Hasil untuk "International relations"

J. Agnew

J. Ruggie

R. Walker

R. Cox

Academic conventions divide the seamless web of the real social world into separate spheres, each with its own theorizing; this is a necessary and practical way of gaining understanding. Contemplation of undivided totality may lead to profound abstractions or mystical revelations, but practical knowledge (that which can be put to work through action) is always partial or fragmentary in origin. Whether the parts remain as limited, separated objects of knowledge, or become the basis for constructing a structured and dynamic view of larger wholes, is a major question of method and purpose. Either way, the starting point is some initial subdivision of reality, usually dictated by convention. It is wise to bear in mind that such a conventional cutting up of reality is at best just a convenience of the mind. These segments, however, derive indirectly from reality insofar as they are the result of practices, that is to say, the responses of consciousness to the pressures of reality. Subdivisions of social knowledge thus may roughly correspond to the ways in which human affairs are organized in particular times and places. They may, accordingly, appear to be increasingly arbitrary when practices change. International relations is a case in point. It is an area of study concerned with the interrelationships among states in an epoch in which states, and most commonly nation-states, are the principal aggregations of political power.

Y. Koch

Mile Obrenović

Ako pođemo od postulata da vojna strategija podrazumeva vođenje rata s namerom postizanja određenog cilja, osnovni preduslov za bavljenje vojnom strategijom je razumevanje rata. S obzirom na to da rat predstavlja jednu od najsloženijih društvenih pojava, koja tokom vremena permanentno menja svoja osnovna obeležja, teško je „ukrotiti” osnovne karakteristike rata. Imajući u vidu tu složenu prirodu rata, utvrđivanje njene dinamične prirode je praktičnije usmeravanjem na jednu od karakteristika, a to je u ovom slučaju prostorna dimenzija rata. Razumevanje prostorne dimenzije rata je jedan od preduslova za razumevanje samog rata i kako se on u tom pogledu menjao tokom vremena. Nekadašnjiratovi su se vodili oružanom borbom „prsa u prsa”, što je omogućavalo da bojište bude jasno određen geografski prostor i socijalni konstrukt kojem se pripusuju isključivo ratne namene. Postavlja se pitanje da li je pojam bojišta danas moguće odrediti u prostornom i u socijalno-konstruktivističkom smislu? Osnovna pretpostavka na kojoj počiva rad jeste da je bojište doživelo potpuno transformaciju, koja je sa razvojem hibridnog rata doživela vrhunac, čime je od prostora na kojem je geografija imala primat nad ratom bojište postalo prostor u kojem rat ima primat nad geografijom. Analizom vojnog strateškog promišljanja od Sun Cua do savremenih vojnih stratega, moguće je uočiti kako se danas u vođenju rata za postizanje političkih ciljeva ne daje primat taktici koja će se najbolje prilagoditi geografskim okolnostima, nego taktici koja će najbolje prevladati geografske okolnosti. Tako je prostorna dimenzija rata i u strateškom promišljanju i u taktičkom delovanju proširena do tih granica da bojište nije moguće ni geografski ograničiti ni shvatiti kao socijalni konstrukt koji razdvaja vojno od civilnog.

Bryan Druzin, Anatole Boute, Michael Ramsden

While artificial intelligence (AI) holds enormous promise, many experts in the field are warning that there is a non-trivial chance that the development of AI poses an existential threat to humanity. Existing regulatory initiative do not address this threat but merely instead focus on discrete AI-related risks such as consumer safety, cybersecurity, data protection, and privacy. In the absence of regulatory action to address the possible risk of human extinction by AI, the question arises: What legal obligations, if any, does public international law impose on states to regulate its development. Grounded in the precautionary principle, we argue that there exists an international obligation to mitigate the threat of human extinction by AI. Often invoked in relation to environmental regulation and the regulation of potentially harmful technologies, the principle holds that in situations where there is the potential for significant harm, even in the absence of full scientific certainty, preventive measures should not be postponed if delayed action may result in irreversible consequences. We argue that the precautionary principle is a general principle of international law and, therefore, that there is a positive obligation on states under the right to life within international human rights law to proactively take regulatory action to mitigate the potential existential risk of AI. This is significant because, if an international obligation to regulate the development of AI can be established under international law, then the basic legal framework would be in place to address this evolving threat.

