Hasil untuk "International relations"

B. Buzan

M. Barnett, R. Duvall

B. Russett, J. O'neal

Jeffrey T. Checkel

Alexander Wendt

Marine Holborow

Sally Nieman

Charles Kupchan is a distinguished academic (professor of international relations at Georgetown University), a respected researcher (senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations), and author of many publications and has bridged the gap between academe and government (through service on the National Security Council during the first Clinton administration). He is also a clear-eyed Eur-optimist, more hopeful about the prospects of the European Union (EU) than most Europeans. The title of this provocative book tells it all. The author believes we are at the end of the American era. In the immediate past, he contends, the United States as the only superpower dominated the global scene. But this “unipolar moment” could not last, which is probably a good thing. Particularly under the Bush administration, argues this veteran of the preceding administration, American policy has become unilateral, relying too heavily on military force, disregarding international institutions, seeking to be free of the salutary restraints imposed by international law and diplomacy. The United States consequently has alienated world opinion and provoked resistance to its policies. But even discounting the unilateral proclivities of the Bush administration, for Kupchan undue concentration of power in one country (echoing a central theme of The Federalist Papers) is unhealthy. A diffusion of power is as necessary on the global level as it is within the political system of any nation. The ascending power in the world today, he contends, is the European Union. In the future, East Asia will also ascend and will have to be dealt with in its turn. America’s task is to welcome the EU, with which it shares basic values, as an equal partner. Together the United States and the EU should reinforce rule-based international cooperation through international law, the United Nations, and financial and trade institutions in order to facilitate the integration of East Asian and developing countries into a peaceful global system. Who could object? What could possibly be wrong with this picture? At least four points upon which the argument rests call for a closer look.

R. Putnam

G. Scally

Alexander Wendt

R. Stamler, A. Nissinen, U. Uusitalo et al.

Michael C. Williams

Andreas Dür, Leonardo Baccini, Manfred Elsig

Thomas Risse-Kappen

W. Glänzel

Alexander S. Acosta, Á. H. Crespo, J. Agudo

This study contributes to literature on the internationalization of SMEs by analysing the influence of International Market Orientation, Network Capability, and International Entrepreneurial Orientation on the International Performance of this kind of businesses. Particularly, both the direct effects of explanatory variables of International Performance and interdependence relations between them are analysed. Results obtained from a sample of 161 Mexican SMEs using SEM-PLS analysis show that the International Performance of this kind of businesses is favourably influenced by their Network Capability and International Entrepreneurial Orientation, but not by their International Market Orientation. Similarly, it is verified that interdependence relations exist among the explanatory variables of International Performance of SMEs, where positive impact of International Entrepreneurial Orientation is observed on Network Capability and the International Market Orientation of SMEs.

D. Young

Sergey A. Tishkov

The article examines the role of the Republic of Kenya in providing security beyond the African continent and the potential of an ad hoc coalition formed of “secondary” states as an alternative to institutionalized collective security systems in the context of new forms of peacekeeping development. In the 2020s, it became evident that the liberal peacebuilding paradigm was not applicable to Haiti. At present a failed state could not resist the growth of gangsterism without external military support, which has led to a serious security crisis. In October 2023, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) authorized the deployment of the Kenya-led Multinational Security Support mission (MSS) to assist the Haitian authorities in confronting urban gangs. The mission’s mandate was extended in September 2024. The deployment of this mission signals the start of a new cycle of external intervention in Haiti. The purpose of this article is to analyze the experience and lessons of the formation and functioning of a stabilization ad hoc coalition involving “secondary” states, and the role of the leader state (by the example of Kenya) in a changing international environment. The study’s methodology is based on interdisciplinary, historical and systemic approaches. It is stated that the readiness of the Republic of Kenya to lead the coalition forces demonstrates an increased ability of African states to play a leading role in providing security beyond the continent. However, the deployment of the international mission has been significantly delayed. Currently, the stabilization forces have very limited resources and capabilities with which to support the Haitian national police. A thorough examination of the initial phase of the MSS in Haiti confirms the working hypothesis that the effectiveness of the coalition forces is associated with the role of a leading state with international authority and resources for a stabilization or peacekeeping operation. The experience of the initial stage of the coalition forces’ mission revealed a gap between the ambitions of “secondary” states and their capacity to conduct coalition operations independently. Along with the common difficulties of providing predictable and sustainable funding for similar operations, the MSS faced a number of national-level challenges related to the establishment of a legal framework for the deployment of Kenyan peacekeepers to Haiti, as well as a lack of support from the Kenyan opposition and public. It is noted that the United States (US) continues to patron “failed states” and creates coalitions with “secondary” states, involving them in the US geopolitical goals in the Caribbean region achievement.

Emilse Calderón

Este artículo busca comprender el posicionamiento argentino frente al conflicto en Ucrania como parte de la política exterior de los Gobiernos de Alberto Fernández y Javier Milei, articulando la mirada teórica del realismo neoclásico. A tal fin, se plantea una metodología cualitativa a través de un estudio de caso, empleando como técnicas de recolección de datos el fichaje bibliográfico y documental de las fuentes primarias y secundarias trabajadas mediante la técnica de análisis de contenidos. Se sostiene que el posicionamiento de ambos Gobiernos frente a la guerra como parte de la política exterior se entiende en función del condicionamiento de dos variables sistémicas, mediatizado, a su vez, por el influjo de otras dos variables domésticas. Más precisamente, las primeras son la relevancia del escenario de conflicto dado su impacto sobre el deterioro de la gobernanza de los asuntos de seguridad internacional y el vínculo de Argentina con los Estados involucrados en la disputa. Las segundas son la estrategia de inserción internacional que implementan los Gobiernos y el lugar que le otorgan al conflicto en la agenda nacional.