Desde la década de 1990 se implantó la fiscalización de los partidos en México, y la autoridad electoral fue recibiendo cada vez más facultades para vigilar rigurosamente el dinero de los partidos. Sin embargo, en 2024 el ejercicio se caracterizó porque el IFE/INE y el TEPJF no aplicaron la ley y relajaron las sanciones, en beneficio sobre todo del partido gobernante. Por medio de un análisis crítico de los patrones históricos de fiscalización y de los dictámenes de fiscalización de 2024, el texto muestra cómo se violentaron los principios de la fiscalización por parte del gobierno y...
Political institutions and public administration (General)
Allisson Andrea Vera-Vera, Axel Alfredo Saltos-Chávez, Nelson García-Reinoso
Se analizó la incorporación de los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible (ODS) en emprendimientos turísticos de los cantones Pedernales, Manta y Portoviejo, en la provincia de Manabí. El objetivo fue evaluar su nivel de implementación y proponer estrategias prácticas para su integración. Se aplicó una metodología mixta estructurada en tres fases: revisión sistemática de la literatura científica sobre ODS y turismo sostenible; aplicación de un cuestionario con escala Likert a 206 empresarios turísticos; y diseño de estrategias mediante la matriz 5W2H, herramienta que permitió estructurar acciones específicas. El análisis estadístico se realizó con el software IBM SPSS Statistics v30.0. Los resultados revelaron un alto desempeño en condiciones laborales justas (6.91) e igualdad de género (6.63), frente a debilidades como alianzas estratégicas (4.60) y uso de proveedores locales (4.69). Con base en estos hallazgos, se propusieron cinco estrategias clave: alianzas institucionales, cadenas de suministro sostenibles, reducción de huella de carbono, gestión de aguas residuales y capacitación especializada en ODS.
Political institutions and public administration (General)
José Augusto Lacerda Fernandes, Natanael Silva Correia
Apesar de sua incontestável importância para a preservação da biodiversidade e para o combate às mudanças climáticas, a floresta amazônica está passando por um alarmante processo de destruição. Com índices de preservação muito acima da média geral, as terras indígenas evidenciam o papel central dos povos originários no enfrentamento do desmatamento e de outros tantos desafios amazônicos, convidando a olhares mais atentos para as práticas, estratégias e estruturas organizacionais adotadas no âmbito do movimento indígena. Atento para a relevância dos recursos financeiros na dinâmica dessas iniciativas, este artigo buscou compreender a construção e a gestão de um mecanismo de financiamento não apenas voltado para indígenas, mas também criado e gerido por eles. Por meio do caso do Fundo Podáali, apontamos como mecanismos de financiamento inovadores, adaptados às especificidades da Amazônia, podem desburocratizar o acesso a recursos e ainda fortalecer os saberes ancestrais e os modos de vida dos povos originários.
Political institutions and public administration (General)
Nigeria since independence has been battling with the endemic problem of corruption. Corruption has eaten up the fabric of the nation. It has always been fanned by the embers of tribalism and nepotism, lack of political will to face corruption headlong, weak criminal justice administration system and most importantly, weak institutions. The constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, provides for the office of the Attorney General of the federation and or of the state/region. The Attorney General is to function as the Chief law officer and the minister of justice of the federation and or Commissioner of Justice of the state and or region. The fight against corruption has defied all known theories known to the Nigerian public and has not produced any reasonable results and one of the major reasons is the fact that those who have been at the leadership positions have scarcely been convicted of corruption even the corruption cases are very glaring. The constitution of Nigeria, as in many other Common Law nations, vests on the attorney general, the power to institute and discontinue any criminal proceedings before judgment is delivered. In the exercise of this power in Nigeria nay other common law countries, the attorney general is a law unto himself as he should only have regard to public interest, interest of justice and abuse of court processes. This article seeks to address the impact, the exercise of this power of Nolle Prosequi has had in the fight against corruption in Nigeria. The researcher tends to use several cases where the attorney generals of the federation and the states have evoked the power of Nolle Prosqui and critically analyze how such invocation has helped the fight against corruption or whether such invocation has aided and abated corruption. The research findings however reveal that the Attorney generals have rather used the power of Nolle Prosequi to stall the process of bringing to justice, corrupt government officials standing trials in different parts of the country. Finally, the researcher will make some recommendations which in his opinion, will remedy the situation.
