Powell was the ninth and final recruit to the One Nation Group (ONG) created in 1950 to effectively counter Labour social policies. Their strategy was to produce a number of pamphlets while reappropriating the rhetoric, myth and legacy of Disraeli to promote One Nation Conservatism. The ONG was heterogeneous, resulting in the promotion of ideas and proposals for compromise. However, Powell played an increasingly prominent role within the group, pushing more and more for a free market ideological positioning. The purpose of this paper is to analyse Powell's contribution and role within the ONG, showing that redefining conservatism through the prism of One Nation could provide an effective way to oppose Socialism in the battle of ideas. Powell and Macleod also sketched out a One Nation vision of the Welfare State in 1952. This was a very important date for Powell, as it marked a serious free market inflection in his thinking which was clearly felt in the pamphlet drafted by the ONG in 1954. The study of the ONG through Powell's lens will show the plasticity and fluidity of One Nation Conservatism from the 1950s onwards.
In Smile (2017), Roddy Doyle represents a society that is still heavily influenced by the moral authority of the Catholic Church and that, therefore, avoids any open discussion about sexuality in any of its manifestations. In the midst of this climate, Victor Forde, the working-class protagonist of the novel, tries to disclose the sexual abuse he suffered as a child in a Christian Brotherhood School. In my article, I argue that the silences and taboos that permeate the society as represented in the novel, and the protagonist’s awareness that his social position made him the perfect target for abuse, condition Victor’s only opportunity for disclosure; this – and the absolute failure of his attempts at divulgence – ultimately frustrates his chances of healing from trauma and of leading an ordinary life.
In his contribution Jérôme Bastianelli traces the history of the construction of the Crystal Palace and offers a stimulating parallel between John Ruskin’s view of the preservation of national heritage as exposed in his pamphlet written at the time of the inauguration of the building in 1854 and contemporary cultural heritage policies conducted in England and in France. He concludes with a reminder of Ruskin’s heritage theories on Marcel Proust.
Interpretation at The Auschwitz-Birkenau Memorial and Museum (ABMM): Working Conditions, Problems and Interpreter’s Profile
In 2016 The Auschwitz-Birkenau Memorial and Museum was visited by over 2 million people, of whom over 400 thousand were Polish speakers. The others, over 1.5 million people, heard about the history of the camp from guides speaking their native languages. The largest group consisted of tourists from Great Britain, the United States, Italy, Spain, Israel and Germany. Due to the constantly increasing number of foreign tourists, the ABMM had to face the problem of shortage of guides speaking particular languages. Thus, a more and more popular solution is hiring interpreters who, along with Polish-speaking guides, provide the history of the camp to foreign language tourists. The time of sightseeing the ABMM with a guide is limited, therefore quick decision making regarding the interpretation is of the crucial importance. Basing on surveys carried out among interpreters I would like to present the interpretation at the Auschwitz Museum as an example of intercultural dialogue. Problems which interpreters are faced with and the way these problems are approached have a tremendous impact on the reception of the heard history.
This paper examines on the basis of the British archival records the attitude
of Great Britain towards the consular initiative of the Great Powers in
August and September 1875. It was the first joint undertaking of the European
powers in the Great Eastern Crisis (1875-1878). In the British view, it was
the ambitions of the League of the Three Emperors in the Balkans and
Austria-Hungary in Bosnia-Herzegovina that underpinned the initiative.
Although the consuls had limited authority, Britain accepted the initiative
with reluctance and mistrust - and only after the Ottoman Empire had given
its consent. When the League of the Three Emperors proposed more extensive
powers for the consuls in order to prevent the failure of their mission, both
the Ottoman Empire and Great Britain declined this proposal. This meant that
the Consular Mission could accomplish nothing. [Project of the Serbian
Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development, Grant no.
177011: History of political ideas and institutions in the Balkans in the
19th and 20th centuries]
The vision of the 1970s tends to be dominated by the notions of crisis and decline. However the 1970s were also characterised by a number of experiments, sometimes failures but also sometimes successes, which contributed to shaping late 20th and early 21st century Britain. It is the aim of this article to establish and document to what extent this applies to immigration and integration.
This essay will examine the exposé of the realities regarding poverty, immorality and sexual crime in the Irish Free State by the radical journal Honesty (1925-1931). Honesty was edited by the socialist republican James W. Upton, a man with a longstanding commitment to the rights of women and the poor. Upton was by instinct anti-establishment in an era when the country’s religio-political leadership was insecure and keen to manage the Free State’s news agenda. Something they attempted in the service of projecting what was viewed as an ideologically acceptable image of life in the Free Sate, to both domestic and foreign audiences. Upton viewed this policy as a manifestation of the social and political cant favoured by the Free State’s leadership, which was aided and abetted by, and gave succour to, the hypocrisy of wider bourgeois Free State society. A coalition of forces, Upton reasoned, that damaged the interests of the most vulnerable sections of Irish society, in particular, the nation’s women and children living on or below the breadline. However, notwithstanding it radicalism and reputation in the Free State, Honesty has been largely lost to the history of Irish journalism.
This paper aims to analyse the evolution of the Conservative Party’s stance on immigration in the 1970s, by focusing both on the radicalization of their political discourse and the expansion of the National Front until Margaret Thatcher’s 1979 victory, which in turn marked its significant decline. First, the analysis will focus on the 1971 Immigration Law, showing not only how the Conservatives continued to pursue a restrictive policy stemming from the previous decade, but also what the consequences of Britain’s membership in the EEC on the 1971 legislation were. The Heath years can be better accounted for if one takes into account Enoch Powell’s influential ideas on the immigration debate, publicly put forward in his April 1968 « Rivers of Blood » speech, and the Conservative government’s strain to handle the 1972 Uganda crisis. Furthermore, Thatcher, who became leader of the Conservative Party in 1975, pushed her party towards a harsher stance on immigration which was to result in a new restrictive law in 1981, well prepared beforehand in the Opposition years in the late 1970s. That period of time undoubtedly embodied the beginning of the National Front’s strong decline after a decade of expansion since its creation.