Dariush Salami, Nima Bahmani, Hüseyin Yiğitler et al.

We present a novel internal calibration framework for Millimeter- Wave (mmWave) Frequency-Modulated Continuous-Wave (FMCW) radars to ensure robust performance under internal temperature variations, tailored for deployment in dense wireless networks. Our approach mitigates the impact of temperature-induced drifts in radar hardware, enhancing reliability. We propose a temperature compensation model that leverages internal sensor data and signal processing techniques to maintain measurement accuracy. Experimental results demonstrate improved robustness across a range of internal temperature conditions, with minimal computational overhead, ensuring scalability in dense network environments. The framework also incorporates ethical design principles, avoiding reliance on sensitive external data. The proposed scheme reduces the Pearson correlation between the amplitude of the Intermediate Frequency (IF) signal and internal temperature drift up to 84%, significantly mitigating the temperature drift.

N. V. Krasnikov

We prove the internal inconsistency of the supersymmetric Wess-Zumino model. Our proof is based on three assumptions. The first assumption is that in the full theory the structure of counter temcs coincides with the structure of the counter terms in the perturbation theory. The second assumption is the positivity of norm states - no ghosts in the spectrum of the model. The third assumption is that the canonical commutation relations among generalized coordinates and momenta are valid in renormalized theory. The obtained results mean that there are negative norm states in the spectrum of the WZ model.

Basavaraja Bheemalingappa Sagar, Georg von Hippel, Giannis Koutsou et al.

In this proceeding contribution we discuss the status and progress towards a modernised and extended International Lattice Data Grid (ILDG), which has seen major developments, updates, and upgrades over the last year. In particular, metadata and file schemata have been extended. Moreover, the registration and authentication services have been modernised, and the file and metadata catalogues re-implemented.

J. Kelley, B. Simmons

Kamila Szymańska

Celem artykułu jest zdekonstruowanie wybranych narracji Władimira Putina o Ukrainie w oparciu o dostępną typologię narracji strategicznych. Pozwala to na wyjście poza wierzchnią warstwę komunikatów, których treść ewoluuje, dynamicznie dostosowując się do potrzeb nadawcy. Komunikacja strategiczna zawiera w sobie informacje o celach nadawcy, które są nadrzędne wobec samych narracji. Kreowane przez Putina mity o Ukrainie skupiały się przede wszystkim na aspekcie tożsamościowym i systemowym, a ich pochodną były narracje dotyczące problematyzowanych kwestii, jak integracja Ukrainy z Unią Europejską i aneksja jej terytoriów. Rezultatem pośrednim, który narracje miały wywołać wśród odbiorców, było osłabienie tożsamości i podmiotowości Ukrainy w stosunkach międzynarodowych. Oddziałując na tożsamość, Putin wpływał na interesy odbiorców tak, by te były zbieżne z jego strategicznymi celami. Zrozumienie celów, a także skutków pośrednich, jest kluczowe, gdyż sama treść narracji z założenia je maskuje.

Citra Hennida, Demas Nauvarian, Nabila Olivia Saptari et al.

Policy business management and public policy have dominated the discussion on changes and continuity in halal tourism policy formulation. However, similar results across differing cases suggest the need for a novel explanation that accounts for a socio-cultural explanation. This research aims to explore the role of belief systems and misperceptions to explain the success and failure of halal tourism policy sustainability. The case of Indonesia is the perfect laboratory for this research as the country hosts diverse strands of Islam, which are not limited to religious practice. This research utilizes qualitative comparative methodology by sampling two of Indonesia’s top halal tourism destinations, Lombok and Yogyakarta, which are chosen through maximum variation sampling based on their diversity of Islamic belief systems. Furthermore, this research found that while the two areas similarly have a segmented religious community, the institutionalized strands differ. In Yogyakarta, the moderate ruling elite has become the monarchy leading the region’s governance, while in Lombok, purist religious leaders hold political power. The differing belief systems have resulted in a polarised misperception of halal tourism that has hindered its policy implementation in different ways.