Stanley Timeyin Ohenhen, John Jones Iwuh, P. Abakporo
Managing public theatre institutions in Nigeria is fraught with numerous challenges, ranging from political marginalisation to excessive bureaucratic interference. These interferences—often by multiple government arms and agencies—frequently result in the withholding of allocated funds, thereby undermining administrative efficiency. The National Theatre of Nigeria (NToN) exemplifies this dysfunction, struggling to meet its cultural and national mandates. This study critically examines the socio-political complexities involved in managing the NToN, with a specific focus on the leadership of Ahmed Yerima during his tenure as Director-General (2006–2009). Anchored in Downton’s theory of Transformational Leadership, the paper investigates Yerima’s leadership strategies and managerial style. Methodologically, it draws on data from in-depth interviews with Ahmed Yerima, focus group discussions with key stakeholders, and a review of relevant literature, all analysed using qualitative content analysis. Findings reveal that Yerima employed a transformational leadership approach characterised by professional consistency, strategic innovation, focused dynamism, and political diplomacy. These elements enabled him to mobilise a motivated and goal-oriented team, despite systemic challenges. The study concludes that Yerima’s leadership offers a replicable model for effective administration in Nigeria’s public cultural institutions, demonstrating that transformational leadership can reposition such agencies for socio-cultural and economic relevance, even within bureaucratically constrained environments.
The applications of Large Language Models (LLMs) in political science are rapidly expanding. This paper demonstrates how LLMs, when augmented with predefined functions and specialized tools, can serve as dynamic agents capable of streamlining tasks such as data collection, preprocessing, and analysis. Central to this approach is agentic retrieval-augmented generation (Agentic RAG), which equips LLMs with action-calling capabilities for interaction with external knowledge bases. Beyond information retrieval, LLM agents may incorporate modular tools for tasks like document summarization, transcript coding, qualitative variable classification, and statistical modeling. To demonstrate the potential of this approach, we introduce CongressRA, an LLM agent designed to support scholars studying the U.S. Congress. Through this example, we highlight how LLM agents can reduce the costs of replicating, testing, and extending empirical research using the domain-specific data that drives the study of political institutions.
Justin B. Bullock, Janet V. T. Pauketat, Hsini Huang
et al.
Governance institutions must respond to societal risks, including those posed by generative AI. This study empirically examines how public trust in institutions and AI technologies, along with perceived risks, shape preferences for AI regulation. Using the nationally representative 2023 Artificial Intelligence, Morality, and Sentience (AIMS) survey, we assess trust in government, AI companies, and AI technologies, as well as public support for regulatory measures such as slowing AI development or outright bans on advanced AI. Our findings reveal broad public support for AI regulation, with risk perception playing a significant role in shaping policy preferences. Individuals with higher trust in government favor regulation, while those with greater trust in AI companies and AI technologies are less inclined to support restrictions. Trust in government and perceived risks significantly predict preferences for both soft (e.g., slowing development) and strong (e.g., banning AI systems) regulatory interventions. These results highlight the importance of public opinion in AI governance. As AI capabilities advance, effective regulation will require balancing public concerns about risks with trust in institutions. This study provides a foundational empirical baseline for policymakers navigating AI governance and underscores the need for further research into public trust, risk perception, and regulatory strategies in the evolving AI landscape.
