the cosmos is the perfect human, and achieving the perfect humanity is a requisite for Divine absolute vicegerency. In this respect, the perfect human is certainly the vicegerent of God such that the world is terminated if it is devoided of the perfect human.In the mystical literature of Mulla Sadra and Imam Khomeini, the Comprehensive man being has been explored and revised. Allamah Javadi Amoli, with his new approach to human and his unprecedented approach to its definition, succeeds in removing human from the circle of the old definition (reasoning animal) and in the light of high Quranic, exegetical and philosophical knowledge, he clings to man with a new approach to man " the theist living being " introduces; Especially, in his philosophical and interpretative literature, he has an expanded view on the connection between man and the perfect man, and he considers the perfect man to be associated with the divine vicegerency, to introduce the place of the world empty of the perfect man as equal to the end of the world's life, that is the perfect man is definitely the actual and actual vicegerent of God, but every vicegerent’s is not perfect human.MethodThe current research is descriptive-analytical typical and the method of collecting information is in the form of a library, and its cumulation information in is such as books, both printed and electronic, and articles and treatises, and its purpose is to reread Allamah Javadi Amoli's thought about the perfect human being and its necessity with the vicegerency is divine and explain who the perfect man is and how to achieve this position, On the one side, and on the other abutment what is the connection and disconnection between the perfect man and the divine-actual vicegerent, what is the scope and extent of the vicegerency? Who are they, and how far is the territory of the vicegerency?FindingsIn this essay, these questions have been answered. In the end, it has reached such results and conclusions that the truth of the vicegerent is the appearance of the successor in the vicegerent in the qualities of perfection as much as possible, and the example of the atom and perfection of the vicegerent is the perfect human being, because the purpose and ideal of the creation of the world is the perfect human being. Because, creation without a perfect human being is incomplete and null; The perfect human being is the embodiment and manifestation of the atom and the perfection of the perfect and current attributes of vicegerency of him(God). The ability of the position of divine vicegerent includes all human beings in some way is institutionalized in the institution of all mankind, and the release of that power requires an action that is an agent and a excitant, which consists of right knowledge and righteous action. The principle of vicegerent includes all of legal persons, not real.Concusions:In this study which provides a descriptive and analytic account with a special focus on the thoughts of Javadi Amoli, the necessity of perfect human and its relation to Divine vicegerency lead to the conclusion that the purpose of creating the cosmos is the perfect human, and achieving the perfect humanity is a requisite for Divine absolute vicegerency. In this respect, the perfect human is certainly the vicegerent of God such that the world is terminated if it is devoided of the perfect human.In this study which provides a descriptive and analytic account with a special focus on the thoughts of Javadi Amoli, the necessity of perfect human and its relation to Divine vicegerency lead to the conclusion that the purpose of creating the cosmos is the perfect human, and achieving the perfect humanity is a requisite for Divine absolute vicegerency. In this respect, the perfect human is certainly the vicegerent of God such that the world is terminated if it is devoided of the perfect human.
Philosophy of religion. Psychology of religion. Religion in relation to other subjects
In Norway, religious education (RE) is a non-confessional and common core subject that should be taught in an objective, critical, and pluralistic manner. As a primary school subject, students learn about a variety of religions and worldviews together in the same classroom. The inclusive framing intends to provide an intercultural space in which the students can enhance their understandings of the beliefs of people whose worldviews differ from their own. Consequently, the subject has privileged an outsider approach, wherein students should learn about religion in a non-partial way, that is, not from religion. However, the claim for objective, critical, and pluralistic teaching still calls into question the role of learning from religions. First, an outsider approach has been criticized for promoting a dated view on learning, ignoring pedagogical knowledge on how students learn. Second, the latest national curriculum states that RE should not only provide students with in-depth knowledge about world religions, but also foster personalized learning experiences. Against this background, the paper asks how the concept of experiential learning in the tradition of Freire, Dewey, and Vygotsky invites a reflection on the ways by which the Norwegian RE subject is passed on most meaningfully in a diverse learning context.