A. Y. Timofeev

The article analyzes the attitude of Yugoslav military analysts to the deployment of the Soviet troops in Afghanistan in 1979–1981. Afghanistan was not among diplomatic, or military priorities for Yugoslavia. After the coup in Afghanistan on April 27, 1978, relations between the two countries, previously rather formal, deteriorated, as Kabul started to move away from the non-alignment movement taking a pro-Soviet orientation. Yugoslavia saw Afghanistan as a non-aligned country and was extremely concerned about the Soviet interference in the internal affairs of a sovereign state. This political assessment heavily influenced the views of Yugoslav military expert, resulting into some distorted conclusions and numerous overlooked lessons. This testifies to the primacy of everyday political (and even propaganda) needs over military science in Yugoslavia. They believed that Afghanistan would turn into a permanent problem for the USSR. Despite the rich empirical material, Yugoslav analysts did not see any novelty in tactics and the use of new weapons in mountainous areas. They neglected to analyze the tactics of anti-partisan actions in the highlands; their predictions were not original; they ignored the presence of militant fundamentalism as a factor in the conduct of hostilities.

M. Schroder

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J. Rosenberg

Shumilin, A.I.

The article examines reasons for the increased «concern» of the states of the Middle East about what is happening around Ukraine. At the official level, they declare their neutrality and noninterference in the conflict, although some of them supply military equipment and ammunition to one of the warring parties. Under the current conditions, the Middle Eastern states are primarily concerned about their own security to a much greater extent than the countries of other regions, since over the past decades, the growth of tension between the USSR/Russia and the West has often been directly projected onto the Middle East, leading to a surge of confrontation between its main players. The concern of the states of the region with what is happening around Ukraine is connected not only with fears that a European war could «revive» muted conflicts in Syria, Libya, Yemen, increase tension in the Persian Gulf, but also with their involvement in global processes both in the sphere of economy and politics. For example, the latest moves by oil-exporting countries to protect their interests in the energy market are often interpreted in the West as «assistance to Russia». This forces some countries in the region to emphasize their neutrality with political gestures – such as voting in international organizations against the Russian Federation. The elites of a number of Arab states in these conditions are trying to offer intermediary services to Russia and Ukraine. Below we consider the reasons for such an approach to the crisis in Europe by Turkey, Saudi Arabia and the UAE.

Andrew Hayes

On November 26th, 2020, Andrew Hayes, Detective Chief Inspector for the South Wales Police presented Combatting Terrorism and Extremism in Wales: Operational Policing at the 2020 CASIS West Coast Security Conference. Main discussion topics included terrorism and extremism in Wales, factors involved in radicalization, and some of the strategies used to safeguard individuals at risk of radicalization.

Jacob Carlson, Trevor Incerti, P. M. Aronow

Quantitative empirical inquiry in international relations often relies on dyadic data. Standard analytic techniques do not account for the fact that dyads are not generally independent of one another. That is, when dyads share a constituent member (e.g., a common country), they may be statistically dependent, or "clustered." Recent work has developed dyadic clustering robust standard errors (DCRSEs) that account for this dependence. Using these DCRSEs, we reanalyzed all empirical articles published in International Organization between January 2014 and January 2020 that feature dyadic data. We find that published standard errors for key explanatory variables are, on average, approximately half as large as DCRSEs, suggesting that dyadic clustering is leading researchers to severely underestimate uncertainty. However, most (67% of) statistically significant findings remain statistically significant when using DCRSEs. We conclude that accounting for dyadic clustering is both important and feasible, and offer software in R and Stata to facilitate use of DCRSEs in future research.

S. Strauss