Sabina Werren, Hermann Grieder, Christopher Scherb
As we progress toward Society 5.0's vision of a human-centered digital society, ensuring digital accessibility becomes increasingly critical, particularly for citizens with visual impairments and other disabilities. This paper examines the implementation challenges of accessible digital public services within Swiss public administration. Through Design Science Research, we investigate the gap between accessibility legislation and practical implementation, analyzing how current standards translate into real-world usability. Our research reveals significant barriers including resource constraints, fragmented policy enforcement, and limited technical expertise. To address these challenges, we present the Inclusive Public Administration Framework, which integrates Web Content Accessibility Guidelines with the HERMES project management methodology. This framework provides a structured approach to embedding accessibility considerations throughout digital service development. Our findings contribute to the discourse on digital inclusion in Society 5.0 by providing actionable strategies for implementing accessible public services. As we move towards a more integrated human-machine society, ensuring digital accessibility for visually impaired citizens is crucial for building an equitable and inclusive digital future.
Street‐level organizations (SLOs) play a key, but understudied, political role in democratic governance as they are responsible for the direct‐delivery of public services that are vital to the functioning of the state. To discuss the political role of SLOs in general, this study begins by identifying four SLO roles, which are conceptualized here by distinguishing policy‐sphere versus politics‐sphere and “SLOs‐as‐takers” versus “SLOs‐as‐makers.” SLOs' political role in a democratic backsliding and populism context is specified by distinguishing whether SLOs converge to, or diverge from, illiberal policies, and distinguishing reactive and proactive responses. Each of the four responses is elaborated by referring to how SLOs both influence, and are influenced by, populism and democratic backsliding. Shifting attention to the specific context of democratic erosion allows a more nuanced distinction between policy sectors and countries, as well as identifying the ways through which public service provision facilitates or inhibits democratic backsliding.
Joaquín Arias, Mar Moreno-Rebato, José-A. Rodríguez-García
et al.
The proposed regulatory framework for Artificial Intelligence and the EU General Data Protection Regulation oblige automated reasoners to justify their conclusions in human-understandable terms. In addition, ethical and legal concerns must be provably addressed to ensure that the advice given by AI systems is aligned with human values. Value-aware systems tackle this challenge by explicitly representing and reasoning with norms and values applicable to a problem domain. For instance, in the context of a public administration such systems may provide support to decision-makers in the design and interpretation of administrative procedures and, ultimately, may enable the automation of (parts of) these administrative processes. However, this requires the capability to analyze as to how far a particular legal model is aligned with a certain value system. In this work, we take a step forward in this direction by analysing and formally representing two (political) strategies for school place allocation in educational institutions supported by public funds. The corresponding (legal) norms that specify this administrative process differently weigh human values such as equality, fairness, and non-segregation.We propose the use of s(LAW), a legal reasoner based on Answer Set Programming that has proven capable of adequately modelling administrative processes in the presence of vague concepts and/or discretion, to model both strategies. We illustrate how s(LAW) simultaneously models different scenarios, and how automated reasoning with these scenarios can answer questions related to the value-alignment of the resulting models.
The features of reforming the fundamental institutions of administrative-legal science in modern political and legal conditions are considered. The conceptual apparatus of administrative law currently does not meet its purpose, especially in the category of “public administration”. Using the example of German administrative law, the coexistence of various educational courses is substantiated, including “the doctrine of management”, “general administrative law”, “police law” and “public order law”, which are independent academic disciplines. Corresponding differences are also accepted in Germany when conducting scientific research. In the new political and legal conditions, the subject of administrative law lies primarily in the study of the basic institutions of executive power, while theoretical postulates must correspond to their pragmatic purpose. The subject of study of the new course of administrative law should be not only its traditional categories, but also the concepts of “public property relation”, “special public body or organization”; in relation to the latter, the study of the organizational and legal forms of activity of state corporations in their relations with the executive power.