The article presents the attempt of using the marketing paradigm in the analysis of state-confessional relations. Considering such relations through the prism of market structures, the authors identify three main types: religious monopoly, religious oligopoly, and religious monopolistic competition. Religious monopoly implies the dominance of one religion, which enjoys the full support of the state that protects it from competition from other religions. In the modern world, religious monopoly exists in two forms — closed and open, with the differences between the two lying in the degree of monopolization of the market by one of the confessions. According to the authors’ conclusion, the religious monopoly imposed from above (by the state) ultimately has a secular effect, reducing the level of participation of the population in religious activities and thereby weakening the monopoly of religion, which, in turn, can lead to the termination of state support for it. Religious oligopoly implies that several dominant religions or their branches that are equally supported by the state and have the same status compete in the market; the emergence of new ones is difficult (open oligopoly) or even seriously limited (closed oligopoly). Religious monopolistic competition is characterized by the inclusion in the process of competition not only of religions and their branches, but also religious denominations. Each of these “players” produces its own unique religious product and has relatively free access to the market of religions, which is almost not limited by the state. The proposed typology is historical in its nature, which makes it possible to predict the dynamics of state-confessional relations.
1- Abstract
The arrival of Britain in India under the cover of the East India Company at the beginning of the 17th century led to the country’s gaining access to the legendary financial resources in the subcontinent. However, with the British presence in India, the Zoroastrian community of this country, known as the Parsis, also underwent a significant economic transformation. Evidence of the increase in the wealth of the Parsis after the establishment of the British East India Company in the subcontinent is that in the 19th and 20th centuries, with the capital possessed, they set up numerous and large factories in India. Were there any special relations in the economic and professional field between the Parsis of India and the company? This is the question that the present study seeks to answer. In this study, using related historical sources, including works about the Parsis of India as well as compilations about the beginning and implementation of the British East India Company, the reasons for the positive perception of the company leaders of the Parsis are examined using a descriptive-analytical approach. Then, by reviewing the professional life of the Parsis, in two important ports of Surat and Bombay, which were the main points of contact with the company’s employees, examples of the Parsis services to the British East India Company and the privileges donated to the Persis leaders by the British are recounted and analyzed. The results show that the Parsis cooperation with the British government representatives in India was not limited to economic fields and that the British also had the assistance of the Zoroastrian community in the political arena.
2- Introduction
The followers of Zoroastrianism have been known in India from past times as “Farsi” or “Parsi”. In fact, since the annexation of the western parts of India to the Achaemenid Empire, Iranians travelled to these areas. Also, Iranian Zoroastrians, especially their clerics, travelled to India before Islam to propagate this religion for business. But the issue of their migration to India after Islam is mainly based on a poetic story called "Qeṣṣe-ye Sanjān" composed in 1008 AH (1600 AD). The narrator of the story events has been a trusted Zoroastrian priest to Bahman Keyqubad, the story’s composer. Based on this source, after the Arab invasion of Khurasan during the conquest of Iran, the Zoroastrians of a village called Sanjan in north-eastern Iran took refuge in the nearby mountains and spent a hundred years there. Then, they travelled to the island of Hormuz and lived there for fifteen years. "Dib" on the southern shores of the Indus was their next destination, where they remained for nineteen years. Then, they moved to Gujarat and settled in an area that was reminiscent of the former land of Sanjan, where they also spent five hundred years. Therefore, this group of immigrants left India in the middle of the second century AH. The question is, how did the narrator get these exact time intervals?
The editor of Qesse in the introduction of the book indicates the existence of sufficient references to prove the truth of this story. One of the documents he presents is the narration of Baladhuri in "Futuh al-Buldan" in which the people of Kerman fled from the Arab army. But this narration is not applicable to the story of Sanjan. The narration of Baladhuri indicates the escape of a number of people of Kerman in the first half of the first century AH from the Arab army and their departure to Hormuz and the conflict with the Arabs on this island. Baladhuri's words in this regard end with this report: many people of Kerman fled by sea. The existence of many ambiguities in the story caused its rejection by some contemporary Zoroastrian scholars.