The analysis of modern Ukrainian political and legal research suggests that the theory is dominated by the understanding of the territorial organization of power according to which the territorial community is the basis for the organization of the system of community development management. According to the researchers, it is the excessive number of small administrative-territorial units of the basic level that has determined the need for reform. The lack of the necessary economic and human resources makes it impossible for basic local government units to effectively exercise their powers. The main problem of decentralization is that the creation of new territorial communities did not take into account resource provision, transportation tasks, and economic and geographical zoning in general. The author analyzes and compares the experience of EU countries in decentralization. To ensure a favorable climate for the decentralization process, special regional development institutions have been created in different countries as executive bodies that assist various departmental structures in their activities, and these can also be independent institutions for the development of regional development programs and fund management, public non-profit organizations, and other non-governmental organizations working in partnership with government institutions. Today, in the context of war, our state as a whole and each individual territorial community in particular lives by different principles, budgets are formed and used in a completely different way, many projects have been suspended, funds allocated for them have been redirected to other areas, and mass migration has taken place both within the country and abroad. The article reveals that, according to the researchers, an excessive number of small administrative-territorial units of the basic level determined the need for decentralization reform. It is found that the main problem of decentralization is that the creation of new territorial communities did not take into account resource provision, transportation tasks, and economic and geographical zoning in general. The author analyzes and compares the experience of EU countries on decentralization issues. It is determined that the goals and objectives of the state policy on reform and decentralization are formed and coordinated with each other, they are specified in various programs and regulations. It can be argued that, in general, Ukraine is moving in the right direction in terms of reforming local self-government and territorial organization of power and covers all socially important areas.
Erlina Sri Khadijatun Haqqu, Harry fajar Maulana, Muhamad Rizal Adzkiya Putra
This research aims to analyze the performance of the Baubau City General Election Commission (KPU) in carrying out its duties and authority by Law Number 7 of 2017 and KPU Regulation Number 9 of 2022. The method used in this research is descriptive qualitative, supported by Lasswell's theory and Robert K. Merton's role theory. The research results show that the Baubau KPU has exceeded the national target in holding the 2024 Simultaneous Elections with a participation rate of 80.36%. In implementing voter outreach and education, the Baubau KPU ensures that communication runs clearly and effectively. The Baubau KPU carries out its role using various socialization methods such as face-to-face meetings in 43 sub-districts in collaboration with the Ad Hoc Agency and involving multiple parties such as the Regional Government, KesbangPol, Political Party Community Groups, NGOs, and Educational Institutions. Various superior programs run by KPU Baubau include seminars, workshops, discussions, and simulations that raise exciting topics related to elections held in multiple places, including KPU Goes to School, KPU Goes to Campus, KPU Goes to Islamic Boarding School, Election Carnival, Group Forum Discussion (FGD), Making a Video of 2024 Election Jingle Creation Exercises and Screening of the Film "Kejarlah Janji." The Baubau KPU also optimizes various mass media in the form of print and electronic media (online news) such as banners, brochures, pamphlets, posters, and social media on multiple platforms such as Instagram, Facebook, YouTube, and websites which aim to expand the dissemination of election-related information by upholding openness. And transparency of information to build public trust. In conclusion, the lack of human resources in managing social media and limitations in understanding technology and information has resulted in a need for updated information regarding elections on the YouTube platform and the Baubau KPU website. Keywords: Communication, Role of the Baubau City KPU, Simultaneous Elections in 2024
Indirect reciprocity is a plausible mechanism for sustaining cooperation: people cooperate with those who have a good reputation, which can be acquired by helping others. However, this mechanism requires the population to agree on who has good or bad moral standing. Consensus can be provided by a central institution that monitors and broadcasts reputations. But how might such an institution be maintained, and how can a population ensure that it is effective and incorruptible? Here we explore a simple mechanism to sustain an institution of reputational judgment: a compulsory contribution from each member of the population, i.e., a tax. We analyze the maximum possible tax rate that individuals will rationally pay to sustain an institution of judgment, which provides a public good in the form of information, and we derive necessary conditions for individuals to resist the temptation to evade their tax payment. We also consider the possibility that institution members may be corrupt and subject to bribery, and we analyze how often an institution must be audited to prevent bribery. Our analysis has implications for the establishment of robust public institutions that provide social information to support cooperation in large populations--and the potential negative consequences associated with wealth or income inequality.