However, the story says the adventure of the Parsis refugees in which they asked the Hindu ruler of the region to stay in Gujarat, and he agreed to live there under certain conditions. Among his conditions was: In the language, domination, and clothing of women, the Hindu customs should be considered, and also the means of war should be avoided. Accordingly, the Parsis accorded themselves perfectly to the culture and customs of the environment; this point was probably one of the reasons for the British approach toward them. Karaka writes in this regard: “It is a characteristic of the Persis that they have behaved appropriately to other peoples, even though their beliefs and customs are different, and they have adjusted themselves to the conditions, although the conditions were not according to their desire”. Jonathan Duncan, the British ruler of Mumbai at the beginning of the 19th century, criticized Muslims in a conversation with Abdul Latif Shushtari, comparing them to the Parsis, who easily adapted themselves to the custom and culture of the superior people: “What is the reason that wherever the monarchy of the Muslim exists or a sect of Muslims resides, their work is on the harshness ... unlike other religions which are smooth and gentle?"
On the events of 986 AH / 1587 AD, Badayuni, the historian of the court of Jalaluddin Akbar has reported the presence of Zoroastrians from the city of Navsari in the Gujarat region in the court of this ruler and writes that this powerful ruler ordered that the fire always be kept lit in a certain place. The report shows that in the late 16th century, the city of Navsari near Surat was the main settlement of Zoroastrians in India and since the agricultural conditions of the region met their job and economic needs, they had not migrated to Surat. Although the Parsis lived in this port before the arrival of the Europeans, the increase in their number was closely related to the arrival of European companies in this city.
The endeavour of European countries to penetrate east by sea led the Portuguese Vasco da Gama to become the first European sailor to set foot on Indian soil. Nehru reminds us that this first step was taken after the end of the Muslim rule over Andalusia in 1492 AD. Perhaps from the view of the new Iberian rulers, this move was revenge to conquer the East and spread Christianity in the face of the spread of Islam in Spain. Wasn't that the Portuguese paid special attention to the spread of Christianity in the East, and their violence of the Muslim merchants whom they called the Moors (Spanish Muslims) was unexampled? It is said that the intensity of the Portuguese violence was due to the superiority of the Muslims in trade, while part of it must be attributed to their dissatisfaction with the long Muslim rule in southwestern Europe.
From the Europeans’ point of view, the port of Surat, in the south of Gujarat and on the bank of the navigable Tapi or Tapti River, about 30 km far from the Arabian Sea, was suitable for their ships to travel to India. The knowledge of European capitalists of the geographical location of Surat, which was connected with the Far East countries on the one hand and with the Iranian and Arab ports, on the other hand, encouraged them to build several factories in this port from the second decade of the 17th century. Also, the relative proximity of Surat to Deccan and Gujarat, the centers of cotton cultivation and production in India made the Europeans eager to build factories there. Then, the Portuguese, the Dutch, the French, and the British came to this port and each established a trading company in their own name. The location of Surat made this port the most commercially productive one in the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries and was distinguished among Indian ports. This supremacy continued until the rise of Mumbai in the commercial arena, and then Surat was ignored.
Although the British East India Company arrival in Surat after Portugal managed to repel the enemy with military force, the French financial bankruptcy in Surat automatically led to their removal from the port. The company, which ostensibly bore the name of the company and was in fact the British government with shareholders (mainly military personnel), after a while, took over the country's political destiny in addition to monopolizing India's trade.
In this study, the reasons and methods of the East India Company's use of the Parsi society of India, as one of the tools to increase their influence in this land, as well as the type of cooperation of the Parsis with the British and its results for them are discussed. So far, no specific research has been done on this topic; however, numerous works related to the history of the Parsis, as well as writings related to the emergence and decline of the East India Company, contain scattered materials on the subject of this study. The manuscript of “Waqaye-i Hind” by Abdul Latif Shushtari at the beginning of the 19th century, which deals with the events in India, especially the island of Mumbai, has useful and relevant information in this regard. Shushtari, who was on behalf of the company, overseeing the affairs of Iranian businessmen in Mumbai, met daily with the island's Parsi leaders and recorded valuable notes of their relations with the company's leaders. The History of the Parsis, a work from the second half of the 19th century, also contains useful information on the subject of this article, due to the proximity of the author's era to the period of intimate relations between the Persians and the British. An article with the title Pyarsis and the British also contains notes on the relations between the Parsis and the East India Company which Hinnells published in 1978 in the journal of Kama Institute.
3- Materials and Methods
have been the main sources of the author for writing this descriptive-analytical article.
4- Discussion of Results and Conclusions
The British East India Company made its way to India later than Portugal, the Netherlands, and France in the early 17th century, but soon overtook European rivals and pursued its capitalist goals singly. In the meantime, the British needed the help of the natives of India to achieve their goals. People with abilities in business, sea voyages, knowledge of local products and facilities, knowledge of local leaders and celebrities, skills in intermediary in transactions and linguistics were among the characteristics of Parsis. On the other hand, the Zoroastrian community of India was eager to cooperate with the East India Company in order to be more successful in business, obtain various goods, and receive support during business trips. Although Parsis did not gain a high position in the company and even export goods directly to Europe, and the company's leaders viewed them as instrumental and a means of profit, in order to continue their cooperation, they were constantly provided with business opportunities and more income. The British acquisition of advanced technology in the textile industry, their progress in land and sea transportation, and entry into Asian markets, relying on the military in the 19th century, also had a positive impact on Parsis business. Their cooperation with the British for more than three centuries provided them with more wealth than they had imagined. The wealth they accumulated in the 18th century and the first half of the 19th century through various means, especially trade, was invested in the industry from the second half of this century. In the second half of the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century, they held half of the managerial and regulatory positions of Mumbai factories. They owned India's first steel plant. Some of them violated some of the moral limitations of Zoroastrianism and followed the British way of life to earn more money. At this time, Britain was their homeland. But the Parsis’ dependence on British capitalists also caused them some harm. In the late 19th century, the center of India's foreign trade was moved from the west of India, the center of Parsis’ gathering and life, to the east by the heads of companies; thus Parsis’ role in trade diminished. Opium exports from India to China also declined. New industries entered the world of Indian industry in 1900, and Parsis paid less attention to these industries due to the continued focus on cotton and fabric production. Together, these factors halted the economic growth of Parsis in the second half of the 20th century compared to the previous century. The Parsis’ close and intimate relations with the British also caused them cultural damages such as the loss of religious identity which has been considered and protested by some followers of this religion.
History (General) and history of Europe, History of Asia
This article regards museums of world religions as intersemiotic sites where the knowledge of individual religions as well as religion as a broad concept is socially constructed. It examines the role of verbal interpretations in co-constructing knowledge of religion with other visual and spatial semiotics. The case study is based on a comparison of the text panels and the display cases on Christianity in two museums: St Mungo Museum of Religious Life and Art (SMM) in Glasgow, and Museum of World Religions (MWR) in Taipei. The methodology combines the micro-level analysis of theme-rheme pattern in information progression, logical-semantic relations in verbal-visual interaction, and a pragmatic account of the two epistemic communities in which the museums are situated. The results suggest that through the interaction between the text panels, labels, and individual objects, each museum has construed its own material definition of religion. Specifically, Christianity is construed as a phenomenon perceived by Christians in SMM, whereas in MWR, the knowledge of Christianity develops from the holy scriptures.
Philosophy of religion. Psychology of religion. Religion in relation to other subjects, Communication. Mass media
El análisis de la religiosidad del ámbito rural de los territorios de la parte septentrional del conventus Carthaginiensis (Carpetania suroccidental) en época romana permite profundizar en las características y heterogeneidad de las manifestaciones de culto existentes en este contexto. Así, a pesar de la escasez de testimonios epigráficos y arqueológicos, podemos vislumbrar una compleja dinámica en la que confluyen cultos romanos, formas dispares de sincretismos y tradiciones indígenas, todo ello formando parte, sin disonancias, de un politeísmo renovado perfectamente integrado en el plural sistema religioso romano.