Descriptive and inferential social network analysis has become common in public administration studies of network governance and management. A large literature has developed in two broad categories: antecedents of network structure, and network effects and outcomes. A new topic is emerging on network interventions that applies knowledge of network formation and effects to actively intervene in the social context of interaction. Yet, the question remains how might scholars deploy and determine the impact of network interventions. Inferential network analysis has primarily focused on statistical simulations of network distributions to produce probability estimates on parameters of interest in observed networks, e.g. ERGMs. There is less attention to design elements for causal inference in the network context, such as experimental interventions, randomization, control and comparison networks, and spillovers. We advance a number of important questions for network research, examine important inferential challenges and other issues related to inference in networks, and focus on a set of possible network inference models. We categorize models of network inference into (i) observational studies of networks, using descriptive and stochastic methods that lack intervention, randomization, or comparison networks; (ii) simulation studies that leverage computational resources for generating inference; (iii) natural network experiments, with unintentional network-based interventions; (iv) network field experiments, with designed interventions accompanied by comparison networks; and (v) laboratory experiments that design and implement randomization to treatment and control networks. The article offers a guide to network researchers interested in questions, challenges, and models of inference for network analysis in public administration.
This paper discusses the argumentative turn amongst farmers and the other different stakeholders in the case of land disputes, Kebumen, Central Java, Indonesia. While policy makers insisted that the land function conversion from agriculture and tourism to mining was needed to support local development as through the absorption of labors into employment sector, as well as to improve local people’s income, local farmers insisted that the conversion merely uprooting their ownership of land and let them back to periods where they were jobless and lack of source of income decades ago. This paper applied qualitative research supported with observation and interviews with parties involved in the case, to highlight the argumentative turn within land policy, which in the case of Kebumen leads to policy conflict. This paper identifies the elite-driven policy in the land dispute cases in Kebumen has led policy close to discussions with various stakeholders, which are necessary to be heard in the policy making. This finding highlights the idea that policy creates within itself politics that is in-line with the interest of the elites, and yet, resulted in the feedback loop, manifested through the strong resistance of the community.
Political institutions and public administration (General)
The principle of planned spatial development was common in the socialist period. It was both a tool to protect the economic interests of the state, and a legal instrument of the authoritarian state at the time. Its scope and application was general, and as such it resulted a disproportionate restriction of the individual’s ownership rights, far exceeding the needs of public interest. The institutions that applied it, i.e. the state administration authorities, had no democratic legitimacy. The principle of planned spatial development has not connotations with any type of political system, by its very nature. It might as well function as a legal measure in democratic states. In Poland it is currently applied in specific cases. The Swiss legal order assumes general application of this principle by public administration authorities, who have democratic legitimacy.
Dominik Bär, Francesco Pierri, Gianmarco De Francisci Morales
et al.
Political advertising on social media has become a central element in election campaigns. However, granular information about political advertising on social media was previously unavailable, thus raising concerns regarding fairness, accountability, and transparency in the electoral process. In this paper, we analyze targeted political advertising on social media via a unique, large-scale dataset of over 80000 political ads from Meta during the 2021 German federal election, with more than 1.1 billion impressions. For each political ad, our dataset records granular information about targeting strategies, spending, and actual impressions. We then study (i) the prevalence of targeted ads across the political spectrum; (ii) the discrepancies between targeted and actual audiences due to algorithmic ad delivery; and (iii) which targeting strategies on social media attain a wide reach at low cost. We find that targeted ads are prevalent across the entire political spectrum. Moreover, there are considerable discrepancies between targeted and actual audiences, and systematic differences in the reach of political ads (in impressions-per-EUR) among parties, where the algorithm favors ads from populists over others.
AbstractThis chapter looks at French bureaucracy since its establishment in 1789, given that public administration is a major element of modern political institutions. Contrary to current opinion—and perhaps counter-intuitively—it is heavily imbued with emotions. In post-revolutionary France, civil servants were encouraged to develop particular kinds of feelings in order to be considered good republicans and loyal servants to the sovereign state. The design and goals of two different National Schools of Administration, one founded in 1848 and one in 1945, show how different regimes nurtured the political emotions that were considered a requirement for bureaucratic service. The introduction and the conclusion evoke how the emotional template is still a matter of heated political confrontation.