The story of Samson one of the Israelite judges emanating from the tribe of Dan, was a Nazirite and it is indeed an intriguing one in the book of Judges. Klein (1988) alerts us that an even superficial reading of the book demonstrates that the epic is far more biographical in nature than any of the earlier chapters tends to be. Samson’s sensual attachment to women are they
stuff that legends are made of. The last glimpse we have of Samson is of a man who seemed to have put his act together. We earlier saw Samson calling on the Lord in humility. He prayed to God and God ultimately delivered him from death through a great miracle. That story ends with Samson having judged Israel for 20 years. Crenshaw (1978) contends that Samson was
indeed one through whom God would “begin to deliver Israel from the hand of the Philistines” (Judges 13:5). However, after a period of peace and steadfast service, Samson sadly falls once again into his old ways. His old passions rise to the surface and Samson once again finds himself entangled in a web of sin. Samson may have been a powerful man physically, but he was to intents and purposes a moral weakling. He may have demonstrated his power
time and again over the enemies of the Lord, but he was helpless against the power of his mortal flesh. It also is evident from books preceding Judges, that the wickedness of the Israelites validates Israel’s subjugation to the Philistines. Thus, we see that sin is punished and that unrighteous dealings lead a nation or an individual to destruction. As a judge, Samson
was invariably unsuccessful in delivering what the Lord required of him and he thus brought destruction on himself (Bar, 2020). This article based on an exegetical methodology considered mainly historical context and it unpacks how failing to serve God ultimately leads to one battling with harassing iniquities which ultimately lead to destruction. It serves as a
model of how we ought to seek to serve God in a spirit of obedience.
Recent work on the evolution of religion has approached religions as adaptive complexes of traits consisting of cognitive, neurological, affective, behavioural and developmental features that are organized into a self-regulating feedback system. Religious systems, it has been argued, derive from ancestral ritual systems and continue to be fuelled by ritual performances. One key prediction that emerges from this systemic approach is that the success of religious beliefs will be related to how well they are connected to rituals and integrated with other elements of the religious system. Here, I examine this prediction by exploring the rich world of Jewish demonology. As a case study, I briefly survey the historical trajectory of demonic beliefs across Jewish communities and focus on one demon, a ruach ra'ah, that has survived the vicissitudes of Jewish history and maintained its relevance in contemporary Jewish communities. I argue that it has done so because of its linkage with a morning handwashing ritual and its effective integration into the core elements of Jewish religious systems. This article is part of the theme issue ‘Ritual renaissance: new insights into the most human of behaviours’.
Is religious morality the same across the major world religions and various cultural contexts? This chapter makes, for the first time, a review, synthesis, and interpretation of the relevant findings from recent international, focused cross-cultural, and experimental studies. Both striking quasi-universal features and amazing cultural differences emerge in the ways religion (individual religiosity, religious ideas, and/or religious heritage at the collective level) endorses, shapes, or privileges specific moral preferences regarding a vast spectrum of domains of human activity. The latter include sexuality; fertility, marriage, and parenting; work- and economy-related attitudes and behavior; various prosocial attitudes and behaviors; and civic attitudes toward democracy, social engagement, the environment, and honesty in society. The final discussion focuses on the religious conflict, across cultures, between interpersonal–consequentialist and righteous–deontological morality, and the evolutionary explanations of the transculturally strong religion-morality association and of the cultural diversity of religion and its morality.
Brazilian theologian Rubem Alves (1933-2014) was one of the most creative thinkers Latin American theology has ever produced. In De excrementisdiaboli (“On the Devil’s excrements”), a short text published in 1998 in Brazilian newspaper Folha de S. Paulo, Alves plays with the idea of trash as the excrements the Devil puts in the world to mock of God’s creation. Alves states that he never heard any sermon preached by any religious leader about how to care for God’s creation dealing correctly with garbage. Following this Alvesian intuition, this article intends to present that a biblical theology of creation has many implications for both a public theology and for a prophetic speech by the church as well. However, this aspect of dealing with garbage as a way of stewardship of creation is by and large almost ignored in the public speech of Brazilian Evangelicalism. In the majority of Brazilian Evangelicalism, when one speaks about a theology of creation, it is only as an apologetic fight against the theory of evolution. This is an influence of the Fundamentalist movement in the theoretical framework of Brazilian Evangelicalism. The aim of this article is to present how Alve’s text can become the starting point for producing a fresh public theology of creation in Brazilian Evangelicalism leading to effective custodianship of our fragile